Abstract
Increased text messaging across relationships is well-documented, but little research explores how texting style impacts initial impressions of gender/sexuality. Extended research demonstrating that some men avoid expressive forms of communication in order to appear masculine, this project explores whether expressive text messaging (frequent emoji usage and exclamation points) is likely to decrease perceptions of masculinity and/or heterosexuality among male-identified confederates. In a 2 x 2 experiment (expressiveness by confederate sex), participants texted with an unknown interaction partner and rated conversational qualities and perceived attributions about the masculinity/heterosexuality of those confederates. While participants preferred interacting with more expressive partners, there were significant impacts upon ratings of partners’ gender and sexual orientations. Results have implications for men’s development of interpersonal relationships with unknown others.
Introduction
Although the increasing reliance on text messaging in interpersonal communication seems to be a trend quite obvious to many, the dramatic rise in the use of text-based messages through mobile channels (e.g., 2.2 trillion text messages annually in the United States; Wireless, 2022) is a relatively recent phenomenon in terms of the history of human communication. The even more recent addition of nonverbal forms of expression in text-based messaging—for example, emojis (and other visual elements like gifts and memes) that visually represent emotional expression or gestures and other features—has advanced the conversation about nonverbal texting far beyond the primitive emoticons that emerged years ago (Pavalanathan & Eisenstein, 2016). Much engineering research has studied the impact of such messaging innovations on the ways that we use our mobile devices (e.g., An et al., 2018; Tauch & Kanjo, 2016). At the same time, cognitive research has scrutinized our increased reliance on emojis using mobile devices (e.g., Hakami, 2017), and clinical research has examined the psychological impact of these devices in regular use (e.g., Chassiakos et al., 2016). Still, not much communication-focused research has explicitly scrutinized the specific interpersonal impacts of these expressive messages in terms of perceptions that are formed about a male interaction partner who uses them.
Expressive Communication
While people have a wide range of nonverbal messages to season and add nuance to interpersonal messages across face-to-face contexts (Bowman, 2020), there are relatively fewer options for nonverbal expressions in text-based interactions—particularly in asynchronous channels like text messaging on mobile devices. The most common nonverbal components in texting include the use of emojis and of certain punctuation like exclamation points. (This excludes the additional component of response latency, a prolific nonverbal chronemic “message” that can add some [potentially unintentional] receiver-based information, but may not always relate directly to partners’ messaging choices in the same way) Some of this research has looked at the impact of emoji usage in established relationships between romantic partners, finding that partners rely on these emojis for emotional cues (Rodrigues et al., 2017). (Partners often differ in the encoding and subsequent decoding of meaning associated with the use of those specific emojis, however) Indeed, repetition in emoji usage can even serve as intensifiers of those communicated emotional cues (Chairunnisa & Benedictus, 2017), such as when someone uses three heart emojis in a row, in order to indicate a greater intensity of positive affect (like love) than one heart emoji alone might be expected to convey.
Indeed, emojis are often used to do the emotional “heavy-lifting” of a conversation, providing nonverbal cues and triggering emotional responses in recipients (Riordan, 2017). In addition, shorter messages (like those found in tweets using the Twitter© platform) may use emojis specifically to convey great amounts of emotional information that cannot be put into words due to platform limitations (Shia & Ayvaz, 2017). While such messaging can result in both positive and negative impacts on the receiver, the use of emojis likely causes a consistent increase in the positive affect ratings of a message, regardless of the positivity or negativity of that original message to which an emoji is appended (ibid). Somewhat counterintuitively, however, in some cases the use of emojis in messaging may actually cause greater cognitive strain on a recipient, causing people to spend more time trying to process the meaning of the visual elements of the text messaging (Gustafsson, 2017), something which is likely to be overcome by individual texters’ increasing familiarity over time with common nonverbal meanings associated with certain emojis within their shared relational context.
