Abstract
Phenomenological methodology provided a framework for examining perceptions of achievement among 12 tribal-based American Indians who have family members attending predominately White postsecondary institutions. Data sources included 12 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with plains tribe American Indians. Ten primary themes form an emergent phenomenon of American Indian perceptions of educational achievement in predominately White culture. The emergent phenomenon is centered on in-depth understanding of how tribal-based American Indians experience their family members’ achievements in nontribal settings, how they perceive their family members’ acculturation experiences, and the consequences related to the interaction of tribal and predominately White cultures.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2010), there are 5.2 million registered American Indians (AI) and Alaska Natives (AN) residing within the United States. Further, of the 5.2 million AIs/ANs, 22% live on federally recognized reservations. Considerable literature has been dedicated to examining the AI experience in education, including investigations regarding enrollment (Conner & Rabovsky, 2011), educational transition and retention (Flynn, Duncan, & Jorgensen, 2012; Lee, 2007), and achievement (Hoppa, 2013). Other contributions to this body of literature have given voice to individual student experiences on tribal lands (Flynn, Duncan, & Evenson, 2013; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Madison, 2007). At the heart of the aforementioned scholarly works resides the power and prominence of AI family life.
According to Becvar (2008), marriage, couple, and family counselors (MCFCs) are to assume an anthropological stance, approaching cultural groups from a place of curiosity and openness. Therefore, MCFCs working with AI clients should understand their family dynamics and racial identity. For example, traditional AI culture values family interdependence (Sue & Sue, 2013). The high priority given to family relationships can represent a dilemma for AIs during acculturation. On one hand, family is a cornerstone for social and emotional well-being (Red Horse, 1981), providing the foundation for one’s persistence and motivation to succeed (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008). On the other hand, family can present barriers to an individual’s success including feeling compelled to return home (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008) or problems with substance abuse (Brave Heart, 2004). Aside from these factors, it is generally understood that family plays a critical role in the lives of AI students (Flynn et al., 2012, 2013; Lowe, 2005; Ortiz & Boyer, 2003). Without ongoing involvement in the family, one can easily lose many behaviors and traditions that symbolize AI racial identity, such as communal sharing, positive connections with family members, and bonds with nature (Murillo, 2004).
American Indian Racial Identity
Helms (1990) defined racial identity as “a sense of group or collective identity based on one’s perception that he or she shares a common racial heritage with a particular racial group” (p. 3). Multiple models of racial identity development have been delineated within the literature. Helms (1995) model describes White racial identity development, others center on the racial identity development of minority group members (Cross, 1976; Morten & Atkinson, 1983), and a limited number of models focus on the development of biracial individuals (Poston, 1990). Classic and contemporary scholars (e.g., Hertzberg, 1982; Witko, 2006) have described AIs as lacking one identity. Hertzberg suggests that this lack of racial unity is due, in part, to the prominence of individual tribal identities. Others suggest the lack of identity to be a reflection of the dominant culture’s refusal to acknowledge the existence of an AI cultural group (Witko, 2006) and the traumatic effects resulting from genocide, war, and federal boarding school programs (Morrissette, 1994).
The lack of acknowledgment by the dominant culture is partly a response to differing cultural values. American Indians often hold values that can be viewed as incompatible with those of the dominant culture. For instance, some traditional AI values that are outside of the mainstream of those of the dominant culture include the following: valuing cooperation over competition, present-time orientation, prioritizing the needs of the group over those of the individual, and relying on family help rather than seeking assistance from professionals (Sue & Sue, 2013). Unfortunately, many AIs who leave tribal lands and enter predominately White cultural communities feel pressure to conform to or even adopt a Eurocentric orientation (Barkdull, 2009). Further, evidence suggests that many AIs feel suspicious of the utility and relevance of therapeutic interventions promoted within the dominant culture (Gone & Alcantara, 2007). Given the salience of racial identity and the potential suspicion toward predominantly White culture, MCFCs must consider advocating for behaviors that promote and celebrate a common racial heritage among AIs.
Previous research has examined AI racial identity maintenance while living on tribal lands (Madison, 2007) and in predominately White cultures (Iwasaki, Byrd, & Onda, 2011; Yellowbird, 2011). Two studies identified a positive relationship between AI identity attitudes and the incorporation of cultural and community indigenous activities (e.g., powwow, singing and dancing, and sweat lodge; Iwasaki et al., 2011). Further, scholars (Madison, 2007; Yellowbird, 2011) discovered that success in both tribal and nontribal based postsecondary nursing programs was associated with the inclusion of cultural traditions, presence of tribal community, college relationship with student family members, and student ability to transition into a bicultural orientation. The importance of incorporating indigenous behaviors within predominately White culture reflects a strength-based acculturation model (e.g., Ryan & Ryan, 1989) that promotes the notion that AIs have the ability to function in two separate cultures concurrently. Unfortunately, many AIs transitioning from tribal lands to predominately White culture do not achieve a bicultural stance and consequently feel a sense of deculturation (Berry, 1980).
