Perceptions of the Sex Trade in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract

Bosnia and Herzegovina has taken a prohibitionist stance when it comes to the commercial sex trade. In the last decade, legislation has been passed outlawing the solicitation, procurement, and enticement of prostitution. Yet, the country continues to be criticized by the international community for failing to adequately address the sex trade within the country, which is cited as a contributing factor in the country’s delayed accession into the European Union. Furthermore, little is known regarding how criminal justice (CJ) practitioners (current and future) view the sex trade, including their support for current legislation prohibiting prostitution. This is an important line of inquiry as prior research indicates practitioner behavior may be influenced by attitudinal beliefs. As such, this study set out to evaluate practitioners’ support for various CJ responses to the sex trade (e.g., legalization of prostitution, the arrest, imprisonment, and/or deportation of various actors within the sex trade) as well as uncover what factors are related to this support, including professional experience and/or participant sex. Bivariate and logistic regression results primarily indicate differences between the groups with regard to their attitudes toward prostitution and misperceptions of human trafficking. Implications from these findings as well as limitations and suggestions for further research are discussed.

Keywords

criminal victimization human trafficking sex crimes

Introduction

The southeastern European country of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has an ongoing history of political and economic turmoil, due in large part to the Bosnian war, which occurred as part of the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Although the war ended in 1995, BiH and its citizens have yet to fully recover from the conflict (Brown & Cehajic, 2008; Goldstein, Wampler, & Wise, 1997; Klarić, Klarić, Stevanović, Grković, & Jonovska, 2007). Criminal smuggling networks that were created during the war for the purposes of illegally importing and exporting military supplies, weapons, and persons still thrive in the area and have led to widespread political corruption (Andreas, 2004; Dawson, 2008; Longino, 2008). This, accompanied with a complex and often ineffective criminal justice (CJ) system (Andreas, 2004; Longino, 2008), has contributed to a sex trade that has not only evolved but, some would argue, has grown over the past two decades (Adžajlić-Dedović, 2003; Longino, 2008; Udruženje PROI, 2011).

While the Bosnian government has passed laws prohibiting commercial sex,¹ little evidence exists to indicate that such strategies have been successful at limiting prostitution or sex trafficking (ST; Dawson, 2008; Longino, 2008). On the contrary, experts in the field contend that such policies have driven a once highly visible industry underground, putting women and girls at further risk for sexual exploitation, particularly in the form of ST (Dawson, 2008; Ibisevic & Bakh, 2012; Longino, 2008). There are several plausible reasons for BiH’s “failure” to limit the sex trade, including low budgetary consideration (and little political support) given to CJ activities necessary to carry out the enforcement of antiprostitution and anti-trafficking laws (Dawson, 2008), CJ officials’ complicity in the sex trade (Dawson, 2008; Longino, 2008; Jennings & Nikolić-Ristanović, 2013), and minimal training provided to practitioners regarding their role in carrying out initiatives (Muftić, 2014).

What has not been investigated is the possibility that individually held beliefs regarding the sex trade influence practitioners’ behavior. For instance, prior research has found that law enforcement officers are more likely to enforce laws that correspond with their own personally held beliefs (Paoline, 2004). Thus, it is conceivable that practitioners’ private views about the sex trade (e.g., whether or not they believe it should be legalized) influence their professional behaviors (e.g., whether or not to arrest an individual involved in the sex trade). Curiously, while BiH has adopted an abolitionist stance regarding commercial sex, little is known about Bosnians’ attitudes related to the sex trade or their support of said policies. As such, the present article addresses an important gap in the literature, specifically CJ practitioners’ perceptions and attitudes of prostitution, human trafficking (HT), and individuals involved in the sex trade.

The current exploratory study examines CJ practitioners’ knowledge and attitudes pertaining to the sex trade as well as factors that may be associated with these attitudes including respondent sex, training received, and status (i.e., current vs. future practitioners who are students). A purposive and convenient sample design was utilized to collect data from two distinct samples from BiH. The first sample is composed of future practitioners (n = 135) who are university students who have declared their areas of study to be within the field of CJ, while the second sample is composed of CJ practitioners (n = 66) who are already in the field, specifically legal actors and law enforcement officers.

The following sections, which provide the literary and theoretical basis for the current study, will focus on attitudinal paradigms regarding the sex trade and attitudes held by different factions of the CJ system, including law enforcement and court officials, as well as students, pertaining to sex work and ST.

Attitudinal Paradigms Regarding the Sex Trade

Discourse on attitudes and perceptions of commercialized sex has regularly been constructed under a variety of different perspectives, which have been recently classified as paradigms (Weitzer, 2009). Weitzer (2009) has indicated the existence of three paradigms, including the oppression, empowerment, and polymorphous paradigms. The oppression paradigm has underscored how prostitution and the sex industry (SI) have predominately served to exploit females (Weitzer, 2010). In what could be viewed as the earliest iteration of the oppression paradigm, the abolitionist perspective of the 19th century fought to end all prostitution (Outshoorn, 2005). More recently, the oppression paradigm has developed into a perspective labeled as sexual domination, which came into existence from second wave feminism during the 20th century as a method of sexual violence that repressed female sexuality (Outshoorn, 2005). The oppression paradigm is associated with an abolitionist stance when it comes to the sex trade. Abolitionists seek to make all aspects of the sex trade criminal. The basis for their claims generally have been contained within what Weitzer (2010) describes as a moral crusade, which can be understood as the identification and targeting of an activity defined as evil from a moralist standpoint. This crusade against sex work has been promoted primarily by right-wing religious organizations as well as by certain feminist groups (Weitzer, 2010).