Emojis and Initial Impressions
Of particular interest are the initial impressions formed of an unknown other. While such research may hint at only subtle impacts within an already-established relationship, the impact of expressive mobile communication (i.e., emoji and exclamation point usage) has great effect upon the nature of impression formation within nascent relationships and even in the nature of communication that occurs across text-based dating applications like those found on popular platforms like Tinder©, Bumble©, or Grindr© (Tyson et al., 2016). Researchers have found that the use of emojis on similar platforms can help clarify meaning in messaging across a variety of contexts where the sender may not have a preexisting relationship with the recipient, such as those interactions that occur through social media marketing (Vangelov, 2017); in essence, an emoji helps make it clear what the tone and the intent of a potentially-ambiguous message might be (Chairunnisa & Benedictus, 2017).
Researchers have found that emojis are also relied upon as a de facto indicator of the underlying personality of a message sender (Kaye et al., 2017), such that people rely upon the visual form of messaging to make assumptions about what the actual personality of an individual might eventually prove to be during subsequent face-to-face interactions. In addition, emojis can serve as indicators of culture, given that there are both cultural and national differences in the specific types of emojis used within text messaging interactions that are reflective of the larger culture(s) represented by interaction partners (Lu et al., 2016). Whether people know it or not, the emojis that they use (or lack thereof) have a great impact upon impression formation in relational messaging.
Gender and Men’s Expressiveness
Interestingly, there are important differences in the individual ability to encode nonverbal messages, with a large body of research finding that women are generally better at encoding and decoding nonverbal messages than are men for a variety of cultural and historical reasons (Bowman, 2020). Similarly, some research has found that women are predominantly more likely to use emojis, while men tend to avoid as high of a frequency of usage (Alshenqeeti, 2016), mirroring much past research (and also general cultural scripts) that men ought to reinforce the hegemony and avoid expressive communication (Brooke, 2022; Bruch, 2002; Drioli-Phillips et al., 2022; Ganzon, 2022; Justin et al., 2022). Emoji usage is also linked to specific age ranges, including both youths (16–25) and also the likely parents of those youths (36–50) who are high users (An et al., 2018). As a result, emoji usage can easily get dismissively relegated to the “world of women and children” even though emoji usage is increasingly pervasive as it becomes more and more normalized.
To be sure, there is also a concurrent, rich body of literature suggesting that messaging behaviors that become culturally linked to women may ultimately be avoided by certain types of men for a variety of reasons (for an overview see Bowman, 2009) including the hegemonic reinforcement of orthogonal gender identities (Connell, 2005). In part, this is because of the demands of a toxic hegemonic masculinity that reinforces not only the oppression of women but also the victimization of men who don’t fit expected gender patterns (Durón Delfín & Leach, 2022). This idea of traditional masculine ideology is not only descriptive but perceived as proscriptive for a variety of male-identitifed individuals (Martin & Van Wijk, 2021; McCreary et al., 2005). Indeed, some men may experience anxiety about the possibility of being perceived as feminine, gay, weak, and/or a variety of other negatively-associated characteristics (by both individual men and the generalized other) depending upon characteristics like their own internalized homophobia, their own beliefs in traditional sex roles, and a variety of other contextual cues and attributional processes that influence their thinking (Durón Delfin & Leach, 2022). In fact, recent work on texting looks at the idea of heterosexuality and gender as intrinsically entwined, noting that young people might struggle in disentangling the concepts and therefore struggle with threats to their own identity through messaging practices (Hunehäll Berndtsson, 2021).
