“Be that Light for the Next Generation”: Latino Men Find Agency During Their Undergraduate Experiences

Abstract

This qualitative phenomenological study used Harro’s (1997) Cycle of Socialization framework to explore how Latino men made meaning of their undergraduate experiences in relation to their sense of masculine gender identity. The findings center on the socialization of Latino masculine gender identity through familial norms and expectations, navigating student success challenges in relation to a learned aversion to asking for help, and developing a sense of liberation through an unlearning of masculine gender norms. This study provides implications for practice and research to advance support for undergraduate Latino men students through the study of the socializing role of the Latino family, a deeper integration of the Latino family into the undergraduate experiences of Latino men, and the support of Latino men through tailored peer-mentoring based programming.

Keywords

latino men undergraduate experiences gender identity masculinity socialization

From the moment that Latino boys are born, and throughout their journey toward becoming Latino men, the development of their social identities is informed by a variety of dynamics within a system of oppression and privilege that impacts their everyday experiences (Cabrera, 2019). Latino men may be oppressed through immigration policies (Ngo & Astudillo, 2019), economic inequality (American Psychological Association, 2020), and the challenges of being a first-generation college student (Delgado, 2023). One often cited example of their oppression is reflected in the scholarship on systemic racism (Erba, 2018; Pérez Huber & Solorzano, 2015; Zezima, 2016).

The extant literature highlights the experiences Latino men have with discrimination related to skin color (Pew Research Center, 2021) and discriminatory postsecondary experiences (Okello & Pérez, 2018) rooted in racialized stereotype threat (Cortes, 2022; Harper, 2015). The scholarship on Latino men highlights how oppressive systemic challenges have created barriers to success during the undergraduate experiences of Latino men (Ramirez, 2018). Despite this body of work, and the resulting policy and practice that has been highlighted to address these barriers, there continues to be a trend of lower levels of retention and degree completion among Latino undergraduate men students (Camacho, 2021). How Latino men make meaning of their educational experiences can be explored as a part of the systemic dynamics that inform their lived experiences.

Latino boys and men exist within a system of oppression that demands a rigid adherence to heteronormative norms (Cabrera, 2019). The gaps in retention and degree completion that Latino undergraduate men students experience may coincide with their gender identity socialization and the related beliefs, expectations, and values of performing traditional masculinity (Connell, 2005; O’Neil, 1981). Laker (2023) suggested that a focus on the use of a masculine gender socialization lens for students who identify as men is a missing but critical approach to their “development, engagement, and success” (p. 317). As an extension of Laker’s call to center masculine gender socialization, multiple authors have indicated the importance of understanding the success of Latino undergraduate men through the perspective of Latino masculine gender identity socialization (Cabrera et al., 2016; Lennes, 2019; Rodriguez et al., 2016).

The purpose of this phenomenological study was to understand how Latino men made meaning of their undergraduate experiences in relation to their sense of masculine gender identity. This study was guided by the following two research questions: (1) How do Latino undergraduate men students make meaning of their masculine gender identity?; and (2) How does the undergraduate college experience inform what it means to be a Latino man?

Literature Review

The exploration of the participants’ masculine gender identity socialization in this study is focused on how the structures of their lived experiences (Polkinghorne, 1989) informed their undergraduate experiences. To further explore how the development of Latino masculine gender identity may shape and inform the undergraduate experiences of Latino men, this review of literature explores four relevant areas of interest.

Hegemonic Masculinity and its Influences of Permeance of Latino Masculinity

To understand how masculine gender identity informs Latino undergraduate men, it is necessary first to recognize that masculinity is not a biological marker, but a socially constructed and learned performance of gender identity that is centered on the representation of how men are meant to act and behave (Bem, 1981; Connell, 2005; Itulua-Abumere, 2013). The development and socialization of gender identity occur as a part of the schema that boys and men develop via a sex type, which determines how they should navigate the world they live in and the expectations that society has of them (Bem, 1981). There is a supposition that Latino masculine gender identity reflects a strict adherence to sex-typed roles that impact how the internalized values of Latino men support decision-making and priorities (Cabrera, 2019; Casas et al., 1994). While not all Latino boys will grow up to identity as Latino men, the norms that accompany their masculine gender identity socialization still reflect the norms of hegemonic masculinity (Duran et al., 2020; Orozco & Perez-Felkner, 2018).

Latino Masculinity Gender Identity Norms and Expectations

There are three constructs that have been used to frame an understanding of Latino masculine gender identity: machismo, caballerismo, and familismo (Camacho et al., 2023). Machismo has traditionally been characterized primarily as a hypermasculine attitude associated with antisocial behaviors and emotional restrictiveness (Abreu et al., 2000). In contrast, caballerismo has been described as a sense of chivalry and emotional care for the well-being of the family (Arciniega et al., 2008). Both machismo and caballerismo have been described as either two extremes or complementary forms of Latino masculinity (Rodríguez, 2009), which creates a space to discuss these concepts as fluid and dynamic. Interestingly, both perspectives of Latino masculinity have been centered on an overarching adherence to heteronormativity (Duran et al., 2020; Orozco & Perez-Felkner, 2018). Familismo serves as a multidimensional and gender-driven hegemonic core value (Ojeda & Castillo, 2016) that shapes the behavior of Latino families (Ponjuán & Hernandez, 2016). The construct of familismo is centered on interdependence, a sense of responsibility, solidarity, and loyalty to family members (Marín & Marín, 1991; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). The gendered nature of familismo positions Latino men within this unit as a family leader (Castillo et al., 2010), where they are socialized to prioritize the needs of others (Marín & Marín, 1991).

