Abstract
With their timely, interactive nature and wide public access, social media have provided a new platform that empowers stakeholders and corporations to interact in crisis communication. This study investigates crisis communication strategies and stakeholders’ emotions in response to a real corporate crisis—the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214—in order to enhance our understanding of socially mediated crisis communication. The authors examine 8,530 responses from Chinese stakeholders to crisis communication on the Chinese microblogging Web site Sina Weibo. Their findings suggest that the integrated use of accommodative and defensive communication strategies in the early stage of postcrisis communication prevented escalation of the crisis.
Keywords
Social media, particularly social networking sites (SNS) such as Facebook, Twitter, or Sina Weibo, are becoming increasingly important means for companies to interact with their Web-savvy customers and other online stakeholders. Because they build on the technological foundations of Web 2.0 and allow the creation and exchange of user-generated content (Kaplan & Haenlein, 2010), social media are more dialogic, faster instruments for building relationships between companies and their stakeholders than are classical off-line media (Schultz, Utz, & Goritz, 2011). Thus, social media have indeed become irreplaceable avenues of communication for corporations of all sizes.
Because various corporations have increasingly adopted social media for communication purposes due to their unique functions and features, researchers have investigated social media’s functional dimensions (Kietzmann, Hermkens, McCarthy, & Silvestre, 2011); key driving factors, such as strategy, capacity, governance, and environment (Nah & Saxton, 2012); interaction with entrepreneurs (Fischer & Reuber, 2010); and transformation on corporate disclosure (Bonsón & Flores, 2011). There are also studies on the social media ecosystem (Hanna, Rohm, & Crittenden, 2011), the personalities of social media users (Correa, Hinsley, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2010) and their use of emoticons (Fullwood, Orchard, & Floyd, 2012), translation behavior within social media (Piekkari, Welch, Welch, Peltonen, & Vesa, 2013), and the advantages and challenges of social media platforms (Kaplan & Haenlein, 2010). Insights gained from these studies could guide existing and potential users to effectively make use of this interactive channel.
With its timely transmission and response time, as well as wide public access and interactive nature, social media facilitate two-way interaction between organizations and the public in crisis communication. Similarly, such media enable the dynamic interaction between corporations and stakeholders and between the stakeholders themselves, who are becoming more visible in the communicative process of crisis frame building (Van der Meer & Verhoeven, 2013). In addition, social media provide corporations with a platform for regaining audience trust in crisis situations (Taylor & Perry, 2005), for serving as a resource not only for sharing information but also for allaying the public’s anxiety. As such, social media have the potential to prevent crisis escalation (Van der Meer & Verhoeven, 2013).
Having realized the importance of social media in crisis communication and management, Austin, Liu, and Jin (2012) proposed a social-mediated crisis communication model (SCCM) that maps out the relationship between organizations and stakeholders in communication via both social media and traditional media. And factors including crisis origin, form, predictability, and controllability and publics’ acceptance of social media have been examined and identified by researchers in experimental settings (Austin et al., 2012; Jin, 2010; Jin, Liu, & Austin, 2014). Jin (2010) suggested that, especially on the interactive social media platform, organizations play the important role of a crisis—coping facilitator in helping to clarify information for stakeholders and reduce their uncertainty and negative feelings.
The study of crisis origin, crisis communication strategies, and public emotions in a crisis situation needs to be extended in order to enhance our understanding of socially mediated crisis communication in corporate contexts across cultural boundaries. Therefore, this study investigates the corporate management of crisis communication strategies on a leading social media platform in China, Sina Weibo, in relation to stakeholders’ emotions and their acceptance of the strategies. We selected the case of the Asiana Airlines Flight 214 crash to investigate how crisis communication was mediated on Sina Weibo.
To refer to the stakeholders in this crisis situation, we use the term publics, a “group of people who face a common issue” (González-Herrero & Pratt, 1996, p. 84). Various terms have been employed by different scholars to refer to publics. For instance, Fearn-Banks (2002) used both stakeholders and publics whereas Ulmer, Sellnow, and Seeger (2007) preferred stakeholders, and Benoit and Pang (2008) employed the term audiences. Rawlins (2006) succinctly defined publics as “the term used for stakeholders in the public relations literature … the term has frequently been related to the recipients of messages from organizations” (p. 2). And recent crisis communication studies (Choi & Lin, 2009; Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2014; Jin, Pang, & Cameron, 2012; Kim & Cameron, 2011) have commonly used the term when referring to key stakeholders facing the same crisis situation.
Our study unfolds the dynamic nature of the mediation between the corporation and the publics in this complex crisis situation. We particularly focus on the corporation’s crisis communication strategies and the publics’ acceptance of these strategies, their emotions, and their coping strategies. Before we present the research questions, method, and findings for this study, we first provide a brief review of the literature on socially mediated crisis communication.
A Brief Review of the Literature
Taylor and Perry (2005) suggested that social media, as interactive platforms, have posted new possibilities for organizations’ proactive approach to a crisis and exemplified the paradigm shift from one-way communication—where an organization tells the publics what it chooses—to two-way interaction between the organization and the publics that gives publics the opportunity to respond. Social media serve as channels of news distribution during crises and help determine popular attitudes toward and opinions about the actions and responses of the protagonists (Henderson, 2003). Therefore, social media may have both a direct and an indirect impact on publics, particularly when the publics view social media as an unfiltered and up-to-date line of communication (Austin et al., 2012; Procopio & Procopio, 2007). In other words, social media, acting as crisis communication tools, have opened other doorways to regaining publics’ trust in the affected organizations (Taylor & Perry, 2005).