In mediated social or gaming contexts, heterosexual young men often express fears and anxieties about being perceived as less masculine or work hard to present themselves as hypermasculine to avoid such comparisons (Brooke, 2022; Fox & Tang, 2014; Ganzon, 2022; Justin et al., 2022; Van Oosten et al., 2017). While the use of the term “fear” to describe that anxiety might be charged (Robin, 2004), there is a long history of majority cultures using “fear” or “phobia” to indicate anxiety about being perceived as different or similar to the less powerful. For that matter, general expressiveness (which is often seen as an indicator of successful communication) can also get sex-typed in our culture, such that behaviors associated with increasing one’s communicative ability can also be seen as feminine (Bruch, 2002) and make it difficult to be both expressive and also perceived as masculine or “manly” (Drioli-Phillips et al., 2022). In part, this sex-typing of successful communication behaviors may, in part, stem from greater conversational fluency because women may be less inhibited to use those expressive communication styles than some men, due to cultural norms and mores. To be sure, female-identified individuals are often required to switch between different gender dialects in order to participate in majority-dominated cultures, and greater sensitivity to communication nuance may be part of this adaptation (Peluso Atkins, 1995). At the same time, it must be noted that some researchers have found that expressiveness is less likely to be seen as an indicator of gender identity than other superficial indicators like gender-typed hobbies (Lippa, 2005) or even the amount of food that people eat (Chaiken & Pliner, 1987). That is, although expressiveness has an impact, the presence of other stereotypically-represented gendered behaviors might be more likely to impact perceptions. However, increased interaction with an individual may ultimately change their assessments of an unknown other as additional information emerges about the interaction partner.
Rationale
Given the previously-reviewed literature on the impact of expressiveness on the quality and perceptions of messaging in general—and specifically messaging that occurs using texting through mobile technology—it is expected that conversations utilizing text messages that contain expressive features (i.e., emojis and exclamation points) are likely to be perceived more positively than those conversations that do not contain expressive features. In addition, the individuals who use expressive features are also likely to be perceived more positively than individuals who do not use such expressive features. In short, the presence of expressive features have a positive impact on the evaluation of messages that contain them.
There is a difference in general perceptions of the conversational partner based on expressiveness, with more expressive conversations resulting in higher partner ratings than less expressive conversations.
There is a difference in general affect towards the conversation based on expressiveness, with more expressive conversations rated higher than less expressive conversations. In addition, research has shown that expressivity is also likely to impact partner’s expectations about the gender characteristics of men who use expressive features (i.e., emojis and exclamation points), especially when those individuals do not have any other characteristics to rely upon beyond, say, the name of that individual. Based upon past research, we expect that this impact will be more significant for ratings of men, who traditionally have a more confined range of “normal” communicative behaviors than do women (for an overview of differences, see Canary et al., 2009). In this research we are using a perspective on masculinity and femininity that assumes both constructs are orthogonal to one another, and individuals of any gender expression can vary widely on scores of both masculinity and femininity at the same time.
Ratings of perceived masculinity will be higher for male confederates in the less expressive conditions than in the more expressive conditions.
Ratings of perceived femininity will be higher for male confederates in the more expressive conditions than in the less expressive conditions.
There will be no significant differences in ratings of perceived femininity for female confederates regardless of the expressiveness condition. Given the impact of gendered identity norms and widely-held perceptions of differences in behavior (regardless of the actual validity of these perceptions) it is also expected that individuals will associate more-expressive behaviors as generally less normatively heterosexual across the board than less-expressive behaviors. While heterosexuality is unlikely to be attributed differentially to different sexes across all expressiveness conditions, there is likely an interaction effect such that participants are less likely to view expressive men as heterosexual than are any of the other three conditions (i.e., less expressive men, more expressive women, and less expressive women).
There will be a main effect for ratings of confederate heterosexuality by expressiveness condition, with ratings of heterosexuality lower in the more expressive condition.
There will be no main effect for ratings of confederate heterosexuality by confederate sex.
There will be an interaction effect for ratings of confederate heterosexuality by both expressiveness condition and confederate sex, such that participants rate male confederates who are more expressive as significantly less heterosexual than any of the other three conditions. Finally, it is expected that participants may also associate more-expressive behaviors as generally less normatively masculine or “manly” across the board than less expressive behaviors. In addition, people are more likely to associate a traditionally-male name with greater masculinity or manliness than a traditionally-female name, simply due to traditional sex expectations regardless of actual behavior. Finally, perceptions of masculinity or manliness are likely to be more common with less expressive male interaction partners, with ratings of masculinity and/or manliness higher than would be expected based upon the additive effects of gender and expressivity for the other three combinations (i.e., more expressive men, more expressive women, and less expressive women).