Deculturation
According to Berry (1980), deculturation takes place when members of an indigenous culture become alienated from the dominant culture and from their own indigenous group. Consequently, these indigenous people become cultureless. Reported consequences of deculturation among AIs include increased stresses, mental health disorders, substance abuse, and suicide (Brave Heart, 2004). Another negative consequence of deculturation is the absence of a cultural identity. Scholars (e.g., Iwasaki & Byrd, 2010) explain that the absence of cultural activities or rituals destroys pathways to AI culture. For instance, cultural activities such as sweat lodges, purifications, powwows, talking circles, traditional crafts, and singing and dancing promote a positive Native identity, a shared sense of cultural healing, and a sense of ethnic pride (Murillo, 2004).
Deculturation within the AI culture results from the Northern European colonization of the United States. To accurately contextualize, the felt experience of contemporary AI deculturation, it is essential to examine the historical trauma inflicted on the AI culture by Northern European settlers. Historical trauma is cumulative exposure to traumatic events that affects an individual and continues to affect subsequent generations (Brave Heart, 2004; Morgan & Freeman, 2009). Widespread practices of racial genocide, seizures of land, war, and disease spread from the White settlers resulted in the extermination of approximately 150 million AIs (90% of their entire population; Oswalt, 1988). In recognition of the mass extermination of AIs, the period between the early 1600s and 1840 has been labeled the AI Holocaust (Brave Heart, 2004) and is considered an antecedent for AI historical trauma and deculturation. MCFCs are in an excellent position to create systemic change through providing basic education regarding the current need to maintain AI cultural pathways within a variety of settings (e.g., communities, reservations, and educational institutions).
Educational Achievement
In the United States, AI students make up 0.8 to 1% of all college students (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008). In addition to low enrollment, high rates of college dropout among AI students throughout the United States have been well documented (Braxton, Brier, & Steele, 2007; Flynn et al., 2012). According to Brayboy, Fann, Castagno, and Solyom (2012), inadequate preparatory education on tribal lands and lack of community role models are responsible for AI students’ limited success in predominantly White higher education. Similarly, Flynn, Duncan, and Evenson (2013) found poor postsecondary outcome expectations and low levels of career self-efficacy affect AIs who receive secondary education on tribal lands.
Researchers have examined AI negative experiences in predominately White educational settings. Specifically, studies have focused on the influence of the predominately White educational system design (Sherman & Sherman, 1990), instructor attitudes toward AIs (Deyhle, 1989), and ineffective curriculum and instruction techniques utilized with AI students (Reyhner, 1992). Salient to the aforementioned studies was the prominence and importance of students maintaining a strong cultural identity.
Huffman (2008) described the maintenance and strength of AI cultural identity as a natural defense to barriers experienced in predominately White educational settings. That is, maintaining cultural identity increases students’ self-awareness and improves the chances that they will complete college. Similarly, empirical evidence has suggested that AI postsecondary students benefit immensely from the presence of an AI cultural center on-campus (Flynn et al., 2012). Recent research into the health and wellness of AI indigenous communities suggests that AI families balance a collective orientation, which gives priority to the larger family and community units, with awareness of the importance of individual family member goals (Deacon, Pendley, Hinson, & Hinson, 2011). It appears that maintaining an AI cultural identity, with support from a cultural center, family, and indigenous community can provide assistance in adapting to predominately White culture.
Several counseling-related investigations have explored AI multicultural issues, including postsecondary transition and retention (Flynn et al., 2012), factors contributing to AI binge eating behavior and level of obesity (Clark & Winterowd, 2012), and the therapeutic effectiveness of a spiritual ecogram with AI clientele (Limb & Hodge, 2011). In addition, several recent counseling articles have explored practice-based issues, including the following: counseling AI families (Harper, 2011); understanding the effects of historical trauma and poverty (Robbins, 2012); and reviewing evidence-based treatment of AI clientele (Gray & Rose, 2012). Although a modest amount of research and literature has focused on contemporary AI issues, understanding AI transition between cultures, and best practice standards, limited investigations illuminate tribal-based AI family members’ perceptions of their relatives achievement in predominately White postsecondary institutions. Given the importance of understanding issues within indigenous families (Harper, 2011) and the dearth in investigations exploring AI family topics, an investigation into tribal-based AI perception of achievement in predominately White culture is well timed.