In the initial phase of a crisis, social media play a crucial role by acting as information-sharing resources to pacify the publics, allay fears, and avert crisis escalation (Van der Meer & Verhoeven, 2013). During the crisis, timely, accurate, and effective communication is essential. The use of social media makes it possible to provide an early and prompt crisis response to the vast majority of stakeholders. An organization’s proactive approach in using social media for releasing information to stakeholders during a crisis is integral to effective crisis communication. If the crisis information is disseminated by a third party through social media, the publics’ attribution-dependent emotions, such as anger, contempt, and disgust, are likely to be intensified or aggravated when the organization is actually responsible for the crisis (Jin et al., 2014). But if organizations themselves disseminate crisis information through social media, they assume the important role of crisis-coping facilitator to clarify information for the publics and reduce their uncertainty and negative feelings (Jin, 2010).
Furthermore, Schultz, Utz, and Goritz (2011) have discovered that in crisis communication, the medium is more important than the message. Although people still refer to newspaper articles, social media have a more positive effect on secondary crisis communication (e.g., recipients hearing information and leaving messages) and reactions. Therefore, our study focuses on how a corporation uses social media as an interactive and effective way to mediate crisis communication to the publics in a real crisis situation. As Austin et al. (2012) suggested, having a well-established social media presence and good relationships with social media users is beneficial for releasing information during a crisis. Sharing user-generated content, particularly in disasters or emergency situations, may help to spread information the organization wishes to share (Austin et al., 2012) and maximize communicative effectiveness (Freberg, 2012).
Taking into account the importance of using social media for prompt and effective crisis communication, scholars have started to investigate the conceptual framework of socially mediated crisis communication with various groups of companies, crises, and stakeholders so as to further refine the framework with a more in-depth analysis and wider coverage of samples that cater to different social and cultural contexts (Austin et al., 2012; Jin, 2010; Kietzmann et al., 2011; Kim & Cameron, 2011; Schultz et al., 2011). For instance, Austin et al. (2012) proposed an SCCM that explores the relationship between organizations and publics in communication via social and traditional media. And the association between crisis origin, form, predictability, controllability, and response strategies and publics’ acceptance of social media has also been examined by researchers in experimental settings (Austin et al., 2012; Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2014). But further study into crisis communication strategies and response management in an “ongoing real crisis situation” is warranted (Jin et al., 2014, p. 90).
We believe that a detailed investigation of current studies of real crisis situations from a sociopsychological perspective that focuses on perception and response shaping in a specific cultural context, such as the fast-growing China, would help us understand socially mediated crisis communication in corporate contexts. A number of related studies have been done on crisis communication in the China context (e.g., Chen, 2013; Liang, 2012; Jing Zhao, 2012; Jing yang Zhao, 2013), but few studies have investigated communication with the Chinese publics via the Chinese social media platform in a real crisis situation. Therefore, this study examines an ongoing real crisis situation with respect to the corporate management of crisis communication strategies on a leading social media platform in China, Sina Weibo, in relation to the publics’ acceptance of the strategies and expressed emotions.
In the crisis situation that we selected for investigating how crisis communication was mediated on Sina Weibo, the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214, the Chinese publics, who learned about the crisis through news media (Jin, 2010), had a high stake because the plane crash caused the death of three Chinese students. After the crisis, Sina Weibo became the leading platform for corporate–stakeholder communication.
Unlike Facebook and Twitter, which are both globally used, Sina Weibo has a user population that is concentrated in the Greater China region. Sina Weibo is “a Twitter-like microblogging service provided by Sina corporation.… It is reported to have over 300 million registered users and generate about 100 million posts per day” (Yuan, Feng, & Danowski, 2013, p. 1014). Although Twitter and Sina Weibo have a comparable number of users—Sina Weibo’s registered users reached 600 million in 2015—Twitter is available in 29 languages (and Facebook is available in 70 languages) whereas Sina Weibo is available only in Simplified Chinese, Traditional Chinese, and English (but without a complete English interface). Despite the limited number of languages that are available on Sina Weibo, it is considered to be the “direct interface” in public relations management in Hong Kong and China (Ngai & Ng, 2013, p. 577). Having a range of features similar to those of Facebook and Twitter, Sina Weibo (see Appendix) has a unique positioning and characteristics that attract different groups of users in China.
Purpose of Study and Research Questions
Given its dominance and functional role, Sina Weibo became the main social media platform for crisis communication between the corporation and the Chinese publics in the aftermath of the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214 on July 6, 2013. We found 38 corporate posts from Asiana Airlines and 8,350 responses from Chinese publics on Sina Weibo related to this crash. In contrast, we found only 566 and 53 responses on Facebook and Twitter, respectively. We examined the crisis communication mediated by Sina Weibo using a qualitative content analysis to unfold the dynamic nature of the mediation between the corporation and the publics in this complex crisis situation. In particular, we focused on the corporation’s crisis communication strategies and the publics’ acceptance of these strategies, emotions, and coping strategies.