There will be a main effect for expressiveness on perceptions of confederates’ masculinity/manliness, such that confederates in the less expressive conditions are seen as more masculine/manly than are confederates in the more expressive conditions.
There will be a main effect for perceived confederate sex on perceptions of confederates’ masculinity/manliness, such that male confederates are seen as more masculine/manly than are female confederates.
There will be an interaction effect between perceived confederate sex and expressiveness, such that male confederates in the less expressive condition will be seen as significantly more masculine/manly than would otherwise be predicted by main effects alone.
Methods
Detailed Methodology
Participants
The participants in the study were 94 undergraduate students at a medium-sized private institution in the southwestern United States who participated in a behavioral experiment for class credit. This institution attracts students from across North America and internationally, with almost half of the students at the institution being from a different state or country, reflecting a diverse set of behavior and reactions to experimental conditions. Students were mostly traditionally-aged college students, with the vast majority of students falling into the age range of 18–22 (88.3%). As a result, the overwhelming majority of the participants are considered “digitally native” meaning that they have been immersed in technology usage their entire lives (Bennett et al., 2008). Participants for this study represented both sexes, although the campus has significantly more women than men; as such, the sample was skewed towards women, with three quarters (75.5%) of participants being female. Student’s demographics were self-reported as majority white/Caucasian (62.8%) and majority straight-identified (87.2%). Despite being a private institution, the socioeconomic background of the students is varied; over 75% of the students on campus receive financial aid.
Procedure
Participants volunteered for a 2 × 2 (confederate sex display by expressiveness) factorial IRB-approved experimental study administered online using the Zoom© platform, the Qualtrics© survey software program, and their own personal mobile devices. Participants were undergraduate students recruited across courses in the social sciences and the natural sciences/engineering.
Section 1: Student orientation
Upon agreeing to participate, participants selected a time to participate and received a Zoom© link to access the researchers at the selected hour. During that initial orientation, students received an overview of the study, a consent form to complete, and were paired with a research confederate who claimed to be another undergraduate from the same institution. That research confederate was randomly selected to be either a hypothetical cis-gendered man (Andy or Derek) or a hypothetical cis-gendered woman (Melissa or Kristin). Once the pairing occurred, students exited the Zoom© orientation and moved on to the texting portion of the experiment.
Section 2: Texting
Participants were informed that their research partner would be texted a list of conversational topics, and that they would have a text message-based conversation until interrupted by the researcher (also using a text message). In fact, participants were texting the research confederate who followed a basic script of possible conversational prompts in a pre-determined order, a list that also included some additional items that could be included to respond to specific comments by the participant. A list of some selected conversational prompts is included in Appendix A. At the end of the text message exchanges, the researcher texted each participant a link to the Qualtrics© conversational experience survey.
Section 3: Conversational experience survey
After completing the text-based conversation, participants received a series of questions that attempted to investigate participants’ reactions to their conversational partner, participant’s experience during the conversation that they just completed over text message, participants’ basic sociodemographic characteristics (e.g., age, sex, sexual orientation, etc.), as well as a variety of questions measuring participants own attitudes about the self.
General affect towards conversation
The four items used to measure participants’ general affect towards conversation in this survey, rated on a likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree), include items like “I would like to have another conversation like this one”, and “I was very dissatisfied with this conversation” (reverse-coded). Because these four items were significantly correlated (Cronbach’s α = .873), a composite measure was created by averaging the four items on the scale.
General perceptions of conversational partner
The three items used to measure participants’ general perceptions of conversational partner in this survey, rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree), included items like “My research partner genuinely wanted to get to know me “I felt I could talk about anything with me research partner.” Because these three items were significantly correlated (Cronbach’s α = .734), a composite measure was created by averaging the three items on the scale.
Perceived closeness to conversational partner
The perceived closeness of the brief relationship between the participant and the research confederate was measured using a modified version of Aron et al.’s (1992) Inclusion of the Other in Self scale, showing increasingly overlapping circles as indicative of increasingly interdependent, “bonded” relationships.