The purpose of this study was to investigate how tribal-based AIs perceive family member postsecondary achievement in predominately White educational settings and to provide practical considerations for MCFCs. The research question that guided this inquiry was: How do tribal-based AIs view their family member’s achievement in predominately White culture?
Method
The methodological framework that informed this study was a phenomenological perspective. The phenomenological perspective is based on the investigation of lived experiences of individuals as they develop personal meanings that guide their lives (Richards & Morse, 2007). The authors grounded this exploration of AI’s perception of their family member’s achievement in predominately White culture in phenomenology due to the multidimensional and emergent nature of the phenomenon and its relationship to various circumstances. Throughout the interviews, all participants connected their experiences to multiple examples from their lives (e.g., childhood, prior experience in predominately White culture, living circumstances, and socioeconomic status).
Our rationale for utilizing a phenomenological methodology was three-fold. First, we desired an approach that would allow us to explore and understand the everyday experiences of tribal-based AIs without pre-supposing knowledge of those experiences. Second, we selected a methodology that would support in-depth exploration of the phenomenon of AI perceptions of achievement in predominately White culture. Finally, we desired an approach that would allow us to glean the essence of the object under investigation (AI perceptions of achievement in predominately White culture) through phenomenological reduction (Giorgi, 2009).
The construct of American Indians’ perceptions of a family member achievement in predominately White culture was grounded in the critical theory research paradigm (Hays & Singh, 2012). As critical theorists, we were careful to examine how the emergent phenomenon was influenced by social injustices. In addition, we were intentional about identifying implications that could inspire social action and political change created by MCFCs. It is our hope that the present emergent phenomenon will empower and provide awareness to practitioners working with tribal-based AI families that are experiencing a family member’s acculturation to predominately White culture.
Criteria for Participation
Using a criterion-based procedure, the first author identified and selected participants who fit within this study’s objectives. The first author recruited 12 AIs who had a personal history of growing up on tribal lands, were currently living on tribal lands, and had a family member enrolled in a predominately White college. The 12 participants were in a position to speak to their perception of educational achievement in predominately White culture because they were born, raised, and currently living on tribal lands and, at the time, this study was conducted, had a family member attending a college in predominately White culture. Participants agreed to fill out a brief demographic questionnaire and to take part in an in-depth, semi-structured interview regarding their perceptions of their family member’s achievement in predominately White culture.
Data collection began after the authors had obtained Institutional Review Board approval. Participants in this study were recruited by the first author through the following two processes: (a) a personal e-mail solicitation to potential participants who were recommended by the director of a postsecondary AI cultural center and (b) an e-mail or telephone contact, based on the recommendation of a student currently attending a predominately White postsecondary setting. The director of an American Indian cultural center identified 28 potential participants from his knowledge base regarding the university’s native population. The researchers sent an e-mail solicitation to all of the recommended 28 potential participants. Of the 28 potential participants, 12 agreed to participate. Prior to the study, the researchers had neither contact with identified participants nor relationship with the participant’s family member (i.e., current student) attending the predominately White postsecondary institution.
Participants
There were 12 participants in this study. All of the participants identified themselves as American Indian. All of the participants were currently living on AI tribal lands in the Midwest. The age range for the participants was 21 to 62 years, with a mean age of 43.5 years. Women made up 75% (n = 9) of the participants, and men made up 25% (n = 3). Participants reported being affiliated with the Rosebud Sioux Tribe (n = 4, 33.3%), Sisseton Wahpeton Tribe (n = 3, 25%), Oglala Sioux Tribe (n = 2, 16.6%), Oglala-Lakota Tribe (n = 1, 8.3%), Standing Rock Sioux Tribe (n = 1, 8.3%), and Sioux Tribe (n = 1, 8.3%). The completed educational background of the 12 family member participants was as follows: n = 7 (58.3%) completed high school, n = 1 (8.3%) completed some postsecondary education, n = 1 (8.3%) completed an associate’s degree, n = 1 (8.3%) completed master’s degree, and n = 2 (16.6%) completed doctorates. The participant’s family role in relation to their acculturating relative included: four mothers (33.3%), three fathers (25%), three grandmothers (25%), and two sisters (16.6%).
Procedures
Prior to the solicitation of participants, the first author spent approximately 15 weeks establishing a relationship with members of the local AI population through weekly meetings with the director and staff of a postsecondary American Indian cultural center. Potential participants were informed (via e-mail) of the requirements of the study, which included filling out a brief demographic form and participating in one semi-structured interview. After an initial e-mail solicitation, participants were interviewed over the telephone. Interviews ranged from 35 min to 72 min in duration. Meeting times were arranged to accommodate each participant’s schedule. Potential participants were provided with information regarding the study’s purpose and were given an opportunity to discuss any information related to the interview. Participants were asked a range of open-ended, semi-structured questions with the aim of encouraging them to look at their everyday experience and to consider the attributed meaning of their family member’s achievement in predominately White culture.