To begin with, we needed to identify the crisis communication strategies that the airlines adopted on Sina Weibo in connection to the origin and appraisal dimensions (i.e., predictability and controllability) of the crisis. Based on the National Transportation Safety Board’s (NTSB) investigation, the cause of the crash was closely associated with the pilot’s control of speed in the last 2.5 minutes before the crash (Associate Press, 2013). Because, as the investigation determined, the pilot’s slow and low flying of Flight 214 was responsible for the crash, it could be categorized as an internally generated crisis with high corporate responsibility (Coombs & Holladay, 2002), low crisis predictability, and low crisis controllability (Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2014). Crisis predictability refers to how well the publics could predict what was going to happen in the situation whereas crisis controllability refers to how the publics “view their own control over the crisis situation” (Jin, 2010, p. 526).
Taking crisis origin, predictability, and controllability into consideration, a corporation could employ a variety of crisis response strategies ranging from accommodative (e.g., providing compensation or an apology) to defensive (e.g., attacking the accuser, issuing a denial, providing excuses or justifications) for postcrisis reputation building (Coombs & Holladay, 2002; Huang, 2006). Of these, the accommodative strategy is often regarded as an effective strategy for image repair, especially when the publics regard the corporation as responsible for the crisis (Coombs, 1998; Jin et al., 2014; Lee, 2004; Lyon & Cameron, 2004). Coombs and Holladay (2002) have suggested that the accommodative crisis communication strategy, particularly a full apology strategy, is expected in a crisis situation where corporate holds a high responsibility. Jin (2010) has also proposed that accommodative strategy is preferred in a crisis with high predictability and low controllability. But in a crisis with low predictability and controllability, as in the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214, a justification strategy is most preferred. The organization’s reputation could be preserved and their image could be restored if it chooses an appropriate crisis communication response (Heath & Coombs, 2006). Our first research question (RQ), then, was the following:
For a thorough understanding of the crisis communication strategies employed, we have adopted Lukaszewski’s (2001) seven-step approach to crisis communication management to unfold the tendency and use of accommodative and justification strategies, the two response strategies that researchers have suggested are most effective for crises with different levels of corporate responsibility, predictability, and controllability (Coombs, 1998; Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2014; Lee, 2004; Lyon & Cameron, 2004). This seven-step approach includes candor (acknowledging or apologizing for the problem), explanation (providing a prompt and brief reason for the problem), declaration (committing to taking steps to resolve the situation and discussing those steps), contrition (taking responsibility by showing regret, empathy, and sympathy), consultation (involving stakeholders when offering a solution), commitment (making a promise), and restitution (making prompt and unconditional restoration). The candor, declaration, contrition, consultation, commitment, and restitution approaches are accommodative strategies whereas the explanation approach is a justification strategy.
Our next two research questions focus on the publics’ acceptance of the crisis communication strategies that the corporation adopted. This acceptance can be revealed by (a) the change in frequency and volume and (b) the tonality of the publics’ responses toward these crisis communication strategies. Corporate manifestation on social media can allay publics’ panic and speculation and, as a result, prevent crisis escalation (Van der Meer & Verhoeven, 2013). And, as Fearn-Banks (2002, p. 2) remarked, the objectives of crisis communication are to influence “public perception” and restore corporations’ “normalcy,” image, and reputation. The change in frequency and volume of the publics’ responses to the corporation’s crisis communication strategies could explain if the crisis is prevented from escalating and whether “normalcy” will be restored. This study therefore examines the effectiveness of the specific crisis communication strategies adopted in a real crisis situation involving communication with Chinese stakeholders on a leading social media platform.
In examining the publics’ acceptance of the adopted crisis communication strategies, we wanted to see whether the tonality of the publics’ responses complemented their response frequency and volume. Both Coombs (1998) and Lyon and Cameron (2004) showed that an apologetic and accommodative response is preferred in a crisis of internal origin. And a high level of public acceptance is expected when a corporation adopts accommodative responses in a crisis of internal origin (Jin et al., 2014). On the other hand, Jin (2010) found that publics tended to accept the corporation’s use of a justification strategy in a crisis of low predictability and low controllability. Therefore, we posed the following research questions:
We also wanted to determine how the negative emotions that the publics expressed in their responses on Sina Weibo during the crisis related to the crisis communication strategies that the corporation adopted. Previous research has identified a direct relationship between corporate crisis responsibility and six predominant negative public emotions—anger, sadness, anxiety, fright, contempt, and disappointment—in that these specific emotions could cause undesirable crisis outcomes (Choi & Lin, 2009; Jin, 2010; Jin, Pang, & Cameron, 2007; Jin et al., 2014; Lazarus, 1991; McDonald, Sparks, & Glendon, 2010). For instance, anger and fear may instigate negative word of mouth (Coombs, 2007; McDonald et al., 2010). Further, in a study of a crisis with low predictability and low controllability, fright was the primary emotion observed (Jin, 2010).
Research also indicates that high crisis responsibility often correlates with negative public emotions (Choi & Lin, 2009; McDonald et al., 2010), especially in an internally generated crisis like the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214, in which the publics tend to be more negative and less sympathetic (Jin et al., 2014). Therefore, we posed the following two research questions:
Finally, we wanted to examine the strategies that the publics used to cope with their emotions in a crisis situation. An understanding of such strategies could help corporations to “customize messages for publics in crisis” (Jin, 2010, p. 529) and determine whether action is required and, if so, what kind of action to take (Jin et al., 2007; Lazarus, 1991). For example, in crisis situations with low organization engagement, publics are expected to adopt cognitive coping (rational and positive thinking) in order to cope with emotions of fright and sadness (Jin et al., 2012). In such cases, the organization needs to inform the “people affected by the crisis how they should physically react to the crisis” (Sturges, 1994, p. 308).