Around the same time, the oppression paradigm became popular, a separate group of individuals advocated for an opposing framework that focused on rights for individuals engaged in sex work (Outshoorn, 2005). Weitzer (2009) has labeled this perspective as the empowerment paradigm, which proposed how involvement in sex work could provide agency as well as function as a source of employment. Moreover, the point has been argued that agency afforded to sex workers within their profession is not entirely different from what is found in other forms of employment and may actually be more than in other jobs (Weitzer, 2009). Outshoorn (2005) has recently highlighted that since the notion of empowerment for sex workers came into existence, there has been a trend in western societies leaning toward this paradigm with the regulation and decriminalization of prostitution.

Compared to the relatively static conceptualization of the oppression and empowerment paradigms is the more dynamic perspective labeled as the polymorphous paradigm. Weitzer (2010) has structured the polymorphous paradigm as a complex relationship guided by empirical research centering on understanding commercialized sex through a combination of factors including employment, experiences within sex work, and power structure. Moreover, the paradigm has presented a comprehensive picture of the SI, including types of sexualized acts, such as prostitution (indoor and outdoor prostitution as well as legal and illegal prostitution), pornography, and stripping, as well as has focused on the various actors involved in commercialized sex including workers (not only female workers but males and transgendered ones as well), customers, and managers (Weitzer, 2009). Overall, the polymorphous paradigm has constructed a holistic conceptualization of the SI, encompassing different forms of sex work as well as on the actors involved in these types of activity.

Practitioners’ Opinions Regarding the Sex Trade

Understanding how current and future members of the CJ system perceive the sex trade is important due to the fact that prior research conducted among law enforcement finds that individually held beliefs structure decision making and influence the way in which officers approach and treat individuals in the sex trade (Carlson, Thayer, & Germann, 1972; Frank & Brandl, 1991; Mentzer, 2010). Specifically, Mentzer (2010) notes that officers’ perceptions of prostitutes can influence arrest decisions, officer-on-prostitute violence, and positive interactions with sex workers.

Law Enforcement

There is a multitude of research that has investigated law enforcement officers’ attitudes of sex workers (Carlson et al., 1972; Dodge, Starr-Gimeno, & Williams, 2004; Halter, 2010; Luttrell, 2005; Mentzer, 2010; Wilson & Dalton, 2008; Wilson, Walsh, & Kleuber, 2006). One such study, conducted by Halter (2010), concerns police perceptions of culpability among juvenile prostitutes. By conducting a content analysis of juvenile prostitution arrest case files, Halter (2010) determined that in 60% of cases juveniles were treated as an offender (i.e., arrested for prostitution) and not as a victim. A juvenile was more likely to be treated as a victim if he or she was viewed by the police as being cooperative, had no prior criminal record, and/or there was a significant presence of identified child exploiters, or pimps, within the officer’s jurisdiction (Halter, 2010).

Police attitudes toward prostitution have also been found to be related to an officer’s personally held beliefs as well as their biological sex. According to Mentzer (2010), law enforcement officers who hold pro-feminist attitudes, independent of whether or not these views are overtly displayed, are more likely to have negative attitudes toward prostitution. While Mentzer (2010) failed to find a significant relationship between officer sex and attitudes toward prostitution, Dodge, Starr-Gimeno, and Williams (2004) found that female vice officers were more likely to view prostitutes as victims compared to their male counterparts. Dodge and colleagues (2004) reasoned that this was because female officers were able to empathize with the situations and conditions that prostitutes are exposed to due to the fact that they had, to some degree, been exposed to similar circumstances themselves while undercover.

Court Officials

While attitudinal and perceptional information related to sex work has been investigated from the perspective of law enforcement officers, similar empirical literature is essentially nonexistent for legal actors. The closest available literature related to attitudes and perceptions held by court actors has predominately focused on rape as well as sexual assault, not on prostitution or sex work (e.g., Gylys & McNamara, 1996; Spohn, Beichner, & Davis-Frenzel, 2001). Gylys and McNamara (1996), for instance, found that prosecutors reported relatively low acceptance of rape myths, with the only demographic characteristic differentiating attitudes being sex (males were more likely to accept rape myths). Furthermore, this research showcased that such scores were lower compared to those obtained from college students.

Aside from literature on rape myth acceptance, another line of research that has briefly focused on perceptions of sex workers by court actors has centered on victim credibility. Data stemming from Frohmann (1991), for example, have underscored that prosecutors have questioned victim credibility in cases where rape allegations are presented by prostitutes, suggesting a false allegation could be used to get out of a charge for being involved in prostitution. Furthermore, the notion of victim credibility of prostitutes has also been extended to other crimes such as robbery (see Stanko, 1981).

In conclusion, information pertaining to legal actor attitudes and perceptions of the SI and sex workers are significantly lacking within empirical research. Research that is currently available has focused on attitudes toward rape myths and the impact of involvement in prostitution on victim credibility.

University Students

There has been limited exploration of CJ students’ attitudes or knowledge about the sex trade in the published literature. Menaker and Franklin (2013) recently examined the differences among this population’s perceptions of sex workers and victims of sexual violence. Using vignette scenarios, these scholars determined that even when informed of previous violence and coercion experienced by sex workers, CJ students still attributed significantly more blame toward sexually exploited individuals than other victims of sexual assault or intimate partner violence. Interestingly, these students also believed sex workers were more worthy of victims’ services such as counseling and access to temporary housing than the comparison groups of victims. Menaker and Franklin (2013) note that this finding suggests that although the CJ students in their sample perceived sex workers as being responsible for their initial involvement in the SI, they recognized the ongoing nature of their abusive circumstances and need for intervention and assistance.