Perceptions of partner’s masculinity
The two items used to measure participants’ perceptions of partner’s masculinity in this survey, rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree), included the items “My research partner seems pretty ‘manly’” and “My research partner is masculine.” Because these two items were significantly correlated (Cronbach’s α = .751), a composite measure was created by averaging the two items on the scale.
Perceptions of partner’s femininity
The two items used to measure participants’ perceptions of partner’s masculinity in this survey, rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree), included the items “My research partner seems pretty ‘girly’” and “My research partner is feminine.” Because these two items were significantly correlated (Cronbach’s α = .795), a composite measure was created by averaging the two items on the scale.
Fear of sexual misidentification
The five items used to measure participants’ fear of sexual misidentification in this survey, rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree), were targeted specifically to participant’s self-reported sexual identity. For straight-identified participants, the scale included items like “I am careful not to do things that might make others think I am gay” and “If someone questioned my sexual orientation it would not bother me” (reverse coded). For LGBTQI-identified participants, the scale included items like “I am careful not to do things that might make others think I am straight” and “If someone questioned my sexual orientation it would not bother me” (reverse coded). As expected, this scale was robust for straight participants (Cronbach’s α = .849) but not for LGBTQI+ participants (Cronbach’s α = .421). Thus, a composite measure for straight participants’ fear of sexual misidentification was created by averaging the five items on the scale.
Perceptions of partner’s heterosexuality
The information used to determine whether participants assumed that their research partner was heterosexual was a single item, “My research partner’s sexual orientation is probably straight,” rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree). Only one item was used because researchers believed multiple questions may prime participants to consider confederate’s sexual orientation as more salient while answering other questions in the research project.
Masculine gender role orientation
The items used to determine the gender role orientation of participants were taken directly from the masculinity and femininity scales of the Revised Bem’s Sex Role Inventory (Wheeless & Dierks-Stewart, 1981) used in interdisciplinary research exploring gender from an orthogonal perspective (e.g., Bowman & Compton, 2014; Harris et al., 2013; Morman et al., 2013). Given the rationale for the current research, it was important to measure gender in a way that viewed masculinity and femininity as distinct non-overlapping constructs, in order to disentangle participants’ own understandings and also their reinforcement of hegemonic ideas. Participants were asked to evaluate their own personal characteristics on a scale from 1 (never or almost never true) to 7 (always or almost always true), that were indicative of a masculine gender role orientation through ten questionnaire items like: “Aggressive,” “Competitive,” and “Willing to take a stand.” Because these ten items were highly correlated, a composite individual measure was created by averaging the items (Cronbach’s α = .830).
Feminine gender role orientation
The items used to determine the gender role orientation of participants were taken directly from the masculinity and femininity scales of the Revised Bem’s Sex Role Inventory (Wheeless & Dierks-Stewart, 1981). Participants were asked to evaluate their own personal characteristics on a scale from 1 (never or almost never true) to 7 (always or almost always true), that were indicative of a feminine gender role orientation through ten questionnaire items like: “Compassionate,” “Gentle,” and “Sensitive to others’ needs.” Because these ten items were highly correlated, a composite individual measure was created by averaging the items (Cronbach’s α = .870).
Results
Hypotheses 1–2
The first set of hypotheses were designed to determine the impact of expressiveness on the general conversational experience, looking at the impact of more expressive and less expressive research confederates upon the participants’ general perceptions of the conversational partner (confederate) and participants’ general affect towards the conversation.
Hypothesis 1
The first hypothesis predicted a difference in participants’ general perceptions of their conversational partner based on the expressiveness conveyed in the text messages (e.g., use of emojis and exclamation points), with more expressive conversations resulting in higher partner ratings than less expressive conversations. There was indeed a significant difference in the general perceptions of the conversational partner, F = 9.45, p = .003, with more expressive conversations resulting in significantly higher partner ratings (m = 4.33, sd = 1.12) than less expressive conversations (m = 3.53, sd = 1.40).
