Abstract
“Kitengesa is special,” Daniel Ahimbisibwe muses quietly in regard to his community. We sit on his front porch, looking out at a napping orange kitten, some palm trees, and a maize crop beyond. Dan is a central community leader and organizer in Kitengesa, and a mentor to local youth.“We have many good programs and strong leaders here.” Dan lists off notable figures who have gone on to Ugandan politics, university, and international development work, pointing in the direction of their plot of land, and describing certain features of their home or family life. Among the people he talks about, he mentions a small group of young adults who have grown up since adolescence in consistent interaction with Canadian international service-learning (ISL) students for up to 10 years since a University of British Columbia (UBC) program began in Kitengesa. As he describes them, he outlines their strengths, the important work they do in the community, and the close relationships they have built with various visitors who have spent time in Kitengesa. Those young leaders who Dan described to me—a university researcher—comprise seven out of the eight authors of this article.
The social justice goals of many higher education international service-learning (ISL) programs are often described as being contingent upon strong, equitable relationships with host community members. Given this common narrative, it is necessary to extend our understanding of relationships in ISL and the ways they are constructed and maintained, particularly when conceptualized in terms of the impact to the host community, by host community members themselves. As Grain and Lund (2016) contend, service-learning scholarship and practice that claim to be oriented in social justice must advance the goal of the diversification of voices in the field—an ambition that renders the construction of knowledge accessible not only to academics and institutions, but also to host community members. It is an aspiration that can be extended to the broader field of experiential education, in which ISL is situated. Roberts (2012), for example, critiques experiential education for White normativity and considerable emphasis on the scholarship of White, Western scholars.
In response to such a gap in the ISL field, this photovoice study engaged eight coresearchers (seven Ugandan community leaders between 20 and 38 years of age, and one Canadian university researcher) in a participatory project to examine the impacts of a long-term ISL program in Kitengesa, a rural village in southeastern Uganda. The ISL program was chosen because of its exemplary ongoing relationships between individuals at the higher education institution and individuals within Kitengesa, as well as its rigorous predeparture student training that highlights decolonizing frameworks and critical reflection on power, privilege, and complicity. Our authorship team is comprised of six hearing individuals and two individuals who identify as deaf. Using thematic analysis of data from photos, interviews, and focus groups, this article reveals the impacts of ISL in Kitengesa to be premised on three types of relationships: friendships, educational relationships, and relationships that foster social change. Our findings and analysis illustrate a host community conceptualization of ISL that firmly positions relationships not as a precursor to ISL done well, but as the success in itself. Underlying the discussion of ISL relationships is a methodological exploration of socially just, participatory research that integrates community expertise and perspectives in data collection and analysis. Such research, as we discovered through this process, illuminates tensions and more nuanced findings that toggle with our assumptions about what constitutes social justice in participatory research and service-learning, especially when privileged Westerners are involved. Thus, social justice is less the topical focus of this article, and more its foundation and raison d’etre: Knowledge pertaining to experiential education begins with the people engaged in its construction and the ways they negotiate meaning together.
Context
Once called the Buganda Kingdom, Uganda is a small nation that shares its borders with South Sudan, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Democratic Republic of the Congo. With a population of 40 million and an annual GDP per capita of roughly US$615 (The World Bank, 2017) Uganda has gained popularity as a destination for tourism as well as various forms of service-oriented travel. For the seven decades following Uganda’s annexation by Britain in 1894 until independence in 1962, Britain ruled Uganda as a colonial possession (Kasozi, 1994; Pulford, 1999). Colonialism is widely understood as the primary cause of a number of devastating impacts and consequences across Africa. Namely, many African nations including Uganda were “afflicted with poverty, exploding populations, corruption, arbitrary rule and crumbling infrastructure” (Pulford, 1999, p. 9). It is within this complex historical landscape wrought with unequal relationships between foreigners and Ugandans, that many students develop close relationships with host community members.
The University of British Columbia (UBC) first began their service-learning partnership with Kitengesa in 2007, approximately 10 years before this research began. The cornerstone of the community is often cited as the Kitengesa Community Library, which began in 1999 as a “box of books and 13 students” (D. Ahimbisibwe, personal communication, February 5, 2017). Since that time, its many achievements include the expansion of services to educate hundreds of local students, several awards from Ugandan library associations, and the attention of BBC World News (see BBC, 2010). This library was also the site of this project’s photovoice workshops, interviews, and the Kitengesa Photo Exhibition, where we shared our research publicly with the wider community.