All interviews were transcribed and used to explore the ascribed meaning and everyday experience of participants’ perceptions of their family member’s achievement in predominately White culture. The first author initiated two cycles of Theming the Data (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003; Ryan & Bernard, 2003).
Data Analysis
Following the theming tenets of data analysis, the authors followed five steps, namely thematizing, data immersion, first-cycle theming, second-cycle theming, and theme organization and categorization (Saldana, 2009). Prior to collecting data, the authors took part in thematizing (i.e., repeatedly describing the phenomenon under investigation before collecting data) for approximately a 1-month period. First- and second-cycle theming were utilized to attain a deeper understanding of participants’ perceptions of achievement in predominately White culture. The first-cycle theming grouped themes together and labeled them with simple descriptors to aid in condensing their meaning. Second-cycle theming further refined themes into in vivo codes, manifest themes, and latent themes. Finally, themes were woven together in separate categories to derive the essence of the findings.
Trustworthiness Procedures
The credibility of the findings was confirmed through recontextualizing, triangulation (multiple interviewees and researchers), and participant member checks. Transferability of the present findings was improved by providing a thick description of the emergent phenomenon and through the achievement of data saturation. To maximize the dependability of the results, the authors utilized a dependability audit, prolonged engagement with the emergent data, and reflexivity. Confirmability was enhanced through a confirmability audit, negative case analysis, and participant member checking (Hays & Singh, 2012).
Three procedures were utilized to ensure the precision of the emergent themes and subthemes. First, coauthors analyzed the emergent themes and subthemes for frequency of occurrences across cases and accuracy in clustering. Next, the coauthors further refined the cross-analysis through a series of consensus meetings regarding the existence and grouping of particular themes and subthemes. Finally, in an effort to enhance dependability and confirmability of the findings, an unattached auditor reanalyzed all of the coded transcripts and emergent themes for accuracy, consistency, grouping, and trustworthiness. Themes and subthemes that did not achieve consensus among the majority of participants were included, in part, to allow for more differentiation among themes and domains.
Findings
Multiple domains and themes contributed to the emergence of the phenomenon of American Indian perceptions of educational achievement in predominantly White culture. As a consequence of three levels of theming analysis, themes were further analyzed into three interacting dimensions, namely (a) methods and rationale related to educational achievement, (b) negative causes and effects of achieving in predominately White educational settings, and (c) interaction between AI and predominately White culture.
The emergent themes and secondary themes represented the perceptions of 12 tribal-based AIs regarding a family member’s achievement in predominately White culture. The data analysis revealed 10 overall themes. The themes included (1) intentional strategies for postsecondary scholastic achievement, (2) family support for educational achievement in predominately White culture, (3) reflections on the benefits of postsecondary education, (4) perceptions of healing, (5) negative consequences of attending predominately White college, (6) antecedents to postsecondary dropout, (7) promotion of AI independence, (8) belief that assimilation will not affect traditional AI heritage, (9) achievement in predominately White culture creates a role model, and (10) perceptions of intentional and unintentional deculturation. This section highlights the 10 overarching themes and illustrates each theme using quotes from the participant interviews. The 10 themes are categorized within the three-macro dimensions listed previously. Each quote has been identified using a single letter unrelated to the participant’s name in order to preserve anonymity.
Methods and Rationale Related to Educational Achievement
Theme 1: Intentional strategies for postsecondary scholastic achievement
All participants described the significance of strategizing during the postsecondary educational process. Strategies were intentional efforts to achieve success. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “intentional strategies for postsecondary achievement” ranged from utilizing postsecondary scholastic resources to having family members (on tribal lands) closely monitor their relative’s educational progress within a postsecondary setting. Participant H described supporting her daughter’s utilization of postsecondary resources. I think she knows what she wants and if she works at it and she continues to keep going regardless of what her struggles are with classes and stuff, I think that she’ll be more appreciative of her education and where she came from … she’s already been struggling at school and we’re encouraging her to stick it out and find tutors or find help on campus for the things that she needs. I don’t want to be too pushy and I don’t want him to know that I’m really involved, but I really want to know …. I haven’t seen his grades, I haven’t seen his attendance, and I would kind of like to keep track of that so if he’s faulty … in some area I can talk to him about it.… I keep telling him how important it is for him to go to class. He needs to get those grades and study to help him get his degree, and that’s what’s really important. But I just (want him) to communicate with me because I’m his biggest supporter and he listens to me.