Drawing on Duhachek’s (2005) study, Jin (2010) proposed a framework for a three-dimensional coping strategy: cognitive coping (rational thinking, positive thinking, avoidance and denial), conative coping (action and instrumental support), and emotional coping (emotional support and venting). In this framework, each dimension enacts a diverse set of strategies for coping with different types of crises. Other research suggests that coping strategies are driven by two determinants: the certainty and controllability of the situation (Slovic, 1987). For instance, the emotional coping strategy is preferred when emotions of fear are triggered in a low certainty and control crisis situation (Lerner, Gonzalez, Small, & Fischhoff, 2003) whereas the conative coping strategy is preferred when anger—another predominant type of negative emotion—is provoked in a high certainty and control crisis situation (Lerner & Keltner, 2000, 2001). Thus, the emotions displayed in the publics’ responses could reveal their coping strategies. For instance, rational and positive responses could indicate that the publics employed the cognitive coping strategy whereas emotional responses could indicate that the publics’ employed the emotional coping strategy.
Regarding the publics’ preference for a particular coping strategy in a crisis situation of low predictability and controllability, such as that surrounding the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214, Jin’s (2010) earlier study confirmed that the emotional coping strategy, including the use of emotional venting and support, is most preferred by the publics to manage their crisis-induced negative emotions. Therefore, our last research question investigates how the coping strategies that the publics adopted relate to the emotions identified in their responses on Sina Weibo:
Method
In this study, we analyzed all the posts and responses concerning the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214 that we found on the Asiana Airlines’ corporate Sina Weibo site. In total, we found 38 posts by Asiana Airlines and 8,530 Chinese responses. Because of the large number of public responses to this crisis on Sina Weibo (compared with 566 and 53 responses on Facebook and Twitter, respectively), we adopted simple random sampling, selecting for coding the first 5 responses per hour that were posted by Chinese publics from July 7 to July 23, 2013. In total, we selected all 38 corporate posts and 1,725 responses from the Chinese publics. Using the Sample Size Calculator built and supported by the National Statistical Service (n.d.) at the Australia Bureau of Statistics, we found that the minimum sample size for 8,350 responses is 615 (standard error at .01941) when the confidence level is set at 99%, proportion at .5, and confidence interval at .05. Thus, the 1,725 responses that we selected by using the simple random sampling of 5 responses per hour reached a confidence level of 99%, with a confidence interval of .02763 and standard error of .01073.
To code our data, we enlisted a trained coder, who followed a codebook with our coding guidelines for each research question (Huang, 2006). We used content analysis to determine what crisis communication strategies the airlines employed (Research Question 1). Each sentence in all 38 corporate posts were coded using Lukaszewski’s (2001) seven-step approach to crisis management in order to determine the use of crisis response strategies (Coombs & Holladay, 2002; Huang, 2006), especially the accommodative and justification strategies for postcrisis reputation building. The seven steps in this approach are candor, explanation, declaration, contrition, consultation, commitment, and restitution. Table 1 provides examples of sentences in our study that were coded with this seven-step approach.
Examples of Coded Sentences for Each Step in the Seven-Step Approach.
We scrutinized the 38 corporate posts and all 8,530 responses from the Chinese publics to determine how the publics’ acceptance of the crisis communication strategies related to the frequency and volume (number) of responses generated (Research Question 2). Then, we coded the selected 1,725 public responses to uncover the dominant tonality (negative, neutral, or positive) of these responses (Research Question 3). Table 2 shows examples of the coded responses for each tone type.
Examples of Coded Responses for Each Tone Type.
To reveal the negative emotions expressed in the Chinese publics’ responses to the corporate crisis response strategies (Research Questions 4 and 5), the 1,725 public responses were coded for their expression of six predominant negative emotions—anger, sadness, anxiety, fright, contempt, and disappointment (Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2007). Table 3 lists examples of the coded responses expressing these negative emotions.
Examples of the Coded Responses Expressing Six Negative Emotions.
To identify the coping strategies that the Chinese publics employed (Research Question 6), the selected 1,725 public responses were coded on a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = very emotional, 2 = rather emotional, 3 = partly emotional and partly rational, 4 = rather rational, 5 = very rational) to describe the level of the dominant emotion that the response evoked. Table 4 gives examples of coded responses for each of the five levels of emotions.
Examples of Coded Responses for the Five Levels of Emotions.
For a pilot run, one of us and the trained coder each coded the July 7 posts and responses in order to ensure that the trained coder had a thorough understanding of the codebook. When disagreements arose in the coding of this pilot run, the researcher discussed them with the coder and refined the codebook to explain how to code discrepant items (Huang, 2006). Then both coders double coded 10% of the corporate posts collected (i.e., 4 corporate posts and their 117 corresponding responses), including the first post on July 7 and the related responses that occurred on July 8, 10, 12, 14, and 16 for interrater checking (Kolbe & Burnett, 1991; Neuendorf, 2002). Using Statistical Product and Service Solutions (Bakeman, 2000; Dewey, 1983), we arrived at a Cohen’s κ of .937 agreement (n = 604).
Findings
In the following subsections, we discuss how our findings answered each of our six research questions.