Literature Review
Defining ISL
ISL is a form of experiential education that integrates community-led service activities, academic instruction, and intentional reflection in an international or cross-cultural setting (Crabtree, 2008). Grusky (2000) describes ISL as, An organized excursion taken by students (and often faculty or administrators) to different countries or different cultures where students and faculties live with local families and immerse themselves in a culture that is distinct from their own. Students work with local organizations to serve the community where they are staying, engage in a cultural exchange, and learn about a daily reality very different from their own. (pp. 858-859)
Literature in service-learning and community engagement has increasingly called for social justice and critically oriented approaches that highlight issues of power and problematize charity-oriented roots of service-learning (Baldwin, Grain, & Currie, 2018; Butin, 2007; Grain & Lund, 2018, 2016).
Defining Social Justice
Social justice is a term wrought with debate, political undertones, and philosophical and practical disagreement. Social justice in this article does not prescribe to one particular definition, but is conceptualized from a critical theory perspective and premised on Sensoy and DiAngelo’s (2012/2017) “shared principles of social justice,” which include but are not limited to the following: Social groups are comprised of individuals and are differently valued in society; “social groups that are valued more highly have greater access to the resources in a society” (p. xx); “those who claim to be for social justice must be involved in self-reflection about their own socialization into these groups (their ‘positionality’) and must strategically act from that awareness in ways that challenge social injustice” (p. 10[xx]). Given this understanding of social justice, our study was designed with particular attention to positionality and power—particularly in our discussion of the tensions we discovered through our participatory study.
Relationships in ISL: Reciprocity and Typologies
The ways that relationships are approached in service-learning can affect dynamics related to power and privilege—a phenomenon that is of growing interest in recent literature (e.g., Lee, 2017). Much of the research pertaining to relationships and partnerships have been conceptualized in terms of reciprocity that is lauded as an important foundational goal in service-learning programs. Although it has been defined in myriad ways, Saltmarsh, Hartley, and Clayton (2009) offer the following description: Reciprocity signals an epistemological shift that values not only expert knowledge that is rational, analytic and positivist but also values a different kind of rationality that is more relational, localized, and contextual and favors mutual deference between lay persons and academics. (pp. 9-10)
Arguing for a distinction between reciprocity and mutuality, Saltmarsh et al. (2009) propose that mutuality can be identified by its focus on exchange where all partners benefit, whereas reciprocity is more of an epistemological outlook, oriented firmly in the commitment to responsibility and authority. However, Dostilio et al. (2012) map out three orientations to reciprocity, briefly understood as exchange (“participants give and receive something from the others that they would not otherwise have” [p. 19]), influence (“a relational connection that is informed by personal, social, and environmental contexts” [pp. 19-20]), and generativity (participants and community work together as co-creators to develop a new understanding or product that did not previously exist). Despite different conceptions and critiques of this term, it is widely asserted that service-learning should invoke reciprocity as an essential process to ensure that programs and approaches are concerned with the growth and development of all partners involved (Crabtree, 2008; Dostilio et al., 2012; Sharpe & Dear, 2013).
Beyond a discussion of reciprocity, myriad scholars in community engagement and service-learning have theorized relationships and partnerships—sometimes using them interchangeably and, at other times, defining them as distinct concepts (see Bringle, Clayton, & Price, 2009; Clayton, Bringle, Senor, Huq, & Morrison, 2010; Thompson & Jesiek, 2017). Various typologies and distinctions have been developed to expand our understanding of these notions. For example, Bringle et al. (2009) describe a relationship as a “general and broad term to refer to all types of interactions between persons” (p. 3) and partnerships as “relationships in which the interactions possess three particular qualities: closeness, equity, and integrity” (p. 3).
For the purposes of this study, we have chosen to use the term relationships as opposed to partnerships because, from the community coresearcher perspective, this term better captures relational human engagement that is beyond organizational structures. Often, participant-researchers discuss relationships in terms of the individual’s name and specific memories, rather than with a conscious connection to the associated institution or the program type.