The intersection of machismo, caballerismo, and familismo creates a space for a familial unit that promotes care, community, responsibility, and safety, among other positive values (Camacho, 2021). However, when considered through the lens of gendered norms, the values and learning inherent to this communal approach to family values can be harmful to Latino men when taught within a rigid heteronormative approach to gender identity performance (Camacho, 2021). As a result, there may be a dissonance between how Latino men are taught to perform their masculinity (i.e., how to act like men) and how they may develop different ideas for how to perform (Camacho, 2021). There are many dynamics that inform the social identities of Latino men. Beyond the familial unit, their peers play a significant role.

How Latino Boys Reinforce and Police the Performance of Latino Masculinity

The socialization of Latino boys through peer interactions and relationships has been shown to establish an unhealthy set of expectations for how they will interact with and treat other boys (Gándara & Contreras, 2009; Gándara et al., 2004). Latino boys learn to promote a heteronormative masculine gendered identity from their peers (Mora, 2013). Vasquez (2015) offered clear examples of gender policing among Latino men in a study on the undergraduate experiences of Latino undergraduate men students. As a part of the study, participants shared a re-occurring experience where their friends, who identified as Latino men, made it a point to clearly identify any male individual who expressed feelings that could be deemed too sensitive. The participants of this study qualified these experiences by suggesting that their Latino friends were much more concerned with “acting stereotypically male” (Vasquez, 2015, p. 37). The gender policing that Latino men practice and reinforce greatly limits their capacity to perform alternate forms of masculinity (Saez et al., 2009). The repercussions of these limitations may cause them to experience a sense of conflict.

Gender Role Conflict

Problems begin to arise when Latino boys and men begin to experience inconsistencies in who they want to be and what society expects them to be, leading to gender conflict and gender stress (O’Neil, 1981, 2013; Pleck, 1976). Gender role conflict (GRC), which represents a “psychological state in which gender roles have negative consequences or impact on the person or others,” is based on the assumption that rigidly socialized ideas about how men are supposed to perform can produce gender role conflict (O’Neil, 1981, p. 204). For Latino men, there may exist a culturally-based discrepancy (Garnetts & Pleck, 1979) between the real self and the ideal self, which becomes centered on a desire to perform and express a non-hegemonic form of masculinity (O’Neil, 1981, 2013). This conflict is further exacerbated by the negative pushback Latino boys and men may experience from the multiple dynamics found within society that may be unwittingly oppressing them through a forced adherence to a prescribed form of heteronormative masculinity (O’Neil, 2013). When Latino boys and men make choices about how to perform their masculine gender identity and what this means for their needs and related decision making, they may experience a sense of conflict that keeps them from making choices centered on their well-being (Harris & Harper, 2008)

Latino Men Have Trouble Asking for Help

Latino men have been found to struggle with asking for help as a part of their postsecondary experiences (Casas et al., 1994; Ramirez, 2018; Saez et al., 2009). Asking for help in a higher education setting includes the utilization of academic advising, tutoring, faculty office hours, and other related student support services (Cabrera et al., 2016; Ramirez, 2018). De Luca et al. (2019) indicated notable differences in the sociocultural influences related to help-seeking attitudes between Latino students and their white counterparts. There is an underestimation of how difficult it is for Latino men students to locate, access, and successfully seek assistance (Sáenz & Bukoski, 2014). This difficulty is based on a masculine gender identity adherence, reflected in the practices of machismo and caballerismo, that restricts emotionality and privileges self-sufficiency (Sáenz & Bukoski, 2014). Figueroa et al. (2016) found that Latino men felt they had to prove their ability as capable students by appearing “uncompromisingly competent or seemingly invincible” (p. 68). For Latino men, the unwillingness to ask for help, even at the expense of academic failure and emotional distress, creates a practice of self-defeating and harmful decision making (Cabrera et al., 2016).

Theoretical Framework

Socialization is a process where individuals develop their sense of reasoning, personality, and morality; a process that is meant to convey the appropriate behaviors and rules associated with the greater society (Henslin & Nelson, 2010). Harro’s (1997) Cycle of Socialization (Figure 1) explains the process by which individuals are socialized within society via a variety of social identities (e.g., gender, sexual orientation, religion, etc.). There are two primary participants within the cycle - targets (those who are oppressed) and agents (those who are privileged/are complicit in oppression). As a part of this cycle, individuals are born into a world with pre-existing norms (The Beginning Circle No. 1; e.g., biases, stereotypes, history, prejudices) and progress through a series of learning experiences that are informed by people (First Socialization – Arrow No. 1; e.g., parents, relatives, teachers), spaces (Institutional Socialization Circle No. 2; e.g., churches, schools, television), and cultural messaging (Cultural Socialization – Circle No. 2; e.g., practices, language, mass media, patterns of thought) that constantly inform their development and growth. The decisions that individuals make about whether to push back against the messaging they receive about themselves, whether at home and/or outside of the home, can lead to privilege or oppression (Enforcements – Arrow No. 2) based on whether these choices uphold or disrupt their learned norms (Harro, 1997). Depending on the decision and related outcome, the individual may experience a variety of Results (Circle No. 3), such as silence, stress, or internalization of patterns of power. Once an individual has experienced the results of the cycle, the individual faces the choice of doing nothing or opting for a change (Actions – Arrow No. 3). Depending on the chosen action, the individual may move towards a place of liberation or perpetuate the cycle. To understand what drives the Cycle of Socialization, Harro offered five elements that described what she called The Core of the Cycle – fear, ignorance, confusion, insecurity, and power/powerlessness.