The remainder of what has been published has relied on more general student samples (Basow & Campanile, 1990; Cotton, Farley, & Baron, 2000). For instance, work by Roberts, Sanders, Myers, and Smith (2010) found that among 315 undergraduates at a London university, students generally do not have a positive view of sex workers, with over half of the students in their sample noting that employment in the SI (i.e., as a prostitute, pornography actress, or stripper) was unacceptable, with female students more likely than male students to find sex work unacceptable.

The empirical literature has largely overlooked students’ knowledge of HT, which is problematic given the fact that students who are majoring in CJ are likely doing so in order to pursue a career in the CJ field after graduation. Wong, Hong, Leung, Yin, and Stewart (2011) provide what is believed to be the only such evaluation conducted to date. This study utilized a sample of Canadian medical students, who, like CJ students, are theoretically likely to encounter trafficking victims both during the course of their clinical education and later on in their careers as physicians. Despite their likelihood of coming into contact with trafficked persons, Wong and colleagues (2011) found that an overwhelming majority of the students sampled (93.9%) rated themselves as being less than “somewhat knowledgeable” about HT. Nearly 9 of 10 students surveyed indicated they did not believe they would be able to identify a trafficking victim in a clinical setting. Wong and colleagues (2011) attributed this lack of knowledge to a void in the school’s curriculum regarding HT. Not a single student who was surveyed remarked that they had learned anything about the warning signs associated with HT victimization as part of their formal training, and less than 5% responded that HT was a subject studied in the context of their extracurricular activities (e.g., school clubs, extra clinical hours, and community outreach).

Current Study

This study explores CJ practitioners’ knowledge and attitudes regarding prostitution and ST in BiH, with special attention directed at how respondents view current policies pertaining to the sex trade and whether respondent characteristics influence these views. Additionally, comparisons will be made between current practitioners and future practitioners (i.e., students majoring in CJ). This is an important line of inquiry for several reasons. First, practitioners and future practitioners are more likely to come into contact with individuals in the sex trade than are ordinary citizens. Specifically, research has consistently shown that local police agencies are the most likely government officials to come into contact with trafficked persons (De Baca & Tisi, 2002; Logan, Walker, & Hunt, 2009; Wilson & Dalton, 2008; Wilson et al., 2006). CJ practitioners in BiH are furthermore extremely likely to come into contact with possible victims of HT due to the widespread nature of the industry in that country and mandatory departmental cross-training within the Cantonal Ministries of the Interior (D. Daltzer, personal communication, October 2, 2014). As far as future practitioners are concerned, students who are majoring in CJ are likely doing so due to the fact that they wish to pursue a career in the CJ field after graduation (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). Indeed, a survey conducted by the Faculty of Criminal Justice, Criminology and Security Studies (2014) among 219 freshman revealed that 3 (76.3%) of 4 students indicated that they wished to work within law enforcement upon completion of their degree.

Second, research also indicates that CJ practitioners are participants in the sex trade. CJ practitioners’ involvement in the ST industry, often characterized by police officers’ willingness to overlook trafficking activities, has also been well documented in BiH (Dawson, 2008; Longino, 2008) and other neighboring countries (Corrigan, 2001; Rhodes, Simić, Baroš, Platt, & Žikić, 2008). In addition, a growing body of empirical studies indicates that university students are often active participants in the SI, both as sex workers and clients. Female students are thought to be turning toward the SI for employment to manage rising tuition costs (Lantz, 2005; Roberts, Sanders, Myers, & Smith, 2010).² Male students participate in the SI through the consumption of pornography, patronizing strip clubs, and purchasing sexual services from sex workers (Carr & VanDeusen, 2004; Schwartz & DeKeseredy, 1997). Given this, students’ perceptions of the sex trade may be influenced by the sexualized nature of collegiate life and their or their peers’ participation in the SI.

Finally, there may be differences between practitioners and future practitioners. Students are likely to hold different views than practitioners due to the fact that they are younger and are still in the process of developing their personality and value systems. Research shows that higher education has a significant impact on the development of an individual’s moral judgment and reasoning, even when the natural impact of age on maturity is controlled for (King & Mayhew, 2002). The beliefs and values formed during this time period are influenced by a variety of factors both inside and outside of the classroom, such as class discussion, extracurricular group involvement, and participation in social events (Foubert & Grainger, 2006; King & Mayhew, 2002). Although many CJ practitioners do indeed have college degrees, the inherent age and lifestyle differences between these two groups could have a considerable impact on their perceptions, knowledge, and attitudes regarding the sex trade. Moreover, due to the Bosnian War and the widespread political corruption that followed, officers who were trained during this time period³ may have vastly different attitudes and perceptions of the sex trade than those who grew up in the postwar years. In addition, understanding more about the gap between students’ and practitioners’ knowledge of the sex trade would help administrators pinpoint areas of weakness that they can supplement in the future via training and/or education programs.

In light of the dearth of research attention directed toward practitioners’ views regarding the sex trade (including policy response) in BiH, this exploratory study presents the following five research questions that will examine whether future and current practitioners in BiH differ in regard to their support of: (Research Question 1) the legalization of prostitution; (Research Question 2) current laws for ST; (Research Question 3) legal repercussions (i.e., arrest, imprisonment, and deportation) for actors within the sex trade including (a) female sex workers, (b) ST victims, (c) ST, and (d) customers/buyers; (Research Question 4) attitudes toward prostitution; and (Research Question 5) misperceptions of HT. A final research question (Research Question 6) will examine whether attitudes pertaining to the sex trade are conditioned by participant sex, training received, and contact with trafficking victims.