Method
Photovoice was selected as the methodology for this project because of its participatory nature, its roots in critical pedagogy and social justice, and its accessibility for participants who are both hearing and deaf. Photovoice is a visual means of foregrounding the perspectives of host community members, often marginalized or left out of service-learning research (Reynolds, 2014; Stoecker & Tryon, 2009). Photovoice, as a form of participatory-action research, uses a visual methodology, which aims to enable people to capture and highlight their community’s strengths and concerns and encourage critical conversations about important issues (Wang & Burris, 1997). In addition, photovoice draws on three theoretical perspectives: Paulo Freire’s (1970) education for critical consciousness, feminist theory, and documentary photography. Under these frameworks, this project was developed with the goal of shared decision making among participants and the university researcher—a process which includes shared development of research question(s), analysis, and ownership of data.
In keeping with our commitment to socially just research, all participants in this project are listed in alphabetical order and contributed equally to this article in diverse ways. As part of our collaboration, we consider participants to be coresearchers, which is a characteristic that is essential to the photovoice methodology (Latz, 2017). When participants become coresearchers, it “validates and privileges the experiences of participants, making them experts and therefore coresearchers and collaborators in the process of gathering and interpreting data” (Given, 2008, p. 599). This article is comprised of eight perspectives, each person with a unique set of lived experiences and a potentially different understanding of Kitengesa and the implications of global engagement work that occurs there. Nonetheless, given the university researcher (Kari)’s privileged position within academia, much of this article is organized through her understanding of the expectations and conventions of academic scholarship. As a group, the authorship team discussed this challenge of representation as well as the details of dissemination, eventually deciding that Kari would write the manuscript and integrate each coresearcher’s analysis using qualitative data and ongoing communication. Coauthors oversaw and provided feedback on the final manuscript and shared a synthesis with the entire team in Kitengesa.
From the outset, Kari was interested in the impacts of ISL from the perspective of community members. This initial curiosity served merely as a starting point in a fluid inquiry that became guided through group dialogues. The photovoice project in this article obtained approval from UBC’s behavioral Research Ethics Board in advance of its initiation. In total, seven participant-researchers took part in interviews, focus groups, analysis, dissemination, and a local photovoice exhibition and celebration. Although two participants identify as deaf and thus do not “speak” any languages verbally, both are fluent in Ugandan Sign Language and engaged with a translator for all photovoice workshops and related events. The translator, Rosemary Nakasiita, was also a participant and a paid research assistant. All participant-researchers chose to be identified by their true names rather than taking a pseudonym. Any additional identifying names within the data have been anonymized.
Recruitment was carried out via snowball sampling as guided by Daniel Ahimbisibwe, the Kitengesa community partner and Director of the Kitengesa Community Library. All participant-researchers had interacted with UBC ISL students to varying degrees over the past 10 years. The photovoice study was comprised of five 3-hr workshops, individual 1-hr interviews, and a number of planning meetings and local photovoice exhibition over 3 months. Embedded within the workshops was a combination of educational content (photography skills, ethical frameworks), research activities (focus groups, photography, and analysis), and dialogue (democratic decision making, reflection, and unstructured conversations). Outside of workshop time, participants also engaged in 1-hr interviews with the university researcher. The analysis of the research findings generates new knowledge in the field of international service-learning in ways that include participants not only as photographers, but also as interpreters of their own data and agents of change. Participant-researchers in this study simultaneously directed their own research, participated in photographic analysis, and decided where and how their work would be shared.
Findings
The photovoice findings revealed three interconnected areas in which participant-researchers articulated the greatest impacts of ISL in their community: friendships, educational relationships, and relationships that foster social change. Photovoice data in this article are presented in written form (e.g., transcribed interviews and focus group excerpts, written analyses) and we have omitted actual photographs. We chose this avenue because the article only comprises one mode of dissemination for our project and this particular format does not allow for the space in which to analyze enough photographs with satisfactory depth and criticality. Instead, we shared participants’ photographs and analyses at the Kitengesa Community Photo Exhibition in 2017 with participants’ neighbors, friends, and families; we also hope to share participants’ selected photos and analyses in a photobook that will be kept in the Kitengesa Community Library. Data that we share in this article suggest that ISL has impacted Kitengesa not only through those relationships forged between students and host community members, but also through the collective relationships that persist among Kitengesa groups (e.g., The Lwannunda Self Help Group; The Kitengesa Youth Leadership Team).