Theme 2: Family support for educational achievement
All participants described their support for their family member’s achievement in a predominately White postsecondary educational setting. Family support was often unintentional (i.e., naturally coming from relatives) and perceived by participants as salient to their family members success. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “family support for achievement in predominately White culture” ranged from providing a supportive relationship to the acculturating family member to providing advice on how to achieve excellence in a predominately White postsecondary setting. Participant B described her experience in supporting her son’s achievement in a predominately White postsecondary setting by stating, “I want to be somebody who’s there for (family member’s name) to have a stepping stone and to be able to fall back on, in case something ever happens, so it’s a support system.” Participant D uses his experiences attending the same postsecondary setting to inform him on what advice to give his acculturating son. Participant D described his approach to helping his son: I went to [university name] and we [participant and son] had the same major, so if he has any questions about any of that stuff, I’m going to try and give him guidance, but just give him support, give him advice on studying and stuff like that.
Theme 3: Reflections on the benefits of postsecondary education
Ten participants described the benefits of postsecondary education. This theme emerged as participants reflected on the importance of achieving a postsecondary education. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “benefits of postsecondary education” ranged from education as a mandatory career requirement to privilege associated with postsecondary education. Participant G describes her opinions on the priority of postsecondary education in contemporary culture. Participant G mentioned, “I’m very happy that she is attending (college). I think that especially in today’s age, education is a top priority with me.”
Participant A describes her experience with contemporary culture and the privilege associated with attaining a postsecondary education. Participant A stated: I was really excited and it was definitely something that needed to happen, especially in my family where not everybody goes to college … with the way the world is coming to now, at the bare minimum you need a bachelor’s degree if you want to get a job anywhere and you want to be successful, and (sister’s name) has the potential to go very far because she’s a hard worker, but sometimes you need the education in order to actually start from a really good position without having to work harder than necessary.
Theme 4: Perceptions of healing
All participants described perceptions of healing, what healing should consist of, past experiences with healing (both in predominately White culture and tribal culture), and stories about how other AIs have experienced healing in both tribal and nontribal settings. Participants described healing and therapy as a resource to use to help with emotional and psychological issues. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “perceptions of healing” ranged from preference for professional services (as opposed to having friends and family members help) to preference for including family members in the therapeutic relationship. Participant J described a preference for receiving professional help regarding certain issues. Participant J stated: Sometimes it’s hard to get advice or take advice from people that you know … they can be a support, but sometimes friends and family just isn’t enough … a counselor or professional (is) trained to sit and listen and to give advice, and sometimes people just need professional help. The more people we can get involved to help them are welcome. I had to use counseling in my marriage and it helped. I even went to treatment for co-dependency and that helped also. And the services were there so I utilized them not being embarrassed or shamed or anything because it was my mental state that (I) needed help on, and it helped me. So, I really encourage people to (use the) services out there.
Negative Causes and Effects of Achievement in Predominately White Educational Settings
Theme 5: Negative consequences of attending predominately White College
Seven participants described potential negative consequences of achieving in predominately White culture. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “negative consequences of attending predominately White culture” included peer pressure threatening morality and values, substance use related to socializing, isolation and loneliness as predisposing factors related to substance use, and financial hardship related to college expenses. Participant C described how peer pressure might affect his daughter’s ability to maintain her values and his fear that she may develop the habit of partying. Participant C stated: I’m worried that they might, you know tempt her, or manage to persuade her to actually go out and party, which yeah partying and going to parties isn’t terrible, but at the same time what happens if it becomes … a terrible habit, what happens if she can’t stop, and so that was, like I said if it’s between her being lonely and her being slightly, you know, um corrupted by some of her really close friends, uh, you know that’s my biggest worry and concern, so. Well, the only problems that I foresee or that might occur, is um substance use, and um financial uh hardship, and I don’t know if there’s any counseling that would address that part. Because uh, from what I’ve seen at (college name), they didn’t … show him any of those resources that might be available, I realize that he is an adult, but he just came out of high school …
Theme 6: Antecedents to postsecondary dropout
Six participants described emotions, thoughts, and perceptions regarding antecedents to postsecondary dropout. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “antecedents to postsecondary dropout” ranged from academic failure due to loneliness and isolation to acculturative stress associated with suddenly leaving tribal lands. Participant E described her fear that her daughter will be isolated, lonely, and lack a support system at college. Participant E stated: Um, with (participant name) she can get very lonely, um like, with regards to her family especially … we know our grandparents very well, we know our aunts and uncles very well, we get along with our cousins very well, we went to a small school, we lived in a small town. My biggest hesitation is because if there is nobody there from our family to be that support system for her if she ever got lonely, she may dropout. He is having a hard time right now but I told him they aren’t going to want their money right now; they’ll give you an opportunity. But part of the big problem is being off the reservation. A lot of these youth here, students, it’s (their) first time off the reservation. It’s a different world out there. I found that out too when my mom put me on the bus in Nebraska and sent me down to Kansas to go to school …. It was a big culture shock.