Method

Sample

The current study utilized data collected from multiple sources. First, in the course of the sixth annual conference of prosecutors in BiH in October of 2013, legal actors attending the conference were asked whether they wanted to participate in the study by one of the researchers. Following consent being obtained from each of the legal actors, a three-page survey was completed by the respondents.⁴ A native speaker translated the survey into the local language (Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian). Remuneration was not provided for participation in the study. Overall, the survey was completed by a total of 30 practitioners from the legal sector. Second, criminal investigators working in Ministry of Internal Affairs of Canton Sarajevo and Tuzla Canton, Federal Ministry of Internal Affairs, and State Investigation and Protection Agency were asked to take the survey. A total of 36 law enforcement officers completed the survey. Third, undergraduate and graduate students enrolled in the Faculty for Criminal Justice, Criminology, and Security Studies at the University of Sarajevo in the fall of 2013 were asked to participate in the survey. The study was administered to a total of five classes for which each year of study was randomly selected to be sampled for each day of the week.⁵ These classes included a second year criminalistics course, a third-year criminology course, a fourth-year criminalistics course, a fourth-year criminology course, and a first-year graduate course that included students from criminology, criminalistics, and security studies. Students were read a letter highlighting the purpose of the study as well as their voluntary consent to participate. In total, 135 students participated in the survey. Overall, the sample for this study included a total of 201 respondents.

Data and Measurement

The current study incorporated an abbreviated version of a survey developed by Muftić (2013, 2014).⁶ The survey was originally utilized to investigate training received, contact with sex workers, and knowledge related to ST as well as attitudinal and perceptional measures pertaining to the sex trade. Roughly, three dozen variables examined attitudes related more generally to prostitution and ST as well as more narrowly to sexually trafficked individuals, traffickers, buyers/customers, and various responses toward trafficking. Responses were measured on a 4-point scale ranging from “1” (disagree strongly) to “4” (strongly agree) and then separated by theme. In addition, demographic variables for respondent sex and age were collected.

Attitudinal scales regarding the sex trade

Multiple themes emerged as a result of the survey, which resulted in the creation of two distinct scales. To gain a better understanding of the scales, and the included measures, an overview of each will be provided (see Appendix). First, the attitudes toward prostitution scale inquired into individually held beliefs about various aspects of prostitution and women working in prostitution. These items, derived from the scale originally developed by Sawyer, Metz, Hings, and Brucker (2001), included (1) most women working in the SI make a lot of money, (2) women in the SI enjoy their work, (3) the reason women work in the SI is because they like sex, and (4) women work in the SI because they want to, it’s their choice.⁷ The scale constructed from these measures exhibited a high level of internal reliability (α = .817) with respondents generally disagreeing with the previous statements (M = 1.934, SD = 0.730).

Second, the misperceptions of HT scale was included to gain a better understanding about common misperceptions held regarding HT. Items included in this scale were (1) trafficker persons can only be immigrants from other countries, (2) trafficking is a crime that must involve some form of travel, transportation, or movement across national borders, (3) only tourists and foreigners frequent sex establishments in BiH, (4) victims of trafficking will immediately ask for help or assistance, and (5) women who voluntarily migrate to BiH for sex work cannot be considered trafficking victims. Data highlight that respondents neither adamantly agreed nor disagreed to statements regarding misperceptions of HT (M =2.289; SD =0.608). This measure had a minimally acceptable level of internal consistency (α = .560).⁸

Attitudes regarding CJ response

Respondents’ attitudes toward the CJ system’s response to HT were organized into four distinct topics. For ease of interpretation, scaled items for strongly agree and agree were combined to form a single category (agree = 1), as were those for strongly disagree and disagree (disagree = 0), allowing for these measures to be viewed dichotomously. First, attitudes toward legislation asked respondents about their views on current laws in BiH concerning the sex trade, specifically (1) should prostitution be legalized and (2) do current laws adequately address HT in BiH. Less than half of both practitioners (37.3%) and future practitioners (37.8%) agreed with the statement regarding legalization of prostitution, indicating a majority belief in the current status quo of criminalization. Respondents were generally split regarding the adequacy of current trafficking laws, with 51.5% of practitioners and 45.8% of future practitioners seeing no issue with the current legal response to HT in BiH.

Second, attitudes toward women in the SI was assessed using two measures that indicated respondents’ level of punitiveness when it comes to CJ response toward sex workers. These measures included (1) women working in the SI should be arrested and (2) women working in the SI should be imprisoned. Respondents generally disagreed with these two questions, with only 20.9% of practitioners and 23.9% of future practitioners agreeing with the statement that women working in the SI should be arrested and 14.9% of practitioners and 25.4% of future practitioners believing that they should be imprisoned. Attitudes toward ST victims was measured using a single question; women trafficked into BiH should be deported. Little over a quarter (26.5%) of practitioners and over one-third (39.2%) of future practitioners agreed with this statement.

Attitudes toward traffickers and attitudes toward buyers/customers were evaluated in a similar manner to attitudes toward women in the SI. Two separate questions examined attitudes toward traffickers, specifically (1) traffickers should be arrested and (2) traffickers should be imprisoned. An overwhelming majority of both practitioners and future practitioners indicated that they agreed that traffickers should be arrested (97.1% and 97.8%, respectively) and imprisoned (97.1% and 97.8%, respectively). Attitudes toward buyers/customers also included similar measures as follows: (1) buyers/customers should be arrested and (2) buyers/customers should be imprisoned. Although fewer respondents had punitive views toward buyers/customers than traffickers, the majority of practitioners and future practitioners still believed that buyers/customers should be arrested (76.6% and 76.3%, respectively) and imprisoned (72.7% and 71.4%, respectively).