Relationship Theme 1: Friendship
Friendship is a seldom examined aspect of service-learning partnerships. Within the broad theme of relationships and community building, it appears that friendships between participants and ISL students are highly valued, especially in instances where students return more than once.
[2 ISL students] felt much love for us and they’ve come back twice to visit us and also [ISL student] came back last year to visit the deaf school . . . I felt so happy . . . this was really so nice that they came back and the bond between us and them grew even more. (Eseza)
Host community members in this study articulated the impression that despite deep bonds of friendship, ISL students often have intentions to return but they rarely follow through on these plans. This sentiment is echoed by Vicent: And the challenges? They rarely come back. When they go, they go for good. All the time, we make them our true friends, our brothers and sisters, but when they go back, actually they forget to come back or to say hello.
Micheal shares a similar sense of pain at the process of saying goodbye: It hurts when you see people going because we are friends for three, four, six months and then you see them going. You feel bad but you have nothing to do. And most of the time when they are going, even themselves they cry, and ourselves, some cry.
Although long-term friendships and return visits from ISL students are highly valued, participants also point to a general desire that library patrons have to befriend “mzungus.” A mzungu is a Kiswahili word most often associated in modern East African usage with term for “White person,” but with a historical usage applied to 19th-century European explorers who wandered aimlessly. Interestingly, even ISL students who identify as people of color are labeled as mzungus by the majority of Kitengesa community members. The following quote illustrates the sense of curiosity and novelty imbedded in the possibility of making a mzungu friend: Community members started coming at the library more often than before when there were no ISL students. Because when they see a mzungu coming, they are like “yeah let’s go and see” and they are now accessing more of the library services . . . Why do they come when the mzungus come? I think they like talking to mzungus and making friends. They take it to be something special. (Rosemary)
Here, the potential for friendship with a mzungu is a motivation for some community members to engage with library programs and develop educational relationships with ISL students.
Relationship Theme 2: Educational
Explorations of ISL’s impacts in Kitengesa reveal an ongoing emphasis on the mutual teaching and learning relationships between ISL students and community members. The most prominent educational fields identified by participants as having significant impacts in Kitengesa are literacy, finances, and health. Data also reveal areas where participant-researchers felt they had taught service-learning students, including Ugandan sign language, Ugandan culture, and local traditions and knowledge. For example, Eseza states, The ISL students have taught us computers, and also the internet . . . We have also taught them sign language and we can still communicate to them through sign language when we are on Skype.
Eseza’s acknowledgment that the education and teaching has been multidirectional is a promising narrative, especially given the danger that international service-learning can sometimes be seen by host communities as little more than charity and volunteer work. Mutual teaching and learning is also exemplified by the programs facilitated at the community library.
Below, Tonny outlines academic skills and confidence as the two benefits that parents seek when their children engage with ISL students and other volunteers: Our learners, they know that the Whites, they give us knowledge . . . The Whites are very confident when they are talking. So our learners learn much from the volunteers . . . Those people encouraged us to make some home gardens. The idea began with them.
The framing of White students as givers-of-knowledge and the catalysts of positive change in Kitengesa is a tension-laden finding that carries differing meaning for the coauthors. On one hand, Ugandan participant-researchers in this study perceive this as a positive narrative of ISL in their community. On the other hand, the university researcher (Kari) perceives this narrative as potentially harmful in its tendency to perpetuate a charity-oriented view of the ISL relationship. Furthermore, there persist underlying historical reasons (e.g., colonialism, neocolonialism, etc.) that mzungus possess levels of confidence and academic training that are disparate to those of many Ugandans. Nevertheless, participant-researchers identify what they see as positive educational effects resulting from service-learning programs and students in Kitengesa. Some of those teaching and learning effects also pertain to health and nutrition: There is a change in diet . . . So they have changed their diet and they have been taught to eat a balanced diet . . . So you find somebody was eating maybe porridge and posho for lunch but they are just only carbohydrates . . . But when the UBC guys came we drew up a chart . . . So they are adding greens now to their food. (Micheal)
Another area of teaching and learning impacts, according to Micheal, is that of financial literacy: . . . In the recent survey that we made with [an ISL student], we looked at how people spend in their homes versus how they earn . . . it has already impacted people and their families . . . Before they were just borrowing and they were failing to pay back because of not having plans but now they have plans.