Figure 1.

Harro’s Cycle of Socialization.

Fear is a response to the possibility of interrupting the system and how that may lead to increased oppression (target) or loss of privilege (agent). Ignorance describes a lack of understanding about how oppression and socialization work, making it difficult to initiate change for both targets and agents. Confusion is related to ignorance, which sometimes prevents both targets and agents from taking action. Insecurity describes the tendency for most targets and agents to feel somewhat insecure about taking a stand against oppression. Power or Powerlessness describes the possibility of losing power (agent) or the lack of confidence that change is possible (target) in relation to challenging systems.

Latino masculine gender identity, when considered through a cycle of socialization lens, develops in relation to learning that is informed by external messaging (Ramirez, 2018). This model allows for an opportunity to understand when and where that messaging begins, how it may inform student success, and how individuals may consider positive changes for their own student success needs (Camacho, 2021; Harro, 1997). To underscore this study’s commitment to an anti-deficit-based approach to supporting the undergraduate success of Latino men students, the current framing is not interested in critiquing the choices or (in) actions made by the study participants. Instead, this study is most interested in highlighting an ongoing sense of generational oppression that continues a cycle where immediate social dynamics, like family and friends, have shaped the ways in which Latino men understand themselves.

The lessons that individuals learn about identity performance, based on the social identities they are taught to embrace, exist in relation to a set of hegemonic norms that have been established within a system of oppression and privilege (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989). Both the individual and the spaces and places closest to them are informed by the hegemonic norms within the system (Harro, 1997). For example, the review of literature has described how Latino parents may socialize their children to understand and embrace values related to the concepts of machismo, caballerismo, and familismo; values that the parents may have also been socialized to value and embrace via norms within the system that informs socialization (e.g., patriarchy, gender roles, gender performance; Harro, 1997). While parents play a significant role in the socialization of their children, they are also victims of a larger ongoing sense of generational socialization that privileges adherence to a specific set of hegemonic norms and oppresses the performance of non-hegemonic norms (Collins, 2000); they are simultaneously a target and an agent. To understand the harm done to Latino men via the cycles of generational socialization, one must recognize the process inherent to causing oppressive Latino masculine gender identity socialization.

Positionality

I started my life as a second-generation Puerto Rican kid from a diverse and low-income neighborhood. The model of masculinity that informed my development was informed by messages centered on strict gender roles, homophobia, transphobia, dominance, aggression, self-sufficiency, and the importance of adhering to a rigid, emotionally limited, and prejudiced approach to the world. As a first time in college, low SES Latino man, I brought this learning with me into my undergraduate experiences. My undergraduate experiences, much like other Latino identifying men students, were shaped by the crashing together of intersectional beliefs and ideas that offered both challenges to overcome and opportunities for growth.

As a higher education professional, I have spent much of my 16-year career supporting the academic and social success of Men of Color. In applying my personal and professional learning to this goal, I realize that my previous lived experiences are important but limited. I am no longer just a low income, first time in college, Latino man who is ignorant of his socialization. I am now a middle-class, white, cis-gendered heterosexual Latino man who has substantial formal education. I have come to recognize my socialized shortcomings, and I now have the capacity to do better. I am committed to disrupting hegemonic norms of masculinity rooted in heteronormativity present in myself and other Latino men, and I am committed to an asset-based approach to supporting student success for Latino identifying men through my approach to scholarship and practice.

Methodology

Using a phenomenological approach, this study explored the structures and social dynamics that informed the meaning-making the participants attributed to their gender identity and how their undergraduate experiences informed their continued understanding of their gender identity as Latino men. Phenomenology encourages understanding the essence of participants’ lived experiences through an understanding of their structural roots, as well as discovering more complicated meanings the participants attach to those experiences (Moustakas, 1994). As an approach to research, phenomenology tries to describe “the structure of an experience, not to describe the characteristics of a group who have had the experience” (Polkinghorne, 1989, p. 48). The study used a cycle of socialization lens to explore how the narratives reflected the participants' shared sense of gender identity and how their educational pathways were informed by a shared phenomenon of socialized gender identity.

Data Sources

Each respondent participated in three semi-structured interviews that lasted approximately 60–90 minutes. The three-interview model (Seidman, 2013) was used to explore the lived experiences of the participants and how they may share a commonality in the way they make meaning of those lived experiences. The model considers the participants’ lived experiences, chronologically, by combining the use of “life stories” (Bertaux & Kohli, 1984, p. 217) with an in-depth approach to interviewing. The theoretical framework was used to help structure the interview questions. A criterion sampling strategy was utilized to identify prospective participants (Creswell, 2014). The criteria for participation in this study included students who: (a) are 18 years of age or older; (b) enrolled as a part-time or full-time college student; (c) identified as Latino; (d) identified as a man; and, (e) attended a two- or four-year public college or university. The sample size for this study was set at 10 participants. This number was determined by using best practices for a phenomenological study (Creswell, 1998) and in consideration of saturation and a minimum participant pool (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Patton, 2015). This paper reflects some of the findings in a larger study of 10 self-identifying Latino men undergraduate students (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Participant Demographic Information.