Hypothesis 2
The second hypothesis predicted a difference in participants’ general affect towards the conversation based on the expressiveness of their text messages, with more expressive conversations rated higher than less expressive conversations. Although the trend was in the predicted direction, the results did not reach statistical significance (F = .97, p = .32), with more expressive conversations rated marginally higher (m = 4.89, sd = 1.25) than less expressive conversations were rated (m = 4.63, sd = 1.27).
Hypotheses 3–5
The second set of hypotheses were designed to determine the impact of expressiveness on participants’ perceptions of the masculinity and femininity of the research confederates. While there are directional predictions for male-identified confederates based upon the expressivity of messaging, there are no directional predictions for female-identified confederates, regardless of whether the text messaging occurred in more expressive or less expressive research conditions.
Hypothesis 3
The third hypothesis predicted that participants’ ratings of confederate perceived masculinity would be higher for male confederates in the less expressive conditions than in the more expressive conditions. Indeed, there was a significant effect of expressiveness, F = 31.62, p = .001, such that male confederates were rated as more masculine in the less expressive conditions (m = 5.09, sd = .78) than in the more expressive conditions (m = 3.60, sd = .99).
Hypothesis 4
The fourth hypothesis predicted that participants’ ratings of confederate perceived perceived femininity would be higher for male confederates in the more expressive conditions than in the less expressive conditions. Indeed, there was a significant interaction effect, F = 25.37, p = .001, such that male confederates were rated as more feminine in the more expressive conditions (m = 3.90, sd = 1.30) than in the less expressive conditions (m = 2.34, sd = .66).
Hypothesis 5
The fifth hypothesis predicted that there would be no significant differences in ratings of perceived femininity for female confederates regardless of the expressiveness condition. Unexpectedly, there was a significant difference between expressiveness conditions in ratings of perceived femininity among female confederates, F = 21.08, p = .001, such that female confederates were rated as significantly more feminine in the more expressive conditions (m = 5.56, sd = .84) than in the less expressive conditions (m = 4.40, sd = 0.92).
Hypotheses 6–8
The third set of hypotheses were designed to determine whether an interaction effect would emerge, showing that both expressiveness and confederate sex might interact to differentially impact participants’ perceptions of the sexual orientation of the research confederates based solely on the text message conversations in which they engaged.
Hypothesis 6
The sixth hypothesis predicted a simple main effect, such that ratings of confederate heterosexuality would be impacted by the expressiveness condition, with ratings of heterosexuality lower in the more expressive condition than in the less expressive condition. As expected, there was a main effect for ratings of confederate heterosexuality by expressiveness condition, F = 5.57, p = .02, with lower ratings of confederate heterosexuality in the more expressive condition (m = 4.40, sd = .84) than in the less expressive condition (m = 4.80, sd = .83).
Hypothesis 7
The seventh hypothesis predicted that no main effect would emerge for ratings of confederate heterosexuality based upon confederate sex. As expected, there was indeed no main effect for perceptions of confederate heterosexuality by confederate sex, F = .39, p = .54.
Hypothesis 8
The eighth hypothesis predicted that there would be an interaction effect for ratings of confederate heterosexuality, influenced by both expressiveness condition and confederate sex, such that male confederates who are more expressive will be rated as significantly less heterosexual than any of the other three conditions. Interestingly, there was indeed an interaction effect for ratings of confederate heterosexuality by both expressiveness and confederate sex, F = 9.25, p = .003. However, unexpectedly we discovered that male confederates who are less expressive are rated as significantly more heterosexual (m = 5.14, sd = .77) than are more expressive confederate males (m = 4.21, sd = .83) and any confederate females (regardless of more or less expressiveness, m = 4.58, sd = .83 and m = 4.50, sd = .78, respectively).
Hypotheses 9–11
The fourth and final set of hypotheses looked at participants’ ratings of their perceptions of confederates’ masculinity/manliness, looking at differences based upon expressiveness generally, the confederates’ identified sex, and the interaction effect that would likely emerge as a result of the combination of the two variables.