Interaction Between American Indian and Predominately White Culture
Theme 7: Promotion of American Indian independence
Eight participants described the significance of independence during the postsecondary educational process. This increased sense of independence and individual achievement were different from the AI cultural bound narrative that encourages achievement being derived from a collective effort (Sue & Sue, 2013). Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “promotion of American Indian independence” ranged from individuality in achievement within a postsecondary setting as a natural catalyst for the development of self-esteem to fostering independence while assimilating to a White postsecondary setting. Participant L described his support of his daughter by stating: She needs to realize that she’s succeeding on her own, and that’s the biggest thing, because a lot of kids from back home … when they leave, and their support systems start saying, “Well, the only reason you got as far as you did is because of me,” they lose that self-esteem that they had built … that overall confidence, and they think they’re stupid. It’s almost like crabs in a bucket—once one starts climbing up the side of it, there’s always another crab to pull him down. Our mom isn’t there to actually tell us what to do, and so it’s the start of our own lives. Once we get to college it’s almost like we’re adapting our feet to the water here and there just to get a feel of what it’s like to be independent from our parents …. It’s the best way to grow, because she comes back every summer; she lives with my mom, but then of course when school starts she goes back, and she’s just slowly transitioning into that adult role of being independent.
Theme 8: Belief that assimilation will not affect traditional heritage
Eleven participants described a belief that assimilating to predominately White culture would not affect traditional AI heritage. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “belief that assimilation will not affect traditional AI heritage” ranged from belief that their family member can effectively live in predominately White culture and remain bicultural to benefits of having an active campus American Indian cultural center to enhance the assimilation process. Participant G described her confidence that her daughter will successfully remain in touch with her culture while attending a predominately White postsecondary institution. Participant G stated: I’ve never forgotten where I’ve come from, I know (participant’s daughter) will never (forget), because (participant’s daughter) is definitely our sensitive one … she’s always been really good about keeping (in) contact with friends back home … her attitude is always, “Oh, I’m going to go back home this summer.” Even though she lives all the way down in [name of college town], she always calls the reservation “home,” as do I. I might have (considered his son losing his American Indian identity), yes, but I’ve seen now his direction as a Native American person has just grown and you know he’s not forgotten those things or those things haven’t changed. I can see with the college he’s chosen, (college name), the fact that there was a, a Native student organization like (organization name) to um, really guide him, make him feel comfortable, sort of almost like a family or a home away from home …
Theme 9: Achievement in predominately White culture creates a role model
Four participants described how a family member’s successful achievement in predominately White culture creating a tribal role model. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretation of the theme “achievement in predominately White culture creates a role model” ranged from statements about AIs who have achieved success in predominately White culture and are now teaching youth on reservations to beliefs that leadership is reflected in college students’ ability to resist substance use in predominately White culture. Participant D described his pride in his son’s ability to teach and to encourage reservation youth to attend college. Participant D said: I think he’s going to be an asset to students. I’m really proud of him because when he does come back he goes up to the high school and talks to the students and encourages them to go to college. He knows he’s Native American and he’s proud of it. She does what she can in order to succeed, and that’s because she is alcohol and drug free… she doesn’t smoke cigarettes, she’s never drank alcohol … she’s 20 years old now and she is still not letting that affect her …
Theme 10: Perceptions of intentional and unintentional deculturation
Eleven participants described the intentional and unintentional deculturation of family members as a result of their acculturation to predominately White culture. Subthemes that provided meaningful interpretations of the theme “perceptions of intentional and unintentional deculturation” ranged from negative consequences of leaving tribal lands to culture of origin rejection due to leaving tribal lands. Participant B described a fear of a family member unintentionally falling under the influence of peer pressure and thereby losing aspects of her morality (i.e., culture). Participant B explained: I’m concerned that she’ll possibly forget the moralities that we tried to instill in her as she grew up …. There comes a point when you have to let go and the kids have to make their own decisions, but it’s easy to get sucked into the crowd …. My biggest fear is that she’ll kind of go along with the crowd even though the crowd might not be correct. I hope she doesn’t do that. I try not to vocalize that fear too much, but deep down I worry about that. I feel as though we’re not going to forget where we come from, but the fact that people push us away is going to make it seem like that’s what’s happening because we love life outside [of the reservation], when in reality, yeah we do, but at the same time we want to go back and help, (but) they just seem to think that we’re brainwashed or corrupted or something. Especially from back home, they (think), “Oh, you’re too good to come home because you went off to college, and you get to meet everybody else.” … Some of my friends, who I went to school with, I looked up to them because I thought they were cool as heck …. I don’t even know what I saw about them …. They never left the reservation, they never had a chance to grow, and all of a sudden just because I come here (college), I go back and I have new clothes on or something, I was called stuck up.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to investigate how tribal-based American Indians view their family member’s educational achievement in predominately White culture and to provide practical considerations for the practice of marriage, couple, and family counseling. Based on 12 interviews, the emergent phenomenon symbolizes an interactive cultural narrative that contributes to the understanding of the AI population. As such, we highlight several themes; propose practice-based considerations, limitations, and directions for future research.