Pseudonym	Age	Class	Major	Family’s country of origin	Location	Institution type
Alex	21	Senior	Finance	Mexico	California	4-year public
Dusty	31	Junior	Social work	Dominican Republic	Florida	4-year public*
Pablo	25	Senior	Architecture	El Salvador	California♦	4-year public*
Arthur	22	Senior	Political science	Mexico	California	4-year private**
Enrique	22	Senior	Computer engineering	El Salvador	Iowa	4-year public
Ian	19	Sophomore	Criminal justice	Mexico	Illinois/Florida	4-year public
Jay	28	Senior	Criminal justice	Mexico	Florida	4-year public*
Hector	21	Senior	Psychology	Mexico	Florida	4-year public
Miguel	19	Sophomore	Engineering	Ecuador	New Jersey♦	4-year private
Antonio	20	Junior	Information systems	Chile	New Jersey	4-year private

Note. * = transferred from a community college; ** = transferred from a four-year public to a four-year private; ♦ = immigrated to the USA as a child.

Data Analysis

Each participant was interviewed using Zoom. The audio files were retained and transcribed via Temi and Otter.ai. Participants were assigned a pseudonym to protect their identity. Using MAXQDA, descriptive coding was first used to assign labels to the topic of a given transcript segment (Saldaña, 2013). In the second coding phase, pattern coding was used to consolidate related codes into smaller sets. In the third coding phase, axial coding was used to identify dominant categories and themes (Creswell, 2014). In the fourth phase of coding, the transcript segments that had been attributed to specific master codes were reviewed to ensure that they fit the themes and/or patterns that had been initially assigned. Trustworthiness and reliability were maintained through the use of analytic memos (Saldana, 2013), continuous engagement with the data (Ezzy, 2002), and member checking (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

Findings

An analysis of the interview data resulted in three interrelated findings. The findings provide answers to the research questions by offering insight into the participants’ understanding of their masculine gender identities via their familial socialization, how they learned to challenge these norms, and how they proactively sought to dismantle the cycle of Latino masculine gender identity socialization via mentorship. To this end, the experiences shared by the participants reflected their understanding of heteronormative norms, positive help-seeking behavior, and liberation.

“There’s no communicating about your feelings”: Latino Men are Taught to Limit Emotions

All the study participants described the suppression of emotions as a central condition for performing Latino masculinity. Emotional suppression reflected any display or demonstration of physical pain, emotional/mental distress, and/or stress. This was a lesson learned from an early age; one that all the participants described bringing with them into college. For example, Dusty shared, “I remember having conversations with my dad as I was getting older … [he said] a man is going to have it harder in life. I was taught to be stoic.” The sense of stoicism that Dusty described was echoed by Jay when he said, “Being a man, you really don’t got time [for] feelings.” He shared, “[If] I hurt my leg, my brother would be like, ‘tighten up bro. Stop being soft.” Through these types of exchanges, Jay learned, “You ain’t got time [to be hurt]. If you’re a tough man, you don’t cry.” Similar to Dusty and Jay, Ian described how he initially learned about the performance of masculinity at a young age. He said,

My father would tell me stories of how he [grandfather] was so emotional and lovey towards his sister [Ian’s aunt], but to him [Ian’s dad], would always be stern … [he would say] “you have to be a man. You have to not show emotion.”

The expectation to suppress emotions is not limited to family members. Jay described moments outside of the home, where norms related to the suppression of pain and emotions were reinforced. He said, “Growing up, especially working in construction with other guys, they really don’t see no sympathy for that.” Jay further explained that if he were to get hurt while working, they would respond with “You’re just being a little baby right now. Wrap your ankle. Let’s get to work and make money.” To this end, participants described the ramifications for being considered emotionally expressive and weak.

Alex spoke about what it meant to demonstrate proper behavior amongst his peers when he said, “there was no crying. You’re not sensitive. There’s no communicating about your feelings.” Enrique explained that if one acted counter to this, they would be treated to demeaning language. As an example, he shared that other boys would say things like “stop being a pussy or stop being a bitch!” This response was consistent with other participant accounts.

When other adolescent boys in their peer groups failed to live up to these standards, it would lead to bullying. Ian shared, “You’d be shunned from the group. Like, ‘Oh, this guy is living like a wuss’ or ‘Oh dude, you’re weak. Are you a man?” Alex explained that when adolescent boys suffered this type of treatment, they found themselves at the “bottom of the food chain.” As a part of their conversations on how peer groups treat others who may not meet the expectations for the proper performance of masculinity, the participants explained that one’s inability to demonstrate emotional restraint had even greater ramifications. A lack of emotional restraint meant that a Latino boy or man was unable to adhere to expected heteronormative norms.

All the participants described learning that emotional restraint was consistent with performing within the parameters of heteronormative norms. Heteronormative norms align an individual’s sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender roles (Harris & White, 2018) through beliefs centered on hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005) and gender role socialization (Bem, 1981; Harro, 1997). The participants in this study learned that if expressing emotions is inconsistent with masculinity, the only option is to consider the expression of emotions as a violation of their learned sense of gender identity (O’Neil, 1981, 2013).

“Asking for help doesn’t take away from your masculinity”: Latino Men Move Past Emotional Restrictedness to Respond to their Academic and Personal Challenges

The participants shared their challenges with managing their academic and personal responsibilities, and how they were compounded by an inability to communicate their feelings, as a part of their undergraduate experiences. Their unwillingness to negotiate their feelings greatly limited their capacity to admit and/or verbalize their need for assistance. The participants would struggle with these challenges before eventually admitting aloud the need to find help.