Hypothesis 9
The ninth hypothesis predicted a main effect for expressiveness on perceptions of confederates’ masculinity/manliness, such that confederates in the less expressive conditions are seen by participants as more masculine/manly than are confederates in the more expressive conditions. Indeed, this main effect emerged, F = 30.14, p = .001, such that less expressive male confederates were seen as more masculine/manly (m = 4.03, sd = 1.36) than were more expressive male confederates (m = 3.02, sd = 1.11).
Hypothesis 10
The 10th hypothesis predicted a main effect for confederate sex on perceptions of confederates’ masculinity/manliness. Indeed, this effect was statistically significant, F = 69.00, p = .001, such that male confederates are seen as more masculine/manly (m = 4.32, sd = 1.16) than are female confederates (m = 2.75, sd = 1.01).
Hypothesis 11
The 11th hypothesis predicted an interaction effect between confederate sex and expressiveness, with male confederates in the less expressive condition seen as significantly more masculine/manly than would otherwise be predicted by main effects alone. Indeed, this was found to be true (F = 5.02, p = .028). Less expressive male confederates were indeed rated as more masculine/manly (m = 5.09, sd = .78) than would be predicted by the main effects alone for more expressive male confederates (m = 3.60, sd = .99), for less expressive female confederates (m = 3.06, sd = 1.01), and for more expressive female confederates (m = 2.44, sd = .91).
Discussion
This study scrutinized the impact of expressivity on perceptions of masculinity and heterosexuality of an unknown others using text messaging. Given the diverse population from which the sample was selected, the findings are likely more generalizable across North American contexts than are studies with significantly more homogenous samples. As reviewed above, the vast majority of our hypotheses based upon this sample were in fact supported, confirming past research and extending our understanding of the emojis and exclamation points that many of us use in our daily lives. As expected, this more expressive form of communication is preferred, but that preferential option does not come without a cost for unknown others. While the initial impact of these findings are likely attenuated as relationships develop, the use of dating applications or even cold-calling in a professional setting may not allow for attributions and expectations to be confirmed or attenuated as those relationships may not emerge beyond initial impressions.
While it seems as though we have better attitudes towards a conversation when people are using emojis, at the same time it does tend to impinge upon one’s ability to present the self as masculine. For many men (and women) across many contexts, this may not be problematic. In fact, a comfort with self-expression may prove even more attractive to an unknown other in many contexts. At the same time, for some individuals this emotional response related to being perceived as different could prove distressing or even challenging to a personal sense of self. Of course, this is likely only the case in situations of messaging between unknown others, rather than in established relationships, so it may only serve to limit the ultimate number of relationships where both parties desire a certain type of dating or interaction partner.
Although most of our research was supported, one interesting area of note arose with regards to the fourth hypothesis, which predicted that participants’ ratings of the research confederate’s perceived femininity would be higher for male confederates in the more expressive conditions than in the less expressive conditions. Interestingly, this was a robust finding despite a much larger standard deviation for the more expressive condition, highlighting that there is much greater difference in the variation of interpretation of femininity (based upon more expressive messaging) than there is for either less expressive messaging or for interpretations of masculinity. That is, we have a more clearly defined understanding of what it means for men to be masculine, while we have a less clearly defined set of cultural presumptions for what it means for men to be feminine.
Another noteworthy finding related directly to the fifth hypothesis, which predicted that there would be no significant differences in ratings of perceived femininity for female confederates regardless of the expressiveness condition. Unexpectedly, female confederates were rated as significantly more feminine in the more expressive conditions than in the less expressive conditions. Not only that, but this did not appear to be tied only to femininity. In a post hoc analysis we found that participants’ perceptions of female confederates’ masculinity were also tied to expressiveness, with participants rating female confederates as significantly more masculine (F = 5.04, p = .03) in the less expressive conditions (m = 3.06, sd = 1.01) than in the more expressive conditions (m = 2.43, sd = .91).