The Crisis Communication Strategies Employed by Asiana Airlines on Sina Weibo
To answer Research Question 1, we examined the crisis communication strategies employed by Asiana Airlines after the crash of its Flight 214. We found that of the 38 corporate posts, 12 (32%) offered a full apology and employed the justification strategy. Using the seven-step approach to crisis communication management to study the corporate posts about the crash that appeared on Sina Weibo from July 7 to July 23, 2013, we found that the corporation adopted all seven steps in the July 7 and July 8 posts, five steps in the July 9 post, four steps in the July 12 and July 16 posts, three steps in the July 10 and July 13 posts, and only two steps in the July 23 post. Thus, we found a gradual decrease in the number of steps taken in the period studied (see Figure 1).

The use of the seven-step approach in corporate crisis communication posts on Sina Weibo.
Of the seven steps, explanation, with 88 sentences identified (41.1% of the codable sentences), 1 was the most commonly adopted step in the corporate crisis communication on Sina Weibo followed by declaration (n = 46, 21.5%) and contrition (n = 22, 10.3%). Explanation was also the most used step in the July 7 (n = 24, 30.4%), July 8 (n = 29, 52.7%), July 9 (n = 6, 33.3%), July 10 (n = 14, 73.7%), July 13 (n = 3, 60%), and July 23 (n = 6, 85.7%) posts. The proportion of declaration sentences on a single day peaked on July 16 (n = 10, 45.5%) whereas the proportion of contrition sentences peaked on July 12 (n = 5, 55.5%). Given the accommodative nature of the candor, declaration, contrition, consultation, commitment, and restitution steps, the percentage of the accommodative-oriented approaches that these steps encompassed reached 58.9% whereas the justification strategy that the explanation step encompassed accounted for the other 41.1%. This integrated use of accommodative- and justification-oriented approaches shows that Asiana Airlines used a blend of strategies in its crisis communication concerning the Flight 214 crash.
The airline’s blended use of accommodative and justification strategies might have resulted from the high corporate responsibility and the low predictability and controllability nature of the crash. In fact, the airlines seemed to favor the full-apology (accommodative) strategy in this internally originated crisis with low predictability and low controllability. Table 5 shows excerpts from the corporate posts that adopted a full-apology approach. These posts included apologies made by the CEO of Asiana Airlines to the victims and their families and an apology from Asiana Airlines to the Chinese publics.
Excerpts From Corporate Posts Adopting the Full-Apology Strategy.
The Chinese Publics’ Acceptance of the Corporate Crisis Communication Strategies
Research Question 2 examined how the publics’ acceptance of the crisis communication strategies related to the frequency and volume of their responses.
To answer Research Question 2, we first mapped the frequency and volume of the corporate posts and the Chinese publics’ responses from July 7 to July 23, 2013 (see Figure 2). Despite the relatively large number of responses from the publics, the publics’ responses were synonymous with the corporate posts in their gradual decline in volume from July 7 to July 13. The number of public responses reduced drastically when Asiana Airlines adopted the accommodative strategy, particularly on July 7 and July 8, when it held press conferences about the crash. The airline decided to synchronize its messages on both traditional and new media platforms by rendering similar messages at its July 7 and July 8 press conferences and on Sina Weibo. Using Weibo not only allowed the airline to provide up-to-date information about the incident and extend apologies to Chinese stakeholders; it encouraged timely two-way communication between the airline and the publics. After the airline’s release of 13 and 11 posts on July 7 and 8, respectively, the number of responses that the publics made dropped sharply from 4,626 on July 7 and 3,114 on July 8 to 400 on July 9 and only 49 on July 10. On July 23, the last day of corporate-initiated communication in this time period, only 82 fan responses were recorded. Our findings suggest, then, that Asiana Airlines’ crisis communication strategies effectively prevented crisis escalation (Van der Meer & Verhoeven, 2013) in the initial stage of postcrisis communication.

Corporate crisis communication posts and the publics’ responses (by date) on Sina Weibo.
Taking the 14-day precrisis (June 23 to July 7, 2013) and 14-day postcrisis (July 24 to August 6, 2013) responses on Asiana Airlines’ Sina Weibo site into account, we found an average of 13 responses before and 17 responses after the Flight 214 crash, which suggests that the publics’ communication with the corporation in relation to response frequency and volume was restored to “normalcy” (Fearn-Banks, 2002, p. 2).
Research Question 3 addressed the tonality of the publics’ responses to the specific crisis communication strategies. Negativity has commonly been noted in public responses when a crisis has an internal origin (Jin et al., 2014) and a corporation has high crisis responsibility (Choi & Lin, 2009; McDonald et al., 2010). We found that of the 1,725 public responses collected in our study from July 7 to July 23, negatively toned responses (n = 854, 49.5%) predominated over neutral (n = 704, 40.8%) and positive (n = 167, 9.7%) responses (see Figure 3).

Tonality of the publics’ responses (by date) on Sina Weibo.
But we found an overall growth in the proportion of responses that were positive or neutral toned from July 9 to July 13. This trend may be attributed to the airline’s adoption of the full-apology strategy in its corporate posts July 8, 9, 12, and 13 (see Tables 5 and 6). Table 6 displays selected quotations from the publics’ positive responses to corporate posts adopting an apology strategy.
Excerpts From the Publics’ Positive Responses to Corporate Posts Adopting the Full-Apology Strategy.
The ascending number of negatively toned responses after July 13 suggests a change in the publics’ perceptions toward Asiana Airlines. As Table 7 shows, the number of responses expressing anger rose again when Asiana Airlines tried to explain and justify its pilot selection and aircraft maintenance (Posts 10, 18, 22, and 27) and praised its staff for their contributions during the crisis (Post 20).