As a dual enrolled student, Enrique had previous experience with college level course work. He shared, “I wasn’t the type of person who needed to do my homework [or] study. One of my first math tests [in college], I did like a [letter grade] C minus. I’m used to [letter grade] A’s/B’s. It was a really big wake-up call.” In response to this wake-up call, Enrique actively pursued tutoring and help from his scholarship program advisors. Unfortunately, his challenges continued into his second semester, which ended in a “1.5/1.6 GPA.” During his sophomore year, when Enrique thought his grades would be better, he continued to struggle academically. To maintain a strong public image, Enrique decided not to ask for help regarding his stress but chose to address his issues in less constructive ways. He shared, “That’s when I started drinking a lot more. Smoking [marijuana] a lot more. That [drugs and alcohol] was the only way I felt [I could] ease my stress.”

Like Enrique, Antonio turned to drugs to manage his stress. Throughout his freshman year, he was forced to miss many classes in order to appear in court for an ongoing legal incident. Although his case was eventually resolved, it coincided with a falling out with his social circle. Reflecting on everything that he was dealing with during his first year of college, Antonio realized that his personal problems—both legal and social—had “leaked over into [his] schoolwork,” causing him to fail exams due to feeling “unfocused.” Unfortunately, his sense of feeling unfocused was compounded a short while later, during his sophomore year, when his father passed away. Antonio shared, “Any attraction I had to math and physics at the time had completely dissipated.” He summarized this time in life by saying, “I kind of got into a funk … it was the worst that I’ve felt in my life. I would go to classes. Go to my room. Smoke [marijuana]. Go to sleep. Wake up. Repeat.” Eventually, Antonio would spend most of his time in his room, smoking marijuana.

In addition to the participants’ challenges related to academics, Alex shared his challenges related to managing work and school. During his first two years in college, he did not qualify for financial aid. As a result, he had to work to pay for school. Initially, he was not concerned because, in high school, he also worked, and was used to passing tests without having to study. However, the more rigorous college coursework made this an unrealistic approach to his undergraduate studies. Alex’s proposed solution was rather simple. He shared, “Instead of trying to get [letter grades] A’s and B’s, I would try to get a B.” While this approach worked for some of his classes, when it came to more technical courses, like math, Alex said, “it was a lost cause. I would study for it, but at the same time … it was very hard to put in the amount of time I knew I needed to learn this material.” Increasingly, Alex felt overwhelmed. He shared, “it was like there was barely any time to breathe sometimes.”

In response to their growing stress and continuing challenges, the participants realized that something needed to change. Enrique said, “As a man, you got to show that you are in control of everything.” He understood that this was not healthy, and he asked himself, “why can’t I open up to my friends?” Enrique divulged that he did try to go to counseling but the decision to seek help meant that he had to overcome what he considered a “big stigma”—the stigma related to publicly admitting a need for help and sharing one’s feelings. He eventually realized, “trying to do everything by yourself just really isn’t possible. As I went through hell.… I was more willing to reach out for help.” In coming to this realization, Enrique finally became receptive to receiving help from others when he met two important individuals - Latino men at this school-who were “really relevant” to his undergraduate college experience. The first individual was his fraternal faculty advisor. The other was a staff member from the admissions office. In these men, Enrique found individuals he felt “comfortable” with about his feelings of stress and needing help.

This sense of comfort came because of feeling differently about his sense of masculinity. Enrique shared, “Eventually, as I got more [in touch] with my masculinity, I was not afraid to reach out for help. I got more in tune with my emotions, my masculinity, and I was able to do better in classes … just be overall a better person for me and for everybody else.” For Enrique, college became a space where he could feel differently. To this end, he shared, “When I’m on campus, I’m more free. I feel like my emotional sides tend to come out a lot more. Fortunately for Enrique, as a part of his undergraduate experiences, he became “a lot more open to [his] feelings.”

Like Enrique, Alex was able to reconsider his masculinity through the help of a faculty member. He shared, “towards the end of my second year of college, I was like, ‘things need to change’. I was struggling alone, but I definitely needed something else.” Alex admitted that his sense of masculine “pride” made it hard to “ask for help.” Alex’s ideas changed when he met Professor Sanchez. As a part of their conversations, she challenged his thinking in positive and supportive ways to encourage him to reconsider his understanding of masculinity by telling him it was not necessary to always feel the need to act “macho.” From these conversations, Alex started to think more deeply about his sense of masculinity, and he felt changed because of their interactions. He said, “before I came to college, I was very proud - you have to figure it out. But as you go through college, and navigate it, it’s really taught me and exposed me to different ideas.” Alex went on to say, “I learned how to be receptive to criticism in a much better way. It really enlightened my definition of being a man. I really started to learn how to communicate a lot better”. For Alex, not acting macho meant that he could put aside his learned pride in relation to suppressing emotions and feel comfortable asking for help.

Antonio started thinking differently about his masculinity and emotional well-being in the second half of his sophomore year. He was presented with a chance to connect with a new friend’s group, but he was unsure if he could trust them given his experiences with past social relationships. Antonio shared, “I never really had a best friend growing up.” When he did engage in social activities with others, those experiences were not always successful. Antonio said, “I played football in sixth grade. I quit because I got bullied. I played football again in the eighth grade, and then I quit because I got bullied.” Despite these previous experiences and his earlier collegiate peer group experiences, he found himself at an impasse. Antonio shared, “My emotions at that point were kind of just pouring out. I couldn’t keep it bottled up anymore.” He explained, “They [his college] have this thing called CAPS [counseling services], but I didn’t want to go to a complete stranger because I didn’t feel comfortable.” Despite his apprehension, Antonio’s continued “bursts of being vulnerable” led him to “take a shot in the dark” and open up to this new group of friends. They helped him realize that it would be very difficult to overcome his loss of interest in school and the loss of his father by himself. As a result of their support, Antonio learned, “asking for help doesn’t take away from your masculinity… it takes more heart or nerve to actually be vulnerable than it would be to just stay cold and be by your lonesome.” Antonio’s decision to grow past his learned sense of emotional restrictedness helped him reconsider his understanding of masculinity and address his well-being through supportive interpersonal relationships. He underscored his newfound sense of emotional openness by sharing, “I definitely wouldn’t have been this open in high school because I wouldn’t have seen a need for it.”