While much of the emphasis is placed on the teaching work of ISL students, some participant-researchers also highlight their own leadership skills in educating visiting students. For example, Saudah explains, I’ve been involved in working together with the ISL students in their different activities at the library since I was a library scholar . . . I worked with [two UBC ISL students] . . . mostly in teaching them sign language . . . and by the time they left they could fully speak sign language.
As evidenced repeatedly, Saudah and Eseza express profound pride at having taught ISL students to speak Ugandan Sign Language—a finding that we consider to be indicative of a sense of reciprocity and perceived mutual benefit.
Relationship Theme 3: Social Change
While friendships and educational relationships are the most salient themes that arise in the data, relationships that foster social change are those that alter existing power relationships and shift the social fabric of the community. Findings suggest that service-learning has impacted Kitengesa through the destigmatization of the deaf community, increased community mobilization, and enhanced community relationships. One relational social change that participant-researchers point out is that more people come together in the community than before. It is unclear whether all those involved see the increased social connections and communal meetings as a direct impact of ISL programs, but Micheal suggests a strong link: There are more communal meetings. I have seen this one when the community, they are using our library community hall. So in the week you can see ladies coming in and some of them are just brought by the projects we have done with the past volunteers . . . So more people come together in the community than before.
Perhaps the most often-cited relationships described by Eseza and Saudah, who identify as deaf, are those that foster social change through the destigmatization of the deaf community. Despite some flourishing organizations and programs that are aimed at supporting Ugandans who are deaf (e.g., Uganda National Association for the Deaf; Deaflink Uganda), Kitengesa residents expressed that in the past, there was a dearth of accessible local programming until the Good Samaritan School for the Deaf (GSSD) opened its doors. Eseza and Saudah emphasize the historical marginalization of deaf people in Kitengesa and other Ugandan communities. However, they and others point out that along with the fierce leadership of GSSD founder, Mrs. Nsamba, local ISL programming—and in some cases, the photovoice process itself—has catalyzed a growing degree of inclusion and destigmatization of deaf people. Eseza shares this perception: The ISL students have also brought an impact at [the school for the deaf] . . . We can now communicate with the hearing people in the community. The ISL students are helping the school and our parents to prepare seminars for sign language so that our parents can learn our language to communicate with us.
Saudah’s interview revealed similar sentiments, as she attributes much of the local destigmatization process to ISL students. When asked the question, “What changes have you have seen in Kitengesa since the service-learners began coming?” Saudah responded, One, the deaf have been more and more included in the society. It’s mostly the ISL students who bring us to face the community . . . Many of the visiting students have learned sign language and also they have helped our parents to learn the language . . . The deaf students, we have also been able to learn how to use computers, to read books in the library . . . and improve our English . . . I am proud of seeing other people, that they can communicate in our language . . . I am proud that I helped to teach them.
As a hearing person, Micheal also notices a change among the relations between the hearing and the deaf. As evidence of the discrimination faced by the deaf, he mentions the existence of a “bad word to refer to those people,” and describes how the collaborative programming of both ISL students and local leaders has changed his behaviors: In Uganda here we have a bad word to refer to those people. But . . . since I worked with [ISL students], the deaf people started coming at the library and then Rosemary, and me . . . we started conducting sign language club because we were seeing that people were just shouting at deaf people. And she started teaching some basics and then the secondary school students started learning and now at least 80% of them can at least greet the deaf people . . . So they can now come on their own to the library and they feel that the community is theirs . . . I see it as good . . . and that was started by UBC volunteers.
Discussion
The findings in this study are wrought and rich with tensions that reconceptualize the nature of relationships in the context of ISL. On one hand, host community participant-researchers identified positive impacts in their community that center around increased and enhanced relationships involving friendship, education, and social change. By any account, these findings reveal a sense from Ugandan participant-researchers that UBC’s ISL program has positively impacted community relationships and the education levels, while also reducing social inequalities pertaining to deaf community members in Kitengesa. Broadly speaking, these are the types of impacts that many ISL programs, particularly those that orient themselves from a social justice foundation, strive for.