Individual character and experiences

Overall, the sample was slightly more male (57.8%, n = 118) than female (42.2%, n = 86). Respondents were asked to self-report (yes/no) if they had ever received training pertaining to ST. Less than one-quarter of respondents (20.8%, n = 42) responded in the affirmative. Respondents were also asked to self-report (yes/no) if they had ever had any contact with a ST victim. Roughly, one-quarter of respondents (27.4%, n = 55) reported having had contact with a victim.

Analytic Technique

Since the current study includes a relatively small sample size and as is exploratory in nature, analyses will focus on providing a better understanding of differences within and between the sample of practitioners and future practitioners. This will be done through the use of bivariate methods, including independent samples t-tests and χ² tests.

Findings

Descriptive characteristics for the sample used in this study are presented in Table 1. As previously stated, the entire sample consisted of 201 respondents, who had a mean age of 29.89 (SD = 12.078). Respondents’ mean age varied greatly according to profession type and status. Not surprisingly, the future practitioners in the sample were much younger than the other respondents surveyed (M = 22.97, SD = 2.836). The mean age of current practitioners was 43.94 (SD = 11.446), with legal actors (M = 50.87, SD = 10.494) being generally older than law enforcement officers (M = 38.17, SD = 8.755). Over half (57.7%) of the respondents in the full sample were male, with males being slightly overrepresented among all subgroups, including legal actors (60.0%), law enforcement (69.4%), and future practitioners (54.1%).

Table 1.

Descriptive Characteristics of Sample.

	n	Sex	Age
	n	(% Male)	Mean	SD
Full sample	201	57.7	29.89	12.078
CJ practitioners	66	65.2	43.94	11.446
Legal actors	30	60.0	50.87	10.494
Law enforcement	36	69.4	38.17	8.755
Future practitioners	135	54.1	22.97	2.836

Note. N = 201; CJ = criminal justice.

Bivariate analyses were used in order to determine whether statistically significant differences between practitioners and future practitioners with regard to demographics or their prior experiences (see Table 2). Results of an independent samples t-test showed, not surprisingly, that there was a statistically significant age difference between the two groups, t(198) = 20.04, p < .001. The practitioner and future practitioner samples did not, however, significantly vary according to sex, χ²(1) = 2.229, p > .05. Respondents’ prior experiences were broken down into two categories, whether or not they had received previous training on HT or if they had prior contact with HT victims. Results of χ² tests showed that there were indeed highly significant differences between practitioners and future practitioners in these areas. Only 1.5% of practitioners had received prior training on HT, compared to 59.1% of future practitioners, χ²(1) = 90.016, p < .001. Future practitioners were also significantly more likely to have had prior contact with trafficking victims (77.3%) than current practitioners, 0.7%, χ²(1) = 134.597, p < .001.

Table 2.

Overall Differences Between Practitioners and Future Practitioners.

	Practitioners (n = 66)	Future practitioners (n = 135)
Variable	Percentage/mean (SD)	Percentage/mean (SD)	Test statistic
Demographics
Age	22.97 (2.84)	43.94 (11.45)	t(198) = 20.04***
Sex (male)	54.1%	65.2%	χ²(1) = 2.229
Prior experiences
Receiving training	1.5%	59.1%	χ²(1) = 90.016***
Prior contact with HT victim	0.7%	77.3%	χ²(1) = 134.597***

Note. N = 201. HT = human trafficking.

***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05, two-tailed.

Attitudes Toward Legalization

In line with the oppression paradigm (Weitzer, 2010), only a little over a third of all respondents indicated support for the legalization of prostitution in BiH. Bivariate analyses were then used to determine variation in respondents’ attitudes toward legalization (see Table 3). A χ² goodness of fit test was used to answer the first research question, which asked if current and future practitioners varied with regard to their belief that prostitution should be legalized. Results showed that there was not a significant difference between the two groups concerning legalization, χ²(1) = .004, p > .05. Similarly, practitioners and future practitioners were also not statistically dissimilar with regard to their belief that current laws adequately addressed HT in BiH, χ²(1) = .547, p > .05), thus resulting in a failure to reject the null hypothesis for the second research question. Overall, roughly half of the respondents believed that current laws in BiH provided an adequate response to HT. This is interesting given the continued presence of the commercial sex trade in BiH and the country’s meager CJ response to this issue (Department of State, 2012; Organization for Security and Co-operation [OSCE], 2009).

Table 3.

Attitudinal Differences Between Practitioners and Future Practitioners.

	Practitioners
	Current (n = 66)	Future (n = 135)
Attitudes regarding CJ response	% Agree	% Agree	Test statistic
Attitudes toward legalization
Prostitution should be legalized	37.3%	37.8%	χ²(1) = .004
Current laws adequately address human trafficking in BiH	51.5%	45.8%	χ²(1) = .547
Attitudes toward women in SI
Women working in SI should be arrested	20.9%	23.9%	χ²(1) = .226
Women working in SI should be imprisoned	14.9%	25.4%	χ²(1) = 2.859*
Attitudes toward ST victims
Women trafficked into BiH should be deported	26.5%	39.2%	χ²(1) = 3.202*
Attitudes toward traffickers
Traffickers should be arrested	97.1%	97.8%	χ²(1) = .097
Traffickers should be imprisoned	97.1%	97.8%	χ²(1) = .097
Attitudes toward buyers/customers
Buyers/customers should be arrested	76.6%	76.3%	χ²(1) = .002
Buyers/customers should be imprisoned	72.7%	71.4%	χ²(1) = .037
Attitudinal scales regarding sex trade	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Test statistic
Attitudes toward prostitution	1.738 (0.760)	2.031 (0.697)	t(192) = –2.664**
Misperceptions of human trafficking	1.994 (0.658)	2.425 (0.536)	t(186) = –4.812***

Note. N = 201. SI = sex industry; CJ = criminal justice; ST = sex trafficking.