From the very beginning of their undergraduate experiences, the participants struggled with the stress related to their academics. For some of the participants, their stress was the result of having to juggle competing obligations, and for others, it meant turning to drugs and alcohol to find relief. Fortunately, they realized that, unless something changed, they would continue to struggle. To this end, they prioritized their emotional well-being by growing past their learned adherence to emotional restrictedness. This growth, centered on the participants’ reconceptualization of their masculinity, led to a new found sense of agency.

“I know how it is to struggle”: Latino Men Incorporate Mentorship into their Masculine Gender Identity as a Form of Liberation

Where the first two findings focused on growing past the learned familial norms of masculinity, finding three focuses on how the participants demonstrated a sense of agency by unlearning their previous sense of masculinity—by asking for help—and engaging in the active pursuit of a new form of Latino masculinity—liberation—by incorporating a new social category to their masculine gender identity—mentor. Their enhanced understanding of Latino masculinity through mentorship was centered in a desire to help other Latino men avoid the challenges and stressors that the participants had experienced during their undergraduate experiences. Recounting his challenges as an undergraduate student, Enrique shared, “I had my lowest of my lows. It just eats at you. It’s not a good feeling.” Because of the low points he experienced, Enrique expressed a desire to help other Latino men avoid similar feelings and challenges by serving as a “role model” and a “mentor.” His desire to serve other Latino men is centered in the message, “I know how it is to struggle. Do this instead … it’ll help you out.” To accomplish this goal, Enrique proactively established relationships with incoming freshmen through his involvement with the Latinx¹ Student Initiative on his campus.

Like Enrique, several other participants of this study used their involvement as student leaders to pursue their goals of mentorship and/or serving as a positive example. For example, Alex shared, “that’s probably one of the biggest takeaways. [I’m] able to provide guidance and leadership to a lot of these younger fellows.” Although they may have “different stories,” Alex believed that he and the other undergraduate Latino men share “similar experiences” centered on a similarly learned familial understanding of masculinity. Like Alex and Enrique, the capacity to provide guidance is what drove Antonio’s mentorship choices. Antonio shared, “When I was a sophomore, kids from my hometown came into [my school]. I felt like I had to watch out for them and make sure that they didn’t fall for the same mistakes I did my freshman year.” Antonio did not want other Latino men at his school to have to navigate their undergraduate experiences without a sense of guidance and/or mentorship.

With similar goals as the other participants, Dusty expressed very practical and personal reasons for wanting to be in the service of others through mentorship. Dusty recognized his desire to mentor others as a condition of not having mentorship in his life. He said, “I know for a fact that there isn’t much of that around me. I don’t have very many people I can look up to.” Dusty explained that his choice to “model the way” feels like a heavy weight, but one that he “carries willingly.” Even though he sometimes feels like he’s “running around in the dark … trying to figure it all out,” he strives “to be that light for the next generation.”

In describing their undergraduate experiences, the participants expressed a change in their understanding of masculinity. Their ability to recognize this change provided an opportunity to reconsider their understanding of masculinity by incorporating the identity of mentor. Through proactive mentorship, the participants of this study hoped to influence other Latino men to think differently about how they understand their masculinity. By learning to reconsider how they learned to understand their masculinity through emotional restrictedness and an adherence to heteronormative norms, the participants can encourage other Latino men to make healthier life choices centered on asking for help, creating community, and embracing personal growth.

Discussion

An analysis of the lived experiences shared by the participants in this study provided new insight into the experiences of Latino men during the undergraduate experience. The participants’ narratives helped to bridge the gaps in the literature by providing insight into how undergraduate Latino men in this study made meaning of masculinity and how their understandings of masculinity informed their undergraduate experiences. The first two findings provided answers to both research questions: (1) How do Latino undergraduate men students make meaning of their masculine gender identity? And (2) How does the undergraduate college experience inform what it means to be a Latino man? When considered in relation to the review of the literature related to Latino masculinity, the findings reaffirmed the gender norms of machismo and caballerismo, as well as the interrelated construct of familismo (Marín & Marín, 1991). These three constructs position the performance of Latino masculinity as one where Latino men practice emotional restraint in order to place the needs of others ahead of their own (Abreu et al., 2000; Castillo et al., 2010; De La Cancela, 1986). In addition to reaffirming an understanding of Latino masculinity that centers familismo, caballerismo, and machismo, finding one also reaffirms what is known about the socialization of gender identity.

The first two findings describe values—emotional restrictedness and heteronormativity -that were identified by the participants specifically within the context of masculinity. These values highlight a performance of Latino masculinity that should be viewed as a type of gendered socialization (Bem, 1981; O’Neil, 2013; Pleck, 1976) that is shaped by the socializing messages shared by Latino families (Ponjuán & Hernandez, 2016) and reinforced by interactions with peers (Gándara & Contreras, 2009; Mora, 2013). In relation to the re-affirmation of gender socialization, the findings also reaffirm what Harro (1997) stated about the socializing role of the family as an agent of socialization from the very beginning of the lived experiences of Latino boys and men (Circle No. 1). The socializing role of the family (Arrow No. (1) drives the messaging Latino boys receive about performing their masculinity via emotional restrictedness and/or heteronormativity (Arrow No. 2). This messaging was delivered and received by multiple participants in the study, such as Dusty when he shared his father’s lesson to be stoic; Ian when his father passed down his grandfather’s message that to be a man means to not show any emotion; and when Jay learned from his brother that he was “being soft” for complaining about his pain. These narratives are reinforced by the messaging the participants received via interactions with peers who identified as men (Circle No. 2) through gender policing (Mora, 2013; Vasquez, 2015). The participants clearly stated what would happen to anyone who did not perform appropriately. Enrique described the demeaning language that would be used against a given violator, and Alex described how the violator might become an outcast to the group and considered “bottom of the food chain.” The messaging from both the family and peers drove the narratives that the participants internalized about their masculine gender identity (Circle No. 3).