On the other hand, there are deeply complex questions about the nature of these relationships and historical and political reasons that ISL students in many communities are able to affect such significant changes: How did Whiteness or “mzungu”-ness come to be a marker of influence? Why are ISL students often understood as the catalysts and drivers of positive social change when it is the local community leaders who carry the programs and initiatives before, during, and after the ISL students’ sojourns? Given these questions, two particular tensions arise in these findings: (a) Change Catalyst Perceptions: Positive changes are often attributed to ISL students rather than to local Kitengesa leaders who continue the work year-round; and (b) Unequal Social Influence: Mzungus and ISL students are described as highly influential, important, and knowledgeable in relation to local community members.
Despite ISL programming that, in this case, prepares students through decolonizing frameworks and critical self-reflection, the community’s narrative about who catalyzes positive changes can form the crux of tensions in international development work. Do host community members envision themselves as capable of making meaningful changes? Do community members believe that they need relationships with Western visitors to achieve change? The nature of this change narrative among host communities can engender the difference in a community’s ability to transform itself in desired ways. For this reason, ISL programs and higher education institutions can direct resources and conscious pedagogical efforts not only to the narratives that ISL students form about their relationships with host communities, but also to an enhanced awareness of—and reflection upon—the differently formed narratives that host communities generate about those same relationships.
Inevitably imbedded in these ideas is a set of power dynamics and perceived capacity for driving social change. Bergdall’s (2003) paper on asset-based community development (ABCD) offers an insightful conceptual argument to this end. She suggests that the privileged outsider may have a “catalyst” role to play in global communities. Catalytic outsiders, she says, have an agenda in that they want the community to be the driver of social change and they are willing to leverage external resources to support it. Importantly, the role of the catalyst is to stimulate change and not to implement change or to envision what that change looks like.
The second tension—that of unequal social influence—is closely connected to the first. The difference, however, lies not in a community’s perception or narrative of who can transform local realities, but in the social and historical consequences of who possesses influence in the Kitengesa context. For example, it is broadly understood to be a positive social change that ISL students’ close friendships with deaf students have shifted local Ugandans’ feelings and assumptions about deaf people. Deaf participants in this study are explicitly grateful to ISL students for having helped the broader Kitengesa community to become more accepting and tolerant of deaf people. On the contrary, the historical reasons for ISL students’ possession of influence in Kitengesa are problematic, extending from White supremacy imposed by colonialism, and the post-colonial vestiges of White privilege that continue to express themselves in diverse ways. This comes up repeatedly throughout the study—an outcome that is seen as positive by participant-researchers (e.g., higher literacy levels, increased attendance at library programs, and inclusion of the deaf community) carries with it problematic historical and social roots that render ISL students—and most mzungu visitors—disproportionately influential. ISL students carry privileges that are oriented in any intersectional combination of race, socioeconomic status, nationality, education—and this power-laden identity affects relationships and the impacts that students have on social relations.
Conclusion
This article builds on recent efforts that have been made to attend to community voices and relationships in ISL scholarship. Relationships in the literature are framed as key to ISL from the perspectives of researchers and practitioners, but rarely do host community members weigh in as coauthors of those conceptualizations. This host community reading of relationships serves as a refreshing reminder that relationship categorizations and typologies that abound in the literature are of less importance to our coauthors than specific memories, people, and experiences that have altered the social fabric of Kitengesa—often through friendship, mutual teaching and learning, and the act of working together for change.
Such changes in Kitengesa are understood by participant-researchers to be positive and progressive, contributing to greater equity and education in their community. Simultaneously, such shifts are imbued with tensions and complexities regarding the privileges—in this case, significant agency and influence—that ISL students and other Western visitors carry with them into communities such as Kitengesa. Thus, as higher education institutions seek to expand and enrich their experiential education programming, it behooves them to consider not only how much social justice content is conveyed to ISL students in preparation for their placements, but also to consider how power relations are enacted in the quest to generate equity and construct new knowledge—who is afforded the power of catalyzing social change and generating “rigorous” research findings? Beyond the examination of preparatory articles that urge a critical awareness of ISL, how can higher education institutions that engage in ISL do more to exemplify their broad and often unarticulated goals of social justice? One place to start may be in highlighting the perspectives of host communities and preparing students through an examination of texts that uphold host community members as experts and coauthors of their own content.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Kari Grain received funding for this research from the Vanier Canada Graduate Student Scholarship and the Michael Smith Foreign Study Supplement.