***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05 (two-tailed).

Legal Repercussions for Actors in the SI

In response to the third research question, χ² goodness of fit tests were used to determine whether there were any statistically significant differences between current and future practitioners regarding their belief that actors in the sex trade should face legal repercussions. Results of these analyses can be found in Table 3. Current and future practitioners did not have significantly different beliefs concerning whether or not women in the SI should be arrested, χ²(1) = .226, p > .05; however, future practitioners were significantly more likely to believe that women working in the SI should be imprisoned, χ²(1) = 2.859, p < .05. Similarly, future practitioners were also more likely than current practitioners to believe that HT victims should be deported, χ²(1) = 3.202, p < .05. There were no statistically significant differences between current and future practitioners regarding their belief that traffickers or buyers/customers should face legal repercussions. Future practitioners were not significantly more likely than current practitioners to believe that traffickers should be arrested, χ²(1) = .097, p > .05, or imprisoned, χ²(1) = .097, p > .05, or to believe that buyers/customers should be arrested, χ²(1) = .002, p > .05, or imprisoned, χ²(1) = .037, p > .05.

Attitudes Toward Prostitution

In line with the fourth research question, an independent samples t-test was used in order to determine whether there was a statistically significant difference between current and future practitioners regarding their attitudes toward prostitution (see Table 3). Results of this test showed that there was a statistically significant difference between current and future practitioners concerning their attitudes toward prostitution, t(192) = −2.664, p < .01. Specifically, current practitioners (M = 1.738, SD = 0.760) were less likely to believe in common prostitution myths than future practitioners (M = 2.031 SD = 0.697).

Misperceptions of HT

The fifth research question asked if current and future practitioners had differed in their misperceptions of HT (see Table 3). An independent samples t-test determined that current practitioners were less likely to have misperceptions of HT (M = 1.994, SD = 0.658) than future practitioners (M = 2.425, SD = 0.536) and that this difference was highly statistically significant, t(186) = −4.812, p < .001.

Attitudinal Differences by Respondent Characteristics

In addition to the previously presented results, differences in respondent characteristics were analyzed to examine the possible influence of sex, having received HT training, and contact with trafficking victims had on attitudes. Pertaining to attitudes toward CJ responses, only a few differences were observed across the various attitudes. The only significant difference within attitudes toward prostitution was based upon sex, with males being significantly more likely to agree that prostitution should be legalized compared to females, χ²(1) = 5.512, p < .01, while a difference based on sex was not discovered for the statement that laws adequately address HT in BiH, χ²(1) = .294, p > .05. Moreover, no significant differences were present based upon if a respondent had received training on legalization, χ²(1) = .000, p > .05, or adequacy of laws, χ²(1) = .025, p > .05, nor for if the individual had contact with a victim on legalization, χ²(1) = .630, p > .05, or adequacy of laws, χ²(1) = .124, p > .05.

Attitudes toward the SI showcased similar insignificant findings related to differences based upon sex, training, and contact with sex workers. The only significant difference appeared to be that individuals who had received training were less likely to agree with the statement that women in the SI should be imprisoned compared to respondents who had not received training, χ²(1) = 2.701, p < .05. In contrast, no significant differences were discovered for the statement that women working in the SI should be arrested based upon sex, χ²(1) = .893, p > .05, training, χ²(1) = 2.090, p > .05, nor victim contact, χ²(1) = .811, p > .05. Furthermore, no significant differences were evident for the statement that women working in the SI should be imprisoned based upon sex, χ²(1) = .683, p > .05, nor victim contact, χ²(1) = 2.457, p > .05. When focusing specifically on victims of ST, individuals who had received training, χ²(1) = 3.992, p < .05, and had contact with victims, χ²(1) = 2.773, p < .05, were significantly less likely to agree with the statement that victims trafficking into BiH should be deported compared to their counterparts. A significant difference regarding deportation of trafficking victims was not evident based upon sex, χ²(1) = .228, p > .05.

In relation to attitudes toward traffickers, no differences were observed for sex, χ²(1) = .012, p > .05, training, χ²(1) = .001, p > .05, nor victim contact, χ²(1) = .442, p > .05, for the statement that traffickers should be arrested. Moreover, no significant variations existed for the statement that traffickers should be imprisoned based upon sex, χ²(1) = .012, p > .05, training, χ²(1) = 1.314, p > .05, nor victim contact, χ²(1) = .442, p > .05. Shifting attention to buyers/customers, females were significantly more likely to agree with the statement that buyers/customers should be imprisoned compared to males, χ²(1) = 2.933, p < .05; however, no differences for this statement were presented based upon training, χ²(1) = .916, p > .05, or victim contact, χ²(1) = .066, p > .05. In addition, no significant differences were present for the statement that buyers/customers should be arrested based upon differences attributed to sex, χ²(1) = .921, p > .05, training, χ²(1) = .051, p > .05, nor victim contact, χ²(1) = .395, p > .05.

The final measures, attitudinal scales toward the sex trade generally varied between groups under examination. Specifically when examining the attitudes toward prostitution scale, females had a significantly lower score than males, t(192) = −3.186, p < .001, and respondents who had received training exhibited a lower score than individuals not having received training, t(190) = −2.433 p < .001. For the misperceptions of HT scale, individuals who did not receive training had higher scores than those trained, t(190) = 4.103 p < .001, and those respondents in contact with trafficking victims had lower mean scores compared to persons not having had contact with victims, t(190) = −4.821 p < .001. No difference in misperceptions of HT was found based on sex, t(186) = −818 p > .05 (see Table 4).