The second and third findings, in response to the second research question, How does the undergraduate college experience inform what it means to be a Latino man?, detail how the participants grew and evolved during their undergraduate experiences. The participants’ responses detailed how their understanding of masculinity changed in ways that made them reconsider the values of emotional restrictedness and heteronormativity. Initially, the participants struggled with their sense of learned pride and resilience, often remaining silent and experiencing a great sense of stress about their academic and personal challenges (Circle No. 3). Remaining silent caused Enrique to feel like he was going through hell, Alex to feel like he could not breathe, and Antonio to feel like his emotions were pouring out in random bursts. These experiences led the participants to consciously recognize that their sense of masculinity was holding them back, and if something did not change, they would become overwhelmed by their stress and feelings of helplessness that were associated with that stress. The participants evolved sense of meaning making is consistent with the notion that masculinity can be fluid and dynamic and have the potential to change (Cabrera et al., 2016; Harris & Patton, 2018; Harro, 1997). As a result of this potential for change, the participants’ understanding of their masculine gender identity was no longer limited to just learned familial and peer-based norms but reflected a more liberated identity that met their needs for the expression and performance of their preferred masculine gender identities (Direction for Change).

The growth experienced by the participants in relation to their understanding of masculinity was prompted initially by their ability to eventually overcome gender conflict (O’Neil, 1981, 2013; Pleck, 1976). Socialized to maintain emotional restrictedness, when the participants struggled with academic and personal challenges, they were initially unable to seek help, as it was inconsistent with their understanding of masculinity (Casas et al., 1994; Saez et al., 2009). Harro’s (1997) model described five elements—fear, ignorance, confusion, insecurity, and power/powerlessness - as a part of the “Core of the Cycle” (p. 20). Of these elements, the experiences shared by the participants seem to best fit the descriptions of fear, ignorance, and/or insecurity. It is important to understand how the participants in this study are both targets and agents to more completely understand how they experienced fear, ignorance, and/or insecurity in relation to their masculine gender identities during their undergraduate experiences.

Latino men may be unaware of their inherent role as agents within the cycle of socialization as men within a hegemonic system committed to patriarchy and heteronormativity (Connell, 2005). They are privileged through a system that perpetuates and reinforces a static and limited form of a dominant and socially acceptable performance of masculinity (Connell, 2005; Pleck, 1976). The lack of awareness (Core of the Cyle—Ignorance) that privileges Latino men, and positions them as agents in this system, may lead directly to a performance of sexism, such as gender policing (Vaquez, 2015), against other Latino men through the perpetuation of hegemonic norms (Mora, 2013). Despite their privilege and role as agents, Latino men may be simultaneously unaware of their oppression via their socialization (Core of the Cyle—Ignorance).

Consciously or unconsciously, they are required to adhere to socialized hegemonic masculinity norms. This adherence may result in unconscious agentic behaviors that harm other men (Gándara & Contreras, 2009). However, once they start making conscious decisions about their sense of wellness and what they have been taught, they may now feel a sense of insecurity (Core of the Cycle), and fear (Core of the Cycle) losing the privilege associated with the benefits of performing the form of masculinity that has been taught to them by their families and reinforced through their peers. These insecurities and fears are evidenced by struggles that some of the participants had with seeking assistance—whether professionally or through peer interactions—because of how others might perceive their masculinity. Making the choice to admit a need for help went against what they learned through emotional restrictedness and heteronormative norms.

The participants were able to overcome this sense of conflict and demonstrated emotional vulnerability by accepting the help of faculty, staff, and/or peers. The agency exhibited by the participants as they moved past their internal fears expands the literature on Latino masculinity. The second and third findings assert the importance of an anti-deficit approach to the student success of undergraduate Latino men by highlighting the narratives of participants who do not seek to be victims of their socialized oppression (Vasquez et al., 2020) but, instead, seek to disrupt their oppression (see Figure 2). By disrupting their oppression, the men in this study chose liberation by not only unlearning their learned sense of emotional restrictedness, but through their adoption of the role of mentor to actively work towards the liberation of other Latino undergraduate men students. In making this conscious choice, the participants developed the capacity to actively engage other Latino men in conversations about their feelings and sense of wellbeing. The participants understood what it meant to struggle as men during their postsecondary experiences and wanted to be a guiding light for the next generation of Latino men.

Figure 2.

Masculine Gender Socialization of Latino Men.