Six Negative Emotions Expressed in the Publics’ Responses to the Crisis Communication Strategies in Corporate Posts.
aPost adopting apology strategy. bPost adopting justification strategy.
Negative Emotions Expressed by Chinese Publics on Sina Weibo
In answer to Research Question 4, which explored the different types of negative emotions that the Chinese publics expressed on Sina Weibo during the crisis, we found that 854 (49.5%) of the 1,725 responses in our study had a negative tone. As Figure 3 shows, most of these negative responses occurred on July 7 (n = 248) and July 8 (n = 335). We further subcategorized the negative emotions in these 854 responses into anger, sadness, anxiety, fright, contempt, and disappointment, the six commonly found negative emotions in crisis communication (Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2007). As Table 7 shows, anger (n = 534, 63%) was the predominant negative emotion expressed followed by sadness (n = 138, 16%), contempt (n = 112, 13%), disappointment (n = 31, 4%), anxiety (n = 21, 2%), and fright (n = 18, 2%).
Research Question 5 examined how the negative emotions that the public expressed varied in relation to the crisis communication strategies (i.e., the apology and justification strategies) that the corporation adopted. Despite the corporation’s integrated use of strategies in its crisis communication after the crash, anger was the most dominant negative emotion that the publics expressed. Table 8 lists the six negative emotions expressed in the publics’ responses according to the full-apology and justification strategies employed in the corporate posts.
Variations in the Six Negative Emotions Expressed in the Publics’ Responses According to the Crisis Communication Strategies (Apology or Justification) Employed in the Corporate Posts.
The expression of anger in the Chinese publics’ responses was mainly associated with their perception of how Asiana Airlines had handled the crisis. The corporation’s use of an apology strategy in its postcrisis communication managed to slightly lessen the percentage of angry responses (Posts 15 and 25). But the percentage of those expressing anger sometimes increased when Asiana Airlines tried to justify their pilot selection and aircraft maintenance (Posts 10 and 27) and praised its staff for their contributions during the crisis (Post 20, see Table 7). With the number of crash-caused deaths rising and the repetitive use of the apology strategy, this accommodative strategy seemed to lose its appeal and impact on the publics’ anger management (Posts 26, 29, and 34). The Chinese publics expressed contempt in Posts 29, 30, and 34 even when the corporation had apologized again on Sina Weibo.
Figure 4 shows the percentage of the responses to each corporate post (i.e., corporate posts using apology and justification strategies) in which the publics expressed one of the three predominant negative emotions—anger, sadness, and contempt. Sadness in the responses was linked to the report of the death of the Chinese students. Of the responses to Posts 9 and 11, in which Asiana Airlines provided updated information of the number of deaths and injuries, 90% and 59%, respectively, expressed sadness. Expressions of contempt seem to be associated with the corporation’s explanation for the crash, which led to public responses that the corporation was responsible for the air crash because it had hired inexperienced pilots and did not adequately compensate them (Posts 17 and 21).

Percentage of responses to each corporate post in which the publics expressed one of three predominant negative emotions (anger, sadness, and contempt).
Coping Strategies That the Chinese Publics Used to Deal With the Crisis
Research Question 6 examined the coping strategies that the Chinese publics used to manage their negative emotions in responses to the crisis situation. Of the 1,725 public responses in our sample, 76% were either very emotional (VE), rather emotional (RE), or partly rational or emotional (PRE), reflecting the use of the affective coping strategy.
We coded the emotionality of the 1,725 public responses in our sample by using a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1, very rational, to 5, very emotional. Figure 5 displays the result of our coding, the mean coding for these responses was 2.89, indicating that the publics were likely to give a partly rational and partly emotional response (n = 879, 51%). But a degree of rather emotional and very emotional responses occurred on July 8 (RE: n = 122, 22%; VE: n = 68, 12%), July 12 (RE: n = 18, 32%; VE: n = 2, 3%), and July 23 (RE: n = 21, 33%; VE: n = 2, 3%).

Emotionality of public responses (by date) on Sina Weibo to the crash of Asiana Airlines Flight 214.
As we discussed earlier, the publics’ coping strategies can be uncovered based on the level of emotions expressed in their responses. For instance, responses that demonstrate a rational level of emotions are associated with the cognitive coping strategy whereas more emotional responses coincide with the affective coping strategy. In our findings, the relatively high proportion of emotional responses (RE: n = 293, 17%; VE: n = 120, 7%) reflects the strong use of affective coping strategies, such as emotional venting and emotional support. The emotional venting coping strategy refers to “attempts to recognize and express one’s emotions” (Duhachek, 2005, p. 46) whereas the emotional support coping strategy refers to an “attempt to marshal social resources to improve one’s emotional and/or mental state” (p. 44).
The publics used an affective coping strategy in their responses to corporate posts employing the apology and justification strategies. Table 9 provides excerpts illustrating a strong use of emotional venting and support coping strategies in the publics’ responses to the corporate posts of July 8 and 12 that include apology and justification strategies. The publics used both emotional venting and support coping strategies in responding to corporate posts that adopted the apology strategy whereas they usually used the emotional venting coping strategy in responding to corporate posts that adopted the justification strategy.
Excerpts From the Publics’ Responses That Exhibited a High Level of Emotional Venting and Support Coping Strategies.
Note. AA = Asiana Airlines.
Discussion
Our study suggests that in crisis situations of high corporate responsibility, low predictability, and low controllability, corporations should adopt an integrated use of accommodative and justification strategies on social media.