The eighth hypothesis predicted an interaction effect, and while one emerged, it was not in the exact manner that was expected. The interaction effect that emerged related to ratings of confederate heterosexuality by both expressiveness and confederate sex, but it was found that male confederates who are less expressive are rated as significantly more heterosexual than are more expressive confederate males and any confederate females (regardless of expressiveness). This seems to indicate that we have clear scripts for heterosexual men’s communication in ways that we don’t have for women’s communication, such that women’s and men’s sexuality is relatively ambiguous if they are communicating in an expressive manner, but that one’s use of inexpressive communication is typically seen as “straight” for the perceived sexuality of otherwise-unknown men.
Finally, one of the interesting findings in this study related to the researchers’ interest about whether fear of sexual misidentification—that is, being perceived to be a sexual orientation different than one’s actual orientation—might have some influence on evaluations of the interaction partner. Past research has shown that this variable (previously and possibly-incorrectly called homophobia) used to have an impact on perceptions formed during interactions, as individuals perhaps tried to minimize their own “exposure” by avoiding being identified with someone of a different orientation. However, in this research study, this variable was only significantly correlated with other unrelated evaluations of the self (e.g., one’s own description of the self as “manly”) and had no significant correlations with ratings of the conversational partner. Such a finding indicates that while this fear of sexual misidentification still exists, it may not color our interactions with others to the same extent that it did historically.
Looking forward, future research might incorporate other forms of expressiveness beyond emojis and exclamation points, perhaps including the possible role of animated gifts in text messaging which often contain a more complex message that can include the use of humor (even in a sad or negative overall animated image). Given much research on men and their use of humor with male friends, one might explore gender-typing in the expected usage of humorous gifts to convey emotional content across a variety of situations. Additionally, future research might also include a more nuanced script that allows for greater deviation, in order to do a content analysis on the actual responses of gender-identified participants. Such a move would also require an increasingly diverse set of participants in order to have meaningful comparisons about the behaviors of participants beyond traditional (and increasingly outdated) understandings of the treated-as-binary identities of male/female and straight/gay. This is an important future direction to help us to greater understand not only the perceptions one holds about an interaction partner, but also the reactions that one might have to an interaction partner. At the same time, given that the sample used in this study consisted primarily of digital natives born after the widespread use of text-based mobile communication technologies, one must be careful about applying the results of this research too broadly to include older generations who might not have the same ubiquitous experience with text messaging across their life spans. As anxieties about being perceived as feminine might trend downward in future generations, so also will the proportion of digital natives necessarily increase dramatically over time.
Regardless of the potential for additional exploration of these concepts, the current project greatly impacts our conceptualizations of how individuals form impressions about an unknown other based on the expressivity of their messaging. Indeed, the implications are significant and prove to be varied based upon the expressed gender of that unknown other and also based upon one’s own expectations about general messaging norms. The implications for a variety of mediated forms of messaging cannot be understated, and have great utility for coaching and supporting individuals who use text-based forms of communication in the workplace and—to an even greater degree—in a possible quest to create even more interpersonal relationships in their own lives.
Footnotes
Author Notes
Portions of this paper were presented at the Annual Conferences of Western States Communication Association and Society for Personality and Social Psychology and discussed on Nobody Listens to Paula Poundstone with NPR’s Paula Poundstone and Adam Felber.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Appendix A. Selected Sample Conversational Prompts
Samples From Non-Expressive Script
Paired Samples From Expressive Script
Hey, what’s up?
Hey, what’s up?
My name is __________. What’s yours?
My name is __________! What’s yours?
This is kinda strange texting someone I’ve never met
This is kinda strange texting someone I’ve never met!
The researcher gave me some topics to chat about
The researcher gave me some topics to chat about!
What’s your favorite food?
What’s your favorite food?
I love pizza
I love pizza
What’s your major?
What’s your major?
I’m majoring in COMM
I’m majoring in COMM
Any sports or hobbies?
Any sports or hobbies?
Yeah, I like skiing/snowboarding and I like going to Six Flags.
Yeah, I like skiing/snowboarding
and I like going to Six Flags!
Tell me about yourself
Tell me about yourself
Oh man. The researcher just texted and said it is time to stop
Oh man! The researcher just texted
and said it is time to stop!
Bye
Bye