Findings from this study revealed three points of discussion for the field of marriage, couple, and family counseling. First, all of the participants within this study recognized that their acculturating relative was living in two different cultures (i.e., bicultural). The felt experience of living in two different cultures, not completely belonging to either, yet not being completely rejected by either, reflects recent marriage and family literature exploring individuals who live in two separate social class contexts (McDowell, Brown, Cullen, & Duyn, 2013). Participants in the present investigation reported positive support coming from family members who have significant experience in predominately White culture (See Theme 2) and less support from tribal-based peers and family members (see Theme 10). The positive support for acculturating family members, revealed in the present investigation, are comparable to previous reports that suggest AI families encourage individual family members to achieve goals; exemplify generosity, and prioritize balance and harmony (Deacon et al., 2011).
A second point of discussion centers on the presence of deculturation within acculturating family members. The perception that acculturating family members experienced psychocultural stress due to negotiating the differences between their tribal upbringing and predominately White culture was evident in many of the interviews. Similar to past research (e.g., Berry & Sam, 1997), participants in this study perceived acculturating family members as stressed, lonely, and isolated prior to fully assimilating to predominately White culture. This perceived sense of deculturation relates to the construct of acculturative stress (Iwasaki & Byrd, 2010; Nwadiora & McAdoo, 1996). Specifically, participants observed family members becoming distressed, lonely, and tempted to abuse substances as a result of integrating the values, norms, and expectations of predominately White culture with those of tribal culture (see Themes 5 and 10). Recent empirical research demonstrates acculturative stress among AIs who transition out of tribal lands at a rapid pace (Flynn et al., 2012; Iwasaki & Byrd, 2010). Practitioners working with acculturating AIs should consider the common issues associated with early assimilation to predominately White culture and help AIs develop healthy coping mechanisms to combat acculturative stress.
The final discussion point centers on the manner in which some acculturating family members were rejected from tribal culture. Participants described nonsupportive tribal peers and/or family member’s reactions toward acculturating relatives (see Theme 10). One possible explanation for the tribal culture rejection of acculturating peers could be the historical atrocities (genocide, seizure of lands, and war) afflicted on the AI culture from the early Northern European settlers (Oswalt, 1988) and the evidence that suggests the dominant culture currently expresses racist attitudes toward the AI cultural group (Flynn et al., 2012). Given this history of trauma and oppression, many tribal-based AIs may feel betrayed, hurt, disappointed, and/or confused that their family member is embracing predominately White culture. A second explanation may be that the college bound AIs are entering a new social class. Recent research sheds light on class-based conflicts within intimate relationships, including frequent arguments related to money, separate sets of friends based on social class, and different attitudes related to family loyalty (McDowell et al., 2013). American Indians, who are attending college, may start developing a social class network that their tribal peers and family members cannot relate to, and consequently their attitudes may start to change in regard to family loyalty.
Implications for the Practice of Couple, Marriage, and Family Counseling
At the core of the present study are practice-based considerations in regard to conducting therapy with AI clientele. First, MCFCs should consider the cultural beliefs and practices of AI family members prior to initiating therapeutic contact (Brave Heart, 2004; Dagley, Sandberg, Busby, & Larson, 2012). Guillory and Wolverton (2008) describe how AI cultural values can inform how they perceive achievement and failure. American Indians may find themselves caught between the values of their culture and family of origin (e.g., being content) and those of predominately White culture (e.g., being competitive; Flynn et al., 2012). Therefore, examining cultural values and perceptions appears essential if MCFCs are going to understand the family’s perspective, potential strengths, and possible dilemmas (e.g., collective decision making vs. individuation and self-directedness). The findings suggest that therapists should inquire about the specific contextual variables when exploring AI family background. Questions may include (but are not limited to): (a) What tribe do you and/or your family identify with? (b) What, if any, reservation did you and your family grow up on? (c) What family member or individual in your community has served as a role model or? (d) Is your family member the first to leave the reservation? (e) What messages have you received (real or imagined) that he or she may be abandoning the reservation or your family by leaving? (f) How could your family member use his or her experience in predominately White culture to benefit your people and your family? and (g) Who in your community and/or family wants your family member to succeed in the dominant culture?