An Integrated Use of the Apology and Justification Strategies in Corporate Crisis Communication on Sina Weibo
Which crisis communication strategies should be adopted in times of crisis has long been debated. Most of the crisis communication studies (Coombs, 1998; Coombs & Holladay, 2002; Jin, 2010; Jin et al., 2014; Lee, 2004; Lyon & Cameron, 2004) favor the accommodative strategy (apology, commitment), particularly in a crisis of high corporate responsibility, high predictability, and low controllability. Research has also shown that the justification strategy is preferred by the publics in crises of low predictability and low controllability (Jin, 2010). Lukaszeski suggested that the impact of the crisis and the publics’ negative view of the organization will be greatly reduced if the corporation promptly executes appropriate approaches and strategies for crisis communication management (2001) and for postcrisis reputation building (Coombs & Holladay, 2002; Huang, 2006). Asiana Airlines adopted an integrated use of both the apology and explanation strategies to communicate with the Chinese publics on Sina Weibo from July 7 to July 23, 2013. Throughout the period of our study, we observed on Sina Weibo multiple accommodative approaches (candor, declaration, contrition, consultation, commitment, and restitution) to crisis communication whereas we found that the use of explanation peaked at an early post crisis stage. The decline in the number of responses (see Figure 2) and the decrease in the negative tonality of the responses (see Figure 3) indicate the effectiveness of such multiple approaches.
A Decline in the Volume and Negative Tonality of Responses Suggests a High Level of Public Acceptance
A high level of public acceptance is expected when a corporation adopts the accommodative strategy in a crisis of internal origin (Jin et al., 2014). Public acceptance is more likely to occur when corporations use the accommodative strategy in crises of high corporate responsibility, high predictability, and low controllability (Coombs & Holladay, 2002; Jin et al., 2014) whereas public acceptance is more likely to occur when corporations use the justification strategy in crises of low predictability and low controllability (Jin, 2010). Thus, we would expect a gradual decline in the number and negative tone of the responses as an indication of a high level of public acceptance after Asiana Airlines adopted both the accommodative and justification strategies.
Although there were a huge number of responses from the publics on Sina Weibo, we found that the publics’ responses gradually declined in volume from July 7 to July 13, which indicates that Asiana Airlines’ crisis communication strategies effectively averted the escalation (Van der Meer & Verhoeven, 2013) of the crisis on Sina Weibo in the early stages of postcrisis communication. The frequency and volume of responses recorded after July 23 also suggest that the communication between the corporation and its stakeholders had been restored to “normalcy,” a key objective of effective crisis communication (Fearn-Banks, 2002, p. 2).
Apart from the decline in the volume of responses, we noted a growth in the proportion of positive and neutral-toned responses and a decline in the proportion of negative-toned responses from July 9 to July 16 (see Figure 3), which might be caused by the corporation’s adoption of the full-apology strategy in its posts on July 8, 9, 12, and 13 (see Tables 5 and 6). These findings agree with an earlier study that found a higher level of acceptance in the publics’ responses when a corporation uses the accommodative strategy after a crisis of internal origin (Jin et al., 2014).
This shift in the tonality of the publics’ responses—from negative to more neutral and even positive—suggests that there may have been changes in the publics’ perception of the corporation as a result of the specific crisis communication strategies that it adopted. Thus, this change in the publics’ perception reflects the effectiveness of the accommodative and justification strategies (Fearn-Banks, 2002).
The Dominance of Anger Resulting From the Corporation’s High Crisis Responsibility and the Development of Apology Resistance
Our study is congruent with previous studies (Choi & Lin, 2009; Jin et al., 2014; McDonald et al., 2010) that have found that the negative emotions aroused in crisis communication relate closely to the publics’ perception of the origin of the crisis and the corporation’s responsibility for the crisis. But our findings depart from previous research findings in which fright was the primary emotion and justification was the preferred strategy in a crisis of low predictability and controllability (Jin, 2010); that is, we found that anger was the predominant negative emotion aroused in the publics’ response and that Asiana Airlines used both accommodative and justification strategies in its crisis communication after the crash. Furthermore, we observed that the negative emotions expressed in this crisis situation may not have a direct relationship with the corporate crisis communication strategies adopted and the predictability and controllability of the crisis.
The predominance of anger in the negative responses is mainly associated with how the Chinese publics view Asiana Airlines’ responsibility for the crisis. The corporation’s use of an apology strategy in its postcrisis communication tended to slightly reduce the anger provoked (see Table 7). Nonetheless, the increase in negative-toned responses after July 16 suggested a change in the publics’ perception of Asiana Airlines that could have resulted from a loss of trust caused by its repetitive use of the accommodative strategy and the publics’ exposure to negative reports from traditional media, which directly transmitted crisis information to social media followers (Austin et al., 2012).
The increasing percentage of negative-toned messages after July 16 (see Figure 3) suggests that the Chinese publics developed resistance to the corporation’s apology strategy. With the number of deaths escalating and the corporation’s repetitive use of the apology strategy, the accommodative strategy seemed to lose its appeal and impact on the publics’ anger management. The publics began to develop an apology resistance, an effect closely associated with “apology fatigue,” as suggested by Michael Green in referring to the Japanese’s frustration in their attempt to apologize for wars (Hanami, 2010, p. 5; Miller, 2005/2006, p. 41; Nagashima, 2006, p. 117). That is, Japanese reached “apology fatigue” when they tried to apologize for their war actions for years and “nothing good has come of it” (Hanami, 2010, p. 5). But Green’s observation was based mainly on the “fatigue” experienced by the sender. In our study, we have observed a resistance effect experienced by the receivers stemming from the sender’s overuse of the apology strategy. The Chinese publics developed an apology resistance because they received repeated apologies from the corporate senior management, including the CEO, rather than a commitment to resolve the situation and restitution from the corporation.