Table 4.

Attitudinal Differences by Respondent Characteristics.

	Sex			Received Training			Victim Contact
	Females (n = 86)	Males (n = 118)		Yes (n = 42)	No (n = 160)		Yes (n = 55)	No (n = 148)
Attitudes Regarding CJ Response	% Agree	% Agree	Test Statistic	% Agree	% Agree	Test Statistic	% Agree	% Agree	Test Statistic
Attitudes toward legalization
Prostitution should be legalized	28.2%	44.4%	χ²(1) = 5.512**	37.5%	37.5%	χ²(1) = .000	33.3%	39.5%	χ²(1) = .630
Current laws adequately address human trafficking in BiH	50.0%	46.1%	χ²(1) = .294	48.8%	47.4%	χ²(1) = .025	50.0%	47.2%	χ²(1) = .124
Attitudes toward women in SI
Women working in SI should be arrested	26.2%	20.5%	χ²(1) = .893	14.6%	25.3%	χ²(1) = 2.090	18.2%	24.1%	χ²(1) = .811
Women working in SI should be imprisoned	24.7%	19.8%	χ²(1) = .683	12.2%	25.1%	χ²(1) = 2.701*	14.5%	24.8%	χ²(1) = 2.457
Attitudes toward ST victims
Women trafficked into BiH should be deported	32.9%	36.2%	χ²(1) = .228	22.0%	38.7%	χ²(1) = 3.992*	25.5%	38.0%	χ²(1) = 2.773*
Attitudes toward traffickers
Traffickers should be arrested	97.7%	97.4%	χ²(1) = .012	97.6%	97.5%	χ²(1) = .001	96.4%	98.0%	χ²(1) = .422
Traffickers should be imprisoned	97.7%	97.4%	χ²(1) = .012	100%	96.9%	χ²(1) = 1.314	96.4%	98.0%	χ²(1) = .422
Attitudes toward buyers/customers
Buyers/customers should be arrested	79.8%	73.9%	χ²(1) = .921	77.5%	75.8%	χ²(1) = .051	73.1%	77.4%	χ²(1) = .395
Buyers/customers should be imprisoned	78.3%	67.2%	χ²(1) = 2.933*	78.0%	70.5%	χ²(1) = .916	70.4%	72.2%	χ²(1) = .066
Attitudinal scales regarding sex trade	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Test statistic	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Test statistic	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Test statistic
Attitudes toward prostitution	1.741 (0.6725)	2.071 (0.7384)	t(192) = –3.186***	1.688 (0.7043)	2.000 (0.7273)	t(190) = –2.433**	1.830 (0.8171)	1.970 (0.6933)	t(191) = –1.186
Misperceptions of human trafficking	2.235 (0.6170)	2.314 (0.6091)	t(186) = –.818	1.942 (0.6574)	2.377 (0.5626)	t(190) = –4.103***	1.958 (0.6809)	2.412 (0.5350)	t(190) = –4.821***

Note. N = 201. SI = sex industry; CJ = criminal justice; ST = sex trafficking.

***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05, two-tailed

Discussion

Past research has shown that CJ practitioners’ personal beliefs can influence the way that they approach and treat sex workers (Carlson et al., 1972; Frank & Brandl, 1991; Mentzer, 2010). In addition, some evidence suggests that exposure to victim-centered training on the sex trade can positively impact practitioners’ attitudes, and thus contact with, sex workers (Halter, 2010). Similarly, Fox and Cook (2011) found that an increase in student knowledge about victim-related issues has a negative effect on victim-blaming attitudes. Given this, the extent of current and future practitioners’ views of the sex trade is an important area of study given the possible implications that it could have for future law enforcement interactions with sex workers and, possibly, victims of the ST.

Current and future practitioners likely have different levels of exposure to training and victim contact opportunities and thus different beliefs and attitudes toward the sex trade. Given this, this study analyzed the similarities and differences between current and future CJ practitioners with regard to their attitudes and misperceptions of HT in BiH as well as the influence of participant sex, training, and victim contact on these constructs. The study of such factors among practitioners (current and future) in BiH is timely given the country’s difficulty in restraining the SI and the negative impact that this has on its chances of accession to the European Union (Juncos, 2005; Lindstrom, 2004; Osland, 2004).

Results of a survey that was administered to samples of current practitioners in BiH and CJ students at the University of Sarajevo indicated that these groups differed on several key issues. Future practitioners were significantly more likely to believe in common prostitution myths (i.e., women choose to work in the SI) and perceptions of HT (i.e., trafficked persons can only be immigrants from other countries). This is consistent with previous studies showing that students are likely to hold negative views toward sex workers (Menaker & Franklin, 2013, Roberts et al., 2010) and that perceptions of victim blame are often tied to knowledge and training (Fox & Cook, 2011; Wilson et al., 2006). Similar to Menaker and Franklin’s (2013) research among CJ students, these findings reveal that students’ perceptions of sex workers were more in line with the oppression paradigm (Weitzer, 2009) as students believed that all sex workers, including ST victims, should face sanctions from the CJ system.

Although analyses concerning differences between current and future practitioners’ attitudes toward legalization, the arrest of sex workers, and attitudes toward traffickers were not statistically significant, they still reveal important insight about individuals’ attitudes regarding the SI in BiH and the discrepancy between individual belief and institutional practice. For instance, over 95% of respondents favored arrest and imprisonment for traffickers; however, the government rarely prosecutes traffickers and penalties for the crime are typically lenient (Department of State, 2012; OSCE, 2009). Similarly, roughly three-quarters of respondents favored arrest and imprisonment for buyers/customers, however this crime is only punishable by a fine.