Second, similar to previous studies (e.g., Flynn et al., 2012), participants described a sense of deculturation, in which they felt lost in the dominant culture (e.g., isolation and financial problems) and simultaneously felt abandoned by their tribal community (e.g., considered an outsider, stuck up, and/or different). When working with AI families that have members leaving tribal settings to achieve in predominantly White culture, MCFCs should help the family unit to understand that their relative may be feeling cultureless. In an effort to create a supportive community, practitioners could assist family members in considering multiple perspectives around their relative’s choice to leave home. Techniques that could facilitate such understanding include (but are not limited to) ecograms, externalizing, and unpacking marginalized narratives of competence (Keeling & Bermudez, 2006; Limb & Hodge, 2011; Zimmerman & Shepherd, 1993).
Third, this study points to the importance of supportive voices during the AI acculturation process. Further, the salience of AI spirituality is well documented in the literature (Brave Heart, 2004; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Iwasaki & Byrd, 2010). Recent empirical research in the field of marriage, couple, and family counseling combines these two important factors by examining the benefits of using a culturally appropriate spiritual assessment tool with AI families. An ecogram combines a genogram and an ecomap to provide the history of a family’s spiritual orientation. Limb and Hodge (2011) explored the therapeutic effectiveness of a spiritual ecogram with 50 AI participants. Authors asked participants to review, rate, and provide feedback on its use with AI families and children. Results indicated moderate consistency with AI culture. Another pattern was the instrument’s ability to give voice to family members and/or children. Given the salience of spirituality in AI family life (Flynn et al., 2012), MCFCs can use ecograms to glean relevant information on how an AI families spiritual life informs them while they are experiencing a relatives assimilation process to predominately White culture. Connecting with spiritual aspects of AI clients could increase resilience and wellness, which could help combat the barriers within predominately White culture (e.g., peer pressure and isolation) and create a sense of understanding among family members. An additional strategy would be having the acculturating AI seek out supportive voices in his or her family of origin, at least three generations back, in regard to assimilation to predominately White culture. These voices could be captured through various methods (e.g., recorder, diary, or having the supporters attend session) and placed on the developing ecogram.
Fourth, practitioners utilizing a narrative approach to marriage, couple, and family counseling are in an excellent position to cocreate effective reauthoring experiences with AI clientele. Through unpacking family (or client) meaning behind the acculturation challenges, searching for unique outcomes, externalizing familial and societal narratives, and reauthoring the family and/or client story, practitioners can both empower, cocreate a strong personal sense of agency, and provide divergent perspectives to accepted and internalized experiences (Keeling & Bermudez, 2006; White & Epston, 1990). Practitioners using narrative therapy could encourage clients to write out their externalizations, dominant and preferred narratives, and to explore multiple perspectives (Zimmerman & Shepherd, 1993). This could be of considerable importance given the difficulty in understanding internalized narratives that may be embedded in Native culture (e.g., “You think you’re better than other’s on the reservation because you are going to college.”) and perceived narratives related to predominately White culture (e.g., “AIs are given everything for free”; Flynn et al., 2012). Writing such a prominent narrative could help clients critique their authenticity and externalize the aspects that are causing problems. In addition, given the humility, nondirective style of communication, nonverbal communication, and collective nature found in AI culture (Limb & Hodge, 2011), there may be unwillingness for AI clientele to internalize their own competencies and acknowledge successful narratives verbally. Writing could provide a safe and meaningful avenue for writing out externalizations, dominant and preferred narratives, the exploration of multiple perspectives, and internalizing personal competencies.
Kahle and Robbins (1998) described how unpacking the marginalized narratives of competence could be a helpful step in encouraging a sense of empowerment and agency for families. Authors further describe unpacking as a collaborative method of provoking the family to expand on the meaning of a notion through the investigation of unique routes of meaning. These paths may be helpful for acculturating AIs who may be fighting stereotypes, racism, and oppression (Flynn et al., 2012). Providing a rich description of identified competencies can serve as an avenue to improving family self-esteem and increasing resilience to negative narratives imposed by others. For example, if an AI family mentions feeling a sense of destiny that their relative should pursue a particular area of employment, a practitioner could unpack and expand on the word “destiny” by asking the following questions: (a) What is going on within the family when he or she is able to pursue a career of this nature? (b) How is he or she able to be destined for success? (c) If we were to see destiny come into