Thus, our findings suggest that employing a crisis communication approach that includes a commitment to taking actions to resolve the situation and restitution coupled with the apology and justification strategies via a social media platform such as Weibo is critical in corporate crisis communication management. Repetitive use of the apology strategy may help pacify the publics in the short term but lead to apology resistance over time.
The Use of Apology and Justification Strategies Is Likely to Trigger a High Level of Emotional Venting in the Collectivistic and High-Context Culture of China
Our findings resonate with a previous study on the publics’ use of the affective coping strategy in a crisis of low predictability and controllability (Jin, 2010). Most of the publics’ responses (75%) in this study were emotionally embedded. The publics’ responses posted on July 8 (RE: n = 122, 22%; VE: n = 68, 12%) are typical examples illustrating the use of this affective communication style. Despite Asiana Airlines’ effort to explain the causes of the crisis and its position from a rational perspective, the publics’ response was rather emotional, with many questioning the deployment of an inexperienced pilot and indicating their refusal to travel on Asiana Airlines in the future. In venting their anger and sadness at the airline, the publics responded using words such as “痛心” (distressed), “惡心” (disgust), “鄙視” (despise), and “垃圾” (rubbish), and phrases such as “去死” (go to hell). But their responses also included words of support for the victims of and those affected by the Flight 214 crash, such as “加油” (shoulder on), “挺” (hold up), “支持” (support), “辛苦了” (thanks for your hard work), “祈福” (bless you), and “堅強” (be strong). Thus, the Chinese publics used these emotional venting and support coping strategies to manage their negative emotions provoked by this crisis, especially when the airline adopted the apology and justification crisis communication strategies.
The Chinese publics’ reliance on emotional venting and support coping strategies in their responses to the corporate posts could be attributed to the affective communication style of the Chinese that has been noted in previous studies (Becker, 1986; Neuliep, 2012). Domino and Hannah’s (1987) study supports the notion that Chinese narratives tend to demonstrate more expressions of sorrow. These studies conclude that emotional and affective styles of communication are expected in highly collectivistic societies such as in China. In our study, the publics’ perception that the airline was highly responsible for the crisis triggered their negative affectivity (Watson & Clark, 1984), and the publics’ resistance to the airline’s apology strategy developed and escalated in the rapid process of mass communication on Sina Weibo, resulting in a high level of emotional venting in their responses.
The affective communication style of the Chinese publics has also been revealed in their responses on Weibo to similar crisis situations. For instance, the use of the affective communication style was observed in the Chinese publics’ responses on Sina Weibo to the crash of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 (MH17). The 10 corporate posts that were published from July 18 to July 28, 2014, concerning the crash generated 1,062 responses. In these responses, the Chinese publics were emotional in expressing their thoughts about the crash even though there were no casualties from the Chinese community. They used key words and phrases that were identical to those found in the publics’ responses in this study, such as “痛心” (distressed), “惡心” (disgust), “鄙視” (despise), “垃圾” (rubbish), “去死” (go to hell), “加油” (shoulder on), “挺” (hold up), “支持” (support), “辛苦了” (thanks for your hard work), “祈福” (bless you), and “堅強” (be strong). These responses demonstrated both their emotional venting toward Malaysian Airlines and their support for the crash victims and their families.
Limitations and Further Study
Although we investigated a huge number of responses, one limitation of this study is that our analysis of effective crisis communication strategies and the Chinese publics’ emotional responses on Sina Weibo only focused on the Asiana Airlines Flight 214 crash. Further analysis could compare these findings with crisis communication strategies and publics’ responses on Weibo for other flight crashes.
Another limitation pertains to our analysis of a solitary type of media content (i.e., Sina Weibo posts). Additional analyses of traditional news media content could provide a more in-depth study of how this crisis was framed and sensationalized by reporters, combining content from both traditional media and social media to reflect the views of both the corporation and the publics.
Further research could compare the role of the news media and other forms of social media platforms in different cultural contexts (e.g., Weibo and its users in the Chinese culture vs. Twitter and its users in the Western culture). Such studies might examine how the media systems function in different social and situational contexts of the crisis communication process.
Implications
One implication of our study for communication management practitioners is that the integrated use of the apology and justification strategies followed by communication indicating corporate commitment and restitution is highly preferred in a crisis situation of low predictability and controllability and in a collectivistic and high context culture such as in China. Perhaps an even more important implication is that the overuse of the apology strategy may lead to apology resistance in that the publics may change their perception of the corporation’s repetitive apology, even if the apology comes from the CEO or top management.
In conclusion, this study sheds light on how crisis managers should effectively connect with the publics in order to resolve a crisis situation with a more mindful consideration of the publics’ emotions. An array of factors, such as crisis origin, corporate responsibility and engagement, crisis certainty and controllability, and the publics’ cultural values, must be weighed so that a corporation can strategically position itself in a crisis situation and effectively manage its crisis communication strategies.
Footnotes
Appendix
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to thank David Russell, Charles Kostelnick, Lori Peterson, and two anonymous reviewers for their invaluable comments and suggestions on the manuscript submitted.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The study is funded by Department of Chinese and Bilingual Studies (G-UC65).