Policy Implications

The results of this study could have important implications for future HT-related policies in both BiH and other countries. Overall, the differences between current and future practitioners with regard to their attitudes toward prostitution and victims could be mitigated by increasing future practitioners’ exposure to victim issues and knowledge regarding violence against women. Universities provide a unique, and somewhat idealistic, opportunity to provide this experience in that required coursework could be augmented to include exploration into these issues. Although it would be preferable given the prevalence of the sex trade in BiH, universities would not necessarily need to dedicate an entire semester to the study of this concept. HT and victim sensitivity could be incorporated into a variety of courses, including criminalistics and victimology. Even a brief examination of trafficking-related issues could be useful in crafting students’ perceptions of this crime. Indeed, Gainey and Payne (2003) note that students have strong opinions about CJ topics, even when they have limited understanding of them outside the media. In their experimental study, they determined that even a single lecture on a CJ topic, in their case electronic monitoring, had a substantial impact on students’ knowledge and perceptions of that topic. Incorporating the study of the sex trade into CJ curricula, even just briefly, could therefore have significant implications toward students’ attitudes about the crime. This is furthermore important considering the fact that these students are very likely to enter the field upon graduation and may come into contact with trafficking victims (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999).

This study also reiterates the need for an increased understanding of the commercial SI and victim-related issues among CJ practitioners. Even though current practitioners were less likely to accept prostitution myths, had a more accurate understanding of HT, and had more favorable attitudes toward victims than future practitioners, they still scored relatively high on each of these measures. These attitudes could be the result of media and cultural influences; however, their effects could be diminished by providing increased training opportunities that target specific myths and attitudes. Such training could therefore lead to a more developed understanding of HT and the sex trade in general by CJ practitioners, which could then be used to inform arrest decisions and case processing.

Limitations and Future Research

This study provides the first-known evaluation of the similarities and differences between CJ students and practitioners regarding their attitudes and knowledge of HT, however it is not without limitations. Specifically, the scope of the data collected was relatively limited and incorporated questions that could be seen interpreted as stemming from the abolitionist camp. Although respondents were asked whether they received training on HT, this measure was quite broad and not well defined. This is problematic given the relationship between training completion and accuracy of knowledge related to HT (see Wilson et al., 2006). Future research should therefore focus on the specific types of training that current and future practitioners may have received. This includes whether or not they were exposed to a stand-alone class on HT or if HT was discussed during the course of another training class. The length of these courses could then be used to determine the depth of exposure to this phenomenon. In addition, future research should evaluate current and future practitioners’ exposure to victim sensitivity issues and information regarding violence against women due to the overlap between these issues and HT.

Future research regarding the attitudes and perceptions of current and future CJ practitioners in BiH should also investigate the possible differential effects of the Bosnian war on these groups. Both current and future practitioners were likely exposed to the war in some capacity, however the scope of this exposure and its lasting effects on punitive attitudes concerning crime are not well known. This is of specific importance given that Goldstein, Wampler, and Wise (1997) note that the severity of exposure to the war was influenced by region and especially high in Sarajevo.

Finally, the results of this study were furthermore based on data collected from a single country in southeastern Europe and are therefore not necessarily generalizable to other countries. Further investigation into whether or not marked differences in misperceptions of HT and attitudes toward sex work occur in other countries should be evaluated. These results could then be compared to those of this study in order to increase overall understanding of this phenomenon.

In conclusion, this study determined that current and future CJ practitioners in BiH varied significantly with regard to their knowledge and attitudes toward HT. Specifically, future practitioners were found to have more negative attitudes toward prostitution and misperceptions of HT. This is in line with previous research concerning students’ attributions of blame for sex workers (Menaker & Franklin, 2013) as well as concerning due to the fact that research shows that future practitioners are likely to retain the attitudes and beliefs they form during college for the duration of their lives (Miller, Tewksbury, & Hensley, 2004). In addition, although roughly half of respondents noted that they believed the current legal response to trafficking in BiH was adequate, a vast majority favored more punitive sanctions for traffickers and buyers/customers than are typically levied by the government. Further focus on current and future practitioners’ true knowledge of anti-trafficking laws in BiH, as well as an increased emphasis on changing students’ perceptions of the sex trade, is therefore needed due to the high likelihood that these actors will encounter sex workers and possibly victims of HT during the course of their careers.

Footnotes

Appendix

Table A1.

Scale Descriptive Characteristics.

	α	Mean	SD
Attitudes toward prostitution	.817	1.934	0.730
Most women working in the SI make a lot of money		2.06	0.955
Women in the SI enjoy their work		1.88	0.859
The reason women work in the SI is because they like sex		1.74	0.876
Women work in the SI because they want to, it’s their choice		2.05	0.939
Misperceptions of human trafficking	.560	2.289	0.608
Trafficked persons can only be immigrants from other countries		2.20	1.011
Trafficking is a crime that must involve some form of travel, transportation, or movement across national borders		2.66	1.110
Only tourists and foreigners frequent sex establishments in BiH		1.85	0.914
Victims of trafficking will immediately ask for help or assistance		2.01	0.855
Women who voluntarily migrate to BiH for sex work cannot be considered trafficking victims		2.80	1.141

Note. N = 201. SI = sex industry. Responses to these items were measured on a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (disagree strongly) to 4 (agree strongly).

Acknowledgments

We would like to express our gratitude to Amela Efendić and the staff from the Office of International Solidarity Forum EMMAUS, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, for their helpful and insightful comments on the survey instrument utilized in the current study.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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