It is important to note that finding three does not indicate a learned sense of care for others. Demonstrating care for others is inherent to the values of machismo, caballerismo, and familismo (Camacho, 2021). Latino men are taught from an early age to care for their family members and related loved ones. Instead, finding three demonstrates the participants’ capacity to model emotional and mental wellness, and to demonstrate a willingness to intervene on behalf of the emotional and mental wellness of others. These actions represent a form of familismo leadership (Camacho et al., 2023), where Latino men assume a leadership role based in action (e.g., role model/peer leader), utilizing a values-based approach (e.g., caballerismo, familismo, machismo), to address an issue (emotional and mental wellbeing) within their community (other Latino men in higher education). Framing the third finding in this way helps to avoid a deficit-based understanding of the participants’ emotions and the related gender identity socialization. Instead, this framing embraces an asset-based affirmation of their emotions, and the emotions of other Latino undergraduate men within their post-secondary education communities, through an exploration of the participants’ capacity to positively navigate the systemic dynamics that inform their socialization.

Implications and Recommendations

This study has two implications. One for future research and one for practice. The first implication, related to future research, is centered on the role of the Latino family. The first finding demonstrates that the Latino family served as a significant socializing structure in the lives of the participants of this study (Harro, 1997), influencing their masculine gender identity socialization. While this finding reaffirms the existing literature, it also implies, at least for the participants in this study, that Latino families may be complicit in the oppression of Latino men by teaching them values, such as the practice of emotional restrictedness and the importance of adhering to heteronormative norms, that may cause challenges for undergraduate student success. Unknowingly, the participants’ families may have negatively influenced their potential for long-term success.

As a recommendation to this implication, scholars should embrace research that centers on the role of the Latino family to help advance an understanding of Latino men’s retention and completion (Ojeda & Castillo, 2016; Rodriguez et al., 2016). In doing so, researchers can champion a more nuanced understanding of the undergraduate experiences of Latino men by exploring the role of socializing processes and structures that have traditionally been considered external to the undergraduate student experience. From this, institutions of higher education may have a better understanding of the decision-making processes utilized by Latino undergraduate men. Incorporating the Latino family into the study of Latino undergraduate men demonstrates a commitment to embracing new research perspectives. To this end, the use of a socialization approach to the study of Latino undergraduate men also has implications for reconceptualizing the existing literature that defines Latino masculinity.

It is important to note that this recommendation comes from a place of partnership between the institution and the family that underscores an important opportunity for collaboration. Many Latino men are first-generation students (Postsecondary National Policy Institute, 2022), which means their families may have no prior experience with postsecondary education or may lack a clear understanding of how best to support their student’s success (Delgado, 2023; Gándara & Contreras, 2009). Institutions of higher education are obligated to meet families where they are and help educate them on the college journey and best practices for supporting their students. In doing so, institutions of higher education recognize the family’s role as targets within a cycle of gender identity socialization.This recognition can be the start of helping both the family and the student break the cycle of oppression inherent to their socialization by committing to the education of the whole family and not just the student.

The second implication, related to practice, requires that institutions of higher education reconsider their understanding of Latino undergraduate men, and how to best support their success. Due to the socialization of Latino masculinity, as experienced by the participants of this study, Latino men navigate their undergraduate experiences through an adherence to unhealthy gendered values, like emotional restrictedness (Casas et al., 1994; Ramirez, 2018), that keep them from being able to seek help, and causes them to struggle academically and personally (Cabrera et al., 2016; Figueroa et al., 2016). This means that if colleges and universities want to understand how to best support the student success of Latino undergraduate men, they must consider a holistic understanding of student success that goes beyond just the student and incorporates the external dynamics that shape and inform their ability to be personally and academically successful. For Latino men, this means understanding how the role of the Latino family serves as the foundation for the potential success of Latino undergraduate men.

As a recommendation to this implication, colleges and universities must consider the Latino family’s role when considering Latino undergraduate men’s engagement (Ojeda & Castillo, 2016; Saénz et al., 2013). To this end, Latino families should be engaged early and often in the postsecondary educational experiences of Latino men (i.e., college fairs, pre-matriculation programs, student orientation, welcome week, etc.). Latino families should be educated on the potential academic and personal challenges that Latino men may encounter during their undergraduate experiences and why they may encounter those struggles. If colleges and universities can help normalize a healthier response to personal and academic challenges amongst family members, and encourage family members to champion these ideas, Latino men may be more likely to grow past their challenges with help-seeking behavior at a much earlier point in their undergraduate experiences.

A second recommendation reflects the work that colleges and universities can facilitate to create a positive relationship between Latino men and their peers by centering their experiences in relation to other Latino men. In doing so, Latino undergraduate men can feel supported to grow past their learned values and cope with their academic and personal stressors in ways that are more positive. An approach centered on peer mentorship allows Latino men to evolve their understanding of masculinity while decreasing any negative experiences with gender policing (Mora, 2013; Vasquez, 2015). As more Latino undergraduate men evolve their understanding of masculinity, they can grow as mentors, both formally and informally, and contribute to the positive growth and student success of future Latino undergraduate men, centered on a sense of familismo leadership (Camacho et al., 2023). An approach to student success centered on peer mentorship compliments the incorporation of the Latino family-based norms of communal well-being and serves to create a foundation for a more positive undergraduate experience overall, centered in healthy help-seeking norms.

Conclusion

The narratives shared by the participants in this study help fill the literature gaps by providing an expanded understanding of the undergraduate experiences of Latino men through an analysis centered on Latino masculinities. The data analysis and related findings demonstrate the value of exploring the student success of undergraduate Latino men through a cycle of socialization framework. This study provides important recommendations that colleges and universities should consider implementing to better support the undergraduate success of Latino men.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Lazaro Camacho

Note

Author Biography

Lazaro Camacho, Jr is an assistant professor of College Student Personnel at the University of Rhode Island. His scholarship centers the intersection of identity development and educational pathways through a focus on masculinities, Latino men, men of color, intersectional socialization, leadership development, and mentorship.

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