Transnational Masculinity in the Eyes of Local Beholders? Young Americans’ Perception of K-Pop Masculinities

Abstract

The advancement in communication technology has created myriad online media sources through which people from different cultural backgrounds meet more frequently and easily than ever before. In this highly interconnected world, intercultural sensitivity has been the utmost important quality for global citizenship. Empirical literature on how gender norms operate across countries in the realm of a global circulation of media contents is limited. This study examines how young American individuals perceived masculinity embodied through Korean pop male band members’ bodies. Survey data suggest that U.S. cultural norms played a significant role in research participants’ (N = 772) perception of Korean band members’ masculinity. Respondents perceived them neither highly masculine nor feminine. Such ambiguous gender images are similar to the stereotypes of Asian American males in the United States. Moreover, respondents’ perception of and evaluation of band members’ masculinity largely conform to what the concept of hegemonic masculinity suggests as ideal. Findings imply that participants construct the difference between Korean pop band members’ masculinity and the Western hegemonic masculinity ideal, and subsequently reproduce cultural distance.

Keywords

Asian masculinity hegemonic masculinity gender norms K-pop globalization/transnationalism

When people see other people, gender is one of the first things they notice (Omi & Winant, 1994). Due to the dramatic advancement in communication technology, people meet other people from different cultural backgrounds more frequently and easily than ever before through myriad online media sources and communication venues. The increasing accessibility to media contents circulating across countries subsequently has brought people more chances to observe and interpret gender expressions of people all over the world. On one hand, the intensive and extensive global interconnectedness has brought great attention to intercultural sensitivity as the utmost important quality for global citizenship (Banks, 2008). On the other hand, it has also caused tension between local/national and foreign cultures (Wilson & Dissanayake, 1996). When it comes to the notion of gender appropriateness, would people apply their locally available norms to evaluate people living in other countries? Or, would people, instead, take into account cultural differences and have more flexible views on them?

A number of studies have examined individual perceptions of masculinity and femininity of other people in U.S. settings (e.g., Cheng, 1996; Chua & Fujino, 1999; Liu, Iwamoto, & Chae, 2010; Wilkins, Chan, & Kaiser, 2011; Woo, 2000). A research focus of those studies is primarily on dominant group attitudes toward minority groups (e.g., White Americans’ attitudes toward Black, Asian,¹ Mexican males’ masculinity). Despite dealing with varied research participants, these studies suggest fairly consistent findings that racial and ethnic minority men’s masculinity is understood in comparison with that of White men. The Western hegemonic masculine ideal (Connell, 2005) often works as a baseline in that comparison. To our knowledge, however, there has been no empirical study quantitatively measuring American individuals’ perception of masculinity/femininity of people outside of the United States.

Filling the gap in the literature, we investigated how young American college students perceived masculinity embodied through Korean pop (K-pop henceforth) male band members’ bodies. Drawn on survey data, this study suggests that gender norms in U.S. society play a significant role in our research participants’ (N = 772) perception of K-pop band members’ masculinity and femininity. For example, participants reported K-pop band members lacked masculinity based on their perceived small body size, soft skin, and absence of facial hair, just to name a few. These descriptions resemble a stereotypical image of Asian males in the United States. This finding implies that participants socially construct differences between K-pop band members’ masculinity and the Western hegemonic masculinity ideal, and subsequently reproduce cultural distance between the two. Nonetheless, our data also allude to participants’ sensitivity to cultural differences in gender norms and expressions. This finding hints at the potential for a changing notion of masculinity through cultural interconnectedness in a global context. The current study contributes to the limited empirical studies measuring how gender norms operate across countries by focusing on contemporary young individuals who have been, and will continue to be, experiencing cultural diversities and an interconnected world more intensely than any other previous generation.

K-Pop Male Bands’ Masculinities

Since the 1990s, Korean popular culture, including TV dramas, movies, and music, has circulated to neighboring Asian countries. This transnational flow of Korean cultural products, often referred to as the Korean Wave, has expanded to Europe, the Middle East, South America, and, more recently, the United States (Choe & Russell, 2012). Evidenced by the abundance of contents circulating on the Internet (e.g., fan blogs, e-magazines, YouTube channels), K-pop male bands such as BigBang, SHINEE, BEAST, 2PM, EXO, and BTS have been leading the recent Korean Wave (Herman, 2018). The global surge of K-pop male bands’ popularities was most recently showcased at the 2017 Billboard Music Awards where BTS beat out Justin Bieber, Selena Gomez, Ariana Grande, and Shawn Mendes in the fan-voted Top Social Artist Category (Lipshutz, 2017). Not long after, TIME (2017) magazine selected BTS as one of the 25 most influential people on the Internet in 2017. K-pop researchers have highlighted that the global spread of K-pop is a novel transnational phenomenon that shifts a direction of globalization influences from so-called cultural periphery (non-Western world) to a cultural center (i.e., Western world) or recreates cultural periphery as a new cultural center (Lyan & Levkowitz, 2015).

An emerging question is what makes K-pop male bands able to draw such intensive and extensive attention from fans all over the world who have varied cultural, language, and/or religious backgrounds? K-pop male bands’ ability to display various forms of masculinity has been cited as one of the key ingredients to their global success (Anderson, 2014). Terms that Korean fans and media invented, including Kkot mi nam (꽃미남, translated to “good looking men like flowers”) and Jim seung dol (짐승돌, translated to young male bands showing powerful force like that of a “beast”), well represent a wide spectrum of masculinities K-pop male bands present (Byun, 2013). K-pop male bands are often not committed to one version of masculine expression. Rather, they traverse multiple masculinity versions according to their music style. For a sweet love song, for example, band members perform Kkot mi nam masculinity in soft colored clothes, dance to cute choreography, and make gestures such as blowing kisses, all of which overemphasize their youthful innocence. The same band switches to a Jim seung dol version for their rebellion-themed song. They show “tough” and “manly” characteristics by drawing upon elements of “gangster” and hip-hop aesthetics such as muscular shirtless bodies, dark colored outfits, ripped jeans, or graphic t-shirts (Byun, 2013). Through such versatile gender expressivity, K-pop male bands make a strong appeal to female fans across countries as they satisfy female fans’ varied desire for their ideal men and/or male stars, which may not be present in their own countries (Oh, 2015). Scholars have conceptualized such flexibility of K-pop male bands’ gender expressions in terms of “versatile masculinity” (Jung, 2011a), “transnational masculinity” (Jung, 2011b), “alternative masculinity” (Oh, 2015), and “overlapping masculinity” (Anderson, 2014). Furthermore, many K-pop studies have stressed a broader implication of K-pop male bands’ global popularity showing how a transnational flow of cultural products can work to (re)construct the notion of masculinities (e.g., Anderson, 2014; Guevarra, 2014; Manietta, 2015; Oh, 2015).

Masculinity Norms in the United States

In the United States, multiple masculinities, although present, are less socially accepted because American gender norms adhere to strict distinctions between female/male and feminine/masculine (Kimmel, 2004). Masculinity in the United States takes a more rigid form often defined by the absence of any feminine attributes. The so-called hegemonic masculine ideal epitomizes “normal” masculinity through the images of a Western, White, able-bodied, heterosexual, middle/upper class male (Connell, 2005). The U.S. masculine ideal is also about distancing oneself from that which is feminine. Attention to appearance is paramount to femininity. A male who cares too much about his appearance risks his masculine label. Certain aspects of male appearance should be emphasized, however, such as the need to be and appear muscular (e.g., Kimmel, 2011). Muscularity, a strong jawline, and prominent brow convey strength and virility (Little & Hancock, 2002). Moreover, masculinity is bound to sexuality such that to be masculine in U.S. society is to be heterosexual. The masculine male should take pain to affirm his masculinity to others (and himself), whether this is through boasting about sexual conquests or lobbing homophobic epithets at other (usually heterosexual) males (e.g., Kimmel, 2004; Pascoe, 2007). In this rigid unilinear alignment between masculinity, absence of femininity, and heterosexuality, it is almost inevitable that the sexuality of Asian males is also significantly deemphasized.

A number of empirical studies have documented the centrality of the hegemonic masculine ideal in the U.S. gender hierarchy. White young Americans viewed Asian American men as less masculine than White and Black American men (e.g., Liu et al., 2010; Wilkins et al., 2011). Black American men were viewed as more masculine than White American men even if a definition of “masculinity” or “masculine” was not given to them (e.g., Goff, Thomas, & Jackson, 2008; Jackson, Lewandowski, Ingram, & Hodge, 1997; Wilkins et al., 2011). Such findings highlight that young Americans often perceive Asian males’ masculinities and those of other racial/ethnic minority groups in comparison with White men. Other studies have focused on teasing out personality or behavioral traits with which young Americans associate Asian men. These studies found characteristics such as intelligence, short stature, soft-spokenness, working hard, politeness, nurturing, romanticism, introversion/quietude, and willingness to share feelings as core elements of the perceived Asian male masculinity (Chua & Fujino, 1999; Niemann, Jennings, Rozelle, Baxter, & Sullivan, 1994). Those commonly cited characteristics are traditionally associated with effeminacy in the United States, and subsequently, they compose images of Asian American males as lacking masculinity, or at least adhering to a subordinate masculinity (Espiritu, 2008; Falicov, 2010).²

Current Study

While acknowledging K-pop’s role as a transnational cultural connector, we are wary of claims of a substantive role for K-pop male bands’ popularity for reshaping gender norms on a global scale (e.g., Anderson, 2014; Guevarra, 2014; Manietta, 2015; Oh, 2015). Despite its rapidly increasing reputation outside of Korea, K-pop and its fandom make for minor cultural platforms in most of the receiving countries (Yoon & Jin, 2016). It is safe to assume that ordinary young individuals who have little knowledge about K-pop or Korean culture more generally would show varying responses to K-pop masculinities. Existing studies based solely on K-pop fans offer a meaningful yet partial understanding of the reception of K-pop male band masculinity and its broader impact on cross-cultural settings. We believed it was an important empirical task to extend the research scope and include ordinary young individuals’ perception of K-pop masculinities in analysis. By doing so, we investigated how a transnational cultural flow interacts with local cultural contexts and creates environments for interpreting gender practices. To that end, the stark contrast between the versatility of K-pop masculinity and rigid U.S. masculinity norms sets up a stage where we can observe cultural variations in masculinity norms and people’s perception of such differences.

For the current study, we propose gender schema theory (Bem, 1981) provides a useful analytical framework. A schema is a cognitive structure composed of a network of associations among preconceived ideas. It serves as a framework through which one processes incoming information and organizes it into relevant categories of the preexisting cognitive structure (Neisser, 1976). As schema processing does not require complicated analysis of a situation but automatic thought, it enables people to process new information quickly. That explains why people are more likely to notice things that are congruent with their schema while they tend to conceive information incongruent to their schema as an exception or even distort it to make it fit into the schema (Nisbett & Ross, 1980). Gender schema theory (Bem, 1981) suggests individuals process information related to gender on the basis of their preexisting schema composed of personality and behavioral traits deemed to be appropriate for men and women in that society. The readiness to sort information into gender categories can encourage people to classify the presented characteristics into masculine and feminine categories even if they could be grouped on dimensions unrelated to gender (Bem, 1981). The concept of gender schema is useful to understand processes through which people conform to cultural expectations regarding gender.

Taken one step further, we expected the theory would help us explain how gender norms and expectations particular to one society work in a cross-cultural context. Building on gender schema theory, we presumed that people would largely rely on the preexisting gender schema of their native society when they perceived gender conformity/nonconformity of people outside of their own country. The empirical task of the current study was then to test whether young American individuals’ perception of K-pop band members’ masculinity was consistent with gender norms prevalent in U.S. society. Given the U.S. context where Asian American males are often associated with effeminate characteristics and subsequently marginalized, first, we tested to what extent young American individuals perceived K-pop band members’ masculinity and femininity. More specifically, we formed the first set of hypotheses as follows:

Hypothesis 1a: Perceived masculinity level of K-pop band members would be “lower than moderate.”

Hypothesis 1b: Perceived femininity level of K-pop band members would be “higher than moderate.”

Second, we analyzed whether American young individuals’ perception of K-pop band members’ gender appropriateness resonates with the Western hegemonic masculinity ideal. That is, masculinity–femininity works in a binary opposition, wherein a higher level of masculinity and a lower level of femininity are more desirable for males. The second set of hypotheses is as follows.

Hypothesis 2a: Perceived masculinity level of K-pop band members is negatively associated with their perceived femininity level.

Hypothesis 2b: Perceived femininity level of K-pop band members is negatively associated with the acceptance of their femininity rating.

Hypothesis 2c: Perceived masculinity level of K-pop band members is positively associated with the acceptance of their masculinity rating.

Method

Data Collection

We collected survey data (N = 772) from 13 General Education Curriculum (GEC) courses in Spring 2017, offered in the Sociology and Anthropology Department at one large public university. We chose GEC courses for sample recruitment in an attempt to maximize the sample diversities in terms of demographic features and personal and intellectual interests. In this way, we made an effort to complement drawbacks of the convenience sampling methods used for the current study. We sent an invitation email to all seven course instructors; five agreed to participate. On data collection days, we showed a preselected 3.5-min video clip in the participating classes and distributed a questionnaire containing both closed- and open-ended questions. We collected a total of 883 cases including 80 cases from participants identifying as non-U.S. citizens. We initially expected to include non-U.S. citizens for comparative purposes. However, we had to exclude all non-U.S. citizen samples due to a very high rate of missing data from the group. We also excluded 31 cases with missing information on one or more variables. This left 772 participants for the analyses.

Most K-pop research has dealt with slightly older bands such as Rain, BEAST, 2PM, SHINEE, and Bigbang, bands that spearheaded K-pop’s global popularity several years ago (e.g., Anderson, 2014; Jung, 2011a, 2011b; Oh, 2015). Considering fast-changing trends in the K-pop industry, we chose the band BTS for the current study, whose recent popularity is evidenced by surging publicity both in Korean and English pop culture–related mass media.³ Of BTS’s multiple songs, we selected Fire as our content because it was that song which made the band visible to U.S. fans (Benjamin, 2016). Of numerous Fire videos with more than 100 million views on YouTube, we selected one featuring BTS’s small stage performance that focused on the members’ performance as opposed to a large-scale concert performance which highlights the glamour of the stage or the audience’s reaction to the performance. In the selected video clip, BTS members’ clothing styles display the punk/hip-hop aesthetic such as loose-fitting shirts, denim pants, oversized caps, or printed t-shirts (Byun, 2013).

Participants

Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics of the sample.

Table 1.

Sample Descriptive Statistics (N = 772).

Variable		% (n)	M (SD)	Range
Age			19.27 (1.50)	18-36
Sex	Male	42.4 (327)
Sex	Female	57.6 (445)
Race	White	85.5 (660)
Race	Non-White	14.5 (112)
Class	Low working	11.7 (90)
	Low middle–middle	60.1 (464)
	Upper middle–upper	28.1 (218)
Hometown	Urban	4.9 (38)
	Suburban	27.6 (213)
	Town/small town	52.7 (407)
	Rural	14.8 (114)
Academic major	Hard-pure	5.7 (44)
	Hard-applied	18.1 (140)
	Soft-pure	19.3 (149)
	Soft-applied	56.9 (439)
Familiarity with K-pop/Korean culture	Not at all familiar	48.5 (374)
	Not very familiar	37.7 (374)
	Moderately familiar	9.5 (291)
	Very familiar	2.1 (73)
	Completely familiar	0.6 (5)
	Don’t know	1.7 (13)

Note. K-pop = Korean pop.

Participants’ mean age was 19.27 years (SD = 1.50 years, range = 18-36 years). Female participants outnumbered male participants (57.6% and 42.4%, respectively). The majority of respondents were White (85.5%), followed by Black (5.7%), multiracial (3.4%), Hispanic (2.1%), Asian (1.8%), Other (1.2%), American Indian and Alaska Native (0.3%), and Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander (0.1%). For analytical purposes, we recoded the ethnicity categories into White (85.5%) and non-White (14.5%). Almost half of the respondents rated their social class as low middle–middle class (60.1%), followed by upper middle–upper class (28.1%), and low working class (11.7%). The number of participants from a town or small city was the highest (52.7%), and those from urban areas were the smallest (4.9%). Respondents from suburban and rural areas marked the second and third rank (27.6% and 14.8%, respectively). In terms of academic major, the most populated major was soft-applied (56.9%), followed by soft-pure (19.3%), hard-applied (18.1%), and hard-pure (5.7%).⁴ The vast majority of participants were not familiar with K-pop or Korean culture (86.2%), followed by moderately familiar (9.5%) and completely familiar (0.6%).

Measurements

Perceived masculinity and femininity

The first two key variables in this study were respondents’ perceived masculinity and femininity level of band members. To measure the perceived masculinity level, we developed an item asking, “Based on the band’s stage performance, how do you rate their overall level of masculinity?” The second key variable—the perceived femininity level—was measured by the same item with a word modification: “Based on the band’s stage performance, how do you rate their overall level of femininity?” Responses for the first question were made on a 1-5 Likert-type scale labeled not at all masculine (1), moderately masculine (3), to completely masculine (5). The same response options were given to the femininity-level question. In addition, we wanted to flesh out specific elements that composed respondents’ masculinity and femininity schema. To that end, both questions were followed by an open-ended question asking, “Please explain your response to the previous question. Why did you pick the rating you did?”

Acceptance of the perceived masculinity and femininity levels

We measured respondents’ evaluative attitude toward their perceived masculinity and femininity level of band members. Two items were developed: “Based on the band’s stage performance, how acceptable is their overall level of masculinity to you?” and “Based on the band’s stage performance, how acceptable is their overall level of femininity to you?” Responses were measured by a 1 to 5 Likert-type scale labeled completely unacceptable (1), moderately acceptable (3), to completely acceptable (5). Again, the questions were followed by an open-ended question: “Please explain your response to the previous question. Why did you pick the rating you did?”

Results

Descriptive Statistics of the Four Key Variables

Results offered mixed answers to the first set of hypotheses. For the perceived masculinity level, the test result was consistent with Hypothesis 1a. Respondents rated band members’ masculinity lower than a moderate level, M = 2.68, SD = 0.82, t(771) = −10.68, p < .001. Contrary to our prediction, respondents also rated band members’ femininity lower than a moderate level, M = 2.70, SD = 0.86, t(771) = −9.82, p < .001.

Regarding respondents’ overall acceptance of their perceived masculinity and femininity level of band members, the data showed both at higher than a moderate level. One-sample t-test results showed a mean score of 3.98 for the acceptance of the perceived masculinity level, SD = 1.06, t(771) = 25.78, p < .001, and 4.0 for the acceptance of the perceived femininity, SD = 1.07, t(771) = 25.94, p < .001.

Relationships Between Perceived Masculinity/Femininity and Acceptance of the Perceived Masculinity/Femininity

To test the second set of hypotheses, we statistically examined whether respondents’ perception of band members’ femininity and masculinity level, and their acceptance of them, would confirm what the Western hegemonic masculine ideal suggests about gender norms. To that end, we conducted ordinary least squares analysis. Table 2 displays coefficients for the four key variables and the control variables.

Table 2.

OLS Unstandardized Coefficients Between the Main Study Variables.

Predictor	Perceived masculinity		Acceptance of perceived femininity		Acceptance of perceived masculinity
Predictor	Model 1	Model 2	Model 3	Model 4	Model 5	Model 6
Perceived femininity	−.515*** (.029)	−.483*** (.029)	−.444*** (.042)	−.410*** (.042)
Perceived masculinity					.465*** (.043)	.445*** (.045)
Female		.265*** (.052)		.255** (.075)		.136 (.076)
White		.039 (.073)		.154 (.104)		.023 (.104)
Hometown
Urban (reference)
Suburban		−.013 (.122)		.444 (.175)		.238 (.175)
Town/small city		.014 (.119)		.410 (.170)		.285 (.170)
Rural		.050 (.132)		.367 (.188)		.189 (.188)
Academic major
Hard-pure (reference)
Hard-applied		−.038 (.122)		−.081 (.175)		−.122 (.174)
Soft-pure		.037 (.121)		−.118 (.173)		−.208 (.173)
Soft-applied		−.067 (.112)		−.301 (.161)		−.304 (.161)
Class
Low working (reference)
Low middle–middle		−.050 (.080)		−.088 (.115)		.001 (.115)
Upper middle–upper		−.058 (.089)		−.091 (.128)		−.118 (.127)
Familiarity with Korean culture		.044 (.32)		.114* (.046)		.074 (0.46)
N	772	772		772	772	772
Adjusted R²	.290	.309	.127	.154	.130	.138

Note. OLS = ordinary least squares.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

In Model 1, we entered respondents’ perceived femininity level of band members as a predictor for their perception of band members’ masculinity level. The decision was made based on the theoretical arguments that the notion of masculinity in the United States is often defined as the opposite state of being feminine (i.e., what is masculine is that which is not feminine). Results confirmed Hypothesis 2a, which predicted a negative correlation between respondents’ perceived femininity and masculinity level of band members (b = −.515, p < .001). The two variables continued to have a statistically significant and negative relationship (b = −.483, p < .001) in Model 2, controlling for other variables including sex, ethnicity, hometown, academic major, class, and familiarity with K-pop/Korean culture.

Model 3 tested the relationship between respondents’ perceived femininity level of band members and the acceptance of their chosen femininity level. As we predicted in Hypothesis 2b, the perceived femininity level of band members was negatively associated with respondents’ acceptance level at a statistically significant level (b = −.444, p < .001). When controlling for other variables in Model 4, the negative correlation between the two variables remained statistically significant (b = −.410, p < .001).

Finally, in Model 5, we tested the effect of respondents’ perceived masculinity level of band members to predict the acceptance level of their chosen masculinity level (Hypothesis 2c). The test result indicated a higher level of perceived masculinity was correlated to a higher level of acceptance at a statistically significant level (b = .465, p < .001). The correlation between the two variables remained statistically significant when all other variables were controlled for in Model 6 (b = .445, p < .001).

Of all the control variables entered in Model 2, Model 4, and Model 6, only sex (Models 2 and 4) and familiarity with K-pop/Korean culture (Model 4) appeared to be statistically significant predictors. In Model 2, the female respondents tended to perceive band members’ masculinity level higher than their male counterparts (b = .265, p < .001). In addition, Model 4 indicated female respondents were likely to be more accepting of their chosen femininity level of band members than their male counterparts (b = .255, p < .01). Interestingly, in Model 6, there was no sex effect in respondents’ acceptance of their chosen masculinity level. Findings are mostly consistent with studies documenting that females in general have more accepting views of various gender expressions than males (e.g., Collier, Bos, Merry, & Sandfort, 2013; Horn, 2007).

Another control variable—familiarity with K-pop/Korean culture—only showed a statistically significant effect in Model 4. Respondents who were more familiar with K-pop or Korean culture were likely to be more accepting of their chosen femininity level of band members (b = .114, p < .05). However, the degree of familiarity with K-pop or Korean culture did not have an effect on either respondents’ perceived masculinity level (Model 2) or respondents’ acceptance of their chosen masculinity level of band members (Model 6).

In summary, results supported our second set of hypotheses. We expected that respondents’ perception of K-pop band members’ masculinity would mirror the Western hegemonic masculinity ideal prevalent in U.S. society. That is, masculinity and femininity operate as mutually exclusive constructs. A higher masculinity level and a lower femininity level are deemed as more acceptable in males.

Conclusion

Conformity to Local Gender Norms and Hierarchy

Respondents perceived K-pop band members neither overly masculine nor feminine. On a surface level, this finding does not neatly align with the Western hegemonic masculine ideal where the notion of masculinity and femininity exist in a sharp binary opposition. And yet, respondents’ rather ambivalent view of K-pop band members’ masculinity and femininity mirrors the predominant perceptions of Asian American males in the U.S. gender hierarchy. Both theoretical and empirical studies have documented that archetypal images of Asian men are composed of a mixture of masculine and feminine traits, which, in turn, make their gender identity perceived to be ambiguous (e.g., Chan, 1998; Cheng, 1996; Chua & Fujino, 1999).

Our qualitative data complemented the statistical analysis results to better understand them with more nuanced meanings. To our survey question asking to explain why respondents picked the rating of the masculinity level they did, we found the responses were centered at respondents’ observation of band members’ physical and facial characteristics. Respondents pointed out traits such as “being very skinny, not very muscular”; “their body size is small, their skin is soft, their facial gestures are baby like”; “no facial hair”; and “they have very smooth faces.” These frequently mentioned traits are very similar to the physical or phenotypical attributes which are commonly associated with the image of Asian men in the United States, including short, unathletic, physically weak, and small. These features are categorized as feminine—the opposite of masculine—in the U.S. gender schema.

In reality, however, some of the perceived physical traits are different from the actual physical characteristics of band members. The band members’ average height is 5 feet 10 inches, which is two inches taller than the average height for adult Americans (Fryar, Gu, Ogden, & Flegal, 2016). The members are known for their well-toned and muscular figures and often rank high in fan votes such as “Best Body Tournament”⁵ or “The 20 best sets of abs.”⁶ Gender schema theory (Bem, 1981) helps us understand the gap between the perceived and factual traits of band members. According to Bem (1981), the preexisting schema can hinder the observers to see the complete picture of the given situation by making them not notice traits that are incongruent to their gender schema and instead direct their attention to traits deviant from typical masculinities in their schema. Respondents noticed band members’ “smooth faces” and “no facial hair,” which they further associated with “baby-like” or “girlish” attributes. That band members were short and small worked better to make their observation congruent. Respondents might have focused more on shorter and less muscular members or they might have been oblivious to the fact that band members were not short or small all together.

Similarly, our qualitative data also uncovered elements in which the notion of masculinity is composed in respondents’ perception. In the cases where respondents rated band members’ masculinity higher than a moderate level, the comments often focused on elements associated with band members’ performance/movements. Respondents stressed physical energy and strength required to perform dance music and further associated that with a higher level of masculinity: “Fit and coordinating full of energy and moves. They fit into the idea of masculine . . . and the song and dancing being very quick and explosive”; “Their dance moves were powerful/strong. The performance was fast & loud.” Relatedly, some respondents emphasized band members’ mastery of the stage performance showing perfectly synchronized music and dance, whereas others pointed out confidence the members showed on the stage. The comments include the following: “They dance very well”; “It takes confidence to be able to do what they did in front of an audience”; “They seemed to just carry themselves with the same confidence and other characteristics that we define as ‘masculine.’” Finally, respondents pointed out hard work ethic, which made band members able to perform well and with great confidence: “It takes a lot to be a K-pop idol. Lots of training.” All the abovementioned qualities undeniably are in line with the expected attributes of “normal” masculinity in the United States (Connell, 2005). It is important to note that such personality/behavioral characteristics are also often overemphasized among Asian American men to compensate for their otherwise lacking masculinity in terms of physical or phenotypical standards of Western White hegemonic masculinity (Chua & Fujino, 1999). All in all, our quantitative and qualitative data suggest that respondents’ perception of band members’ masculinity is largely conflated with the stereotypical images of Asian men in the United States.

Cultural Specificities in Gender Norms

Findings revealed the significance of cultural specificities in defining the notion of masculinity. Respondents perceived masculinity of band members or lack thereof through cultural elements specific to U.S. society. The first example was dancing as an effeminate trait: “They are dancing. Men don’t dance, girls do”; “Dancing is traditionally thought of as feminine.” The gendered nature of dance is subjective and can vary by style. For some, modern dance, jazz, ballet, and aerobic dancing are viewed as feminine because of their emphasis on gracefulness and flexibility (Csizma, Wittig, & Schurr, 1988; Klomsten, Marsh, & Skaalvik, 2005). Even as males who dance come to be more accepted in U.S. society, the stigma and challenges faced by dancing men are steeped in pervasive gender norms (Fisher & Shay, 2009). Second, a number of respondents pointed out colored hair and “tight” clothes that made the band members look feminine: “They all had skinny jeans on, longer hair, and not a typical masculine build”; “The clothes they’re wearing, tight and colorful with so many patterns”; “Dyeing their hair, blonde and red”; “They were wearing weird clothes, with skinny jeans.” Participation in beauty work has long been associated with femininity in U.S. society, including attention to hair in the form of both color and style (cut) (Weitz, 2004). For men, specific attention to and care about appearance, vis-à-vis fashion choices and hair styles, challenges hegemonic masculine norms and makes them susceptible to being labeled as gay or metrosexual (see Hall, 2015).

Sensitivity to Cultural Differences in Gender Norms

Our sample included respondents who showed inclusive understandings of gender norms and sensitivity to cultural diversities. According to our qualitative data, many respondents viewed gender conformity in more conventional terms, that is, femininity and masculinity figured in a binary opposition. In addition, there are rather clear distinctions between feminine and masculine personality and behavioral traits. Nonetheless, some respondents expressed that all varying levels or forms of masculinity and femininity should be acceptable: “They weren’t acting ‘traditionally’ masculine, but they showed a unique brand of masculinity and didn’t come across as explicitly feminine”; “While they aren’t out throwing a football or trying to pick a fight, they still show their own version of masculinity”; “Their performing attire or being ‘all done up’ may show a bit of femininity, but that’s not a bad thing.” These comments were often coupled with individualistic cultural values prevailing in U.S. society: “An individual has the right to choose how they act. They should act themselves and we should not judge them for it”; “They are allowed to be as masculine as they want and as feminine as they want it doesn’t have to be one or the other”; “A man can choose how masculine they want to be, it’s completely up to them.” The quotes above highlight respondents’ belief in gender expression as an individual choice, and therefore, it should not be a subject of judgment.

Some answers touched on the very notion of gender as a social construct, meaning there is no fixed definition of masculinity or femininity. In turn, all kinds of masculinity are equally masculine and thus equally acceptable: “I don’t believe there is any ‘correct’ way of being masculine”; “Masculinity can mean many different things to different people”; “Masculinity and femininity are social constructs, and I find them both completely acceptable, regardless of degree or social expectation.” Some respondents further expanded their views by situating gender norms and expectations in terms of cultural relativism: “I think it is acceptable because it is a different country and people behave differently”; “I feel that I’m able to see the cultural difference on what is masculine in their culture and the US. Although it isn’t the ‘norm’ in America it is normal to them. Diversity should always be accepted”; “I know the culture and language is different and I saw their level of masculinity as very acceptable because of that”; “Society defines what is masculine and feminine. Even though they wouldn’t meet America’s limit of masculinity, they may meet the limit of Korea’s expectations.” Respondents acknowledged band members as foreigners who did not belong to their cultural boundaries and therefore deemed it unfair to apply their own rule to evaluate the level of masculinity/femininity that band members presented.

Discussion

Previous studies on global cultural flows have emphasized the accelerating roles online media contents play in narrowing cultural distance between countries (Brooks, 2011; Caramanica, 2011; Choe & Russell, 2012; Mukasa, 2011). In line with the celebratory views, researchers highlight K-pop’s impact on changing gender norms on a global scale as it exemplifies diverse forms of masculinity, and importantly, its global popularity is the evidence that shows diverse forms of masculinity are accepted by individual fans across countries. Global media gimmicks like K-pop will continue to increase and so too will their impact on our everyday life. Nonetheless, many transnational scholars have also made it clear that the extent to which people engage in cross-cultural activities like watching globally circulated media contents and how they are influenced by it vary vastly by individuals, regions, and countries (Levitt & Jaworsky, 2007). The current study intended to converse with both the celebratory and cautionary voices on the impact of K-pop or transnational cultural flows more broadly.

Our quantitative and qualitative data broadly support our hypotheses that respondents would process Korean male band members’ masculinity through their preexisting gender norms constructed with cultural specificities in U.S. society. Respondents perceived the K-pop male band members selected for the current study as neither overly masculine nor feminine for the very similar reasons why Asian males’ masculinities have been marginalized in United States. Furthermore, respondents’ response to the K-pop band members’ masculinity and femininity levels was consistent with the prevalent notion of gender as a binary construct, in that, they reported a higher level of masculinity and a lower level of femininity as more proper for the band members. Our findings suggest that K-pop bands’ masculinities, which the existing K-pop studies or K-pop fans acknowledge as “flexible,” “transnational,” or “overlapping,” might not necessarily be recognized as a novel cultural phenomenon in the eyes of individuals who have little to no knowledge about K-pop or Korean culture in general. Conversely, K-pop male bands’ masculinities can be subsumed under the stereotypical images of Asian men constructed by and disseminated in U.S. society. In this respect, a transnational cultural flow like K-pop can work not only to reinforce the local (i.e., national) gender norms and hierarchy but also to create cultural distance in cross-cultural settings.

It is, however, noteworthy that our data include respondents whose reaction to the K-pop male band members’ gender expression was different from the overall pattern. Some respondents viewed possessing both feminine and masculine traits not as gender ambiguity in a negative sense but as individual agency or cultural differences. There were also some respondents who understood gender identity as a social construct which varies across time, context, and culture. Levitt, DeWind, and Vertovec (2003) argued impacts of the increasing global flow of people, ideas, and culture add up over time and could change local values and practices despite individual variations in engagement in cross-cultural activities. We believe a part of our data suggest that K-pop male bands and their global popularity have potential for reconstructing rigid notions of masculinity.

Limitations

Most of the existing instruments measured individuals’ perception of their own conformity to gender norms. Examples include Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) and Conformity to Feminine/Masculine Norms Inventory (Mahalik et al., 2003; Parent & Moradi, 2009). Research on individual perception of other people’s gender conformity, however, largely relies on more inductive approaches to find textual elements composing masculinity and femininity. For this reason, we were not able to use instruments that have been tested and validated by other researchers. Instead, we developed our own measurement for perceived masculinity and femininity, and the acceptance of the chosen masculinity and femininity levels.

The findings of this study were drawn from our own survey data collected in a large public, research university located in the American South Atlantic region. The sample compositions made a comparative study rather challenging. Only 9.4% of the initial sample (N = 883) were non-U.S. citizens. We had to exclude them from the final sample because most of their returned questionnaires contained more than one missing data. In addition, the sample was pretty homogeneous in terms of ethnicity (85.5% of the sample was White) and familiarity with K-pop/Korean culture (90.6% of the sample indicated no familiarity). We found no ethnicity effect across all four models, and only one model showed a K-pop familiarity effect. Future studies with more demographically diverse samples may more closely examine the effect of those variables which can potentially shape individuals’ perception of gender conformity of other people who are from outside their own cultural boundaries.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author Biographies

Kirsten Younghee Song is currently a visiting assistant professor of Sociology at West Virgnia University. Her research interests include transnationalism, culture, gender, young adults, and inequality.

Victoria Velding holds a PhD in Sociology from Wayne State University. Her research interests include social stratification, femininity and masculinity, heteronormativity, and intersectionality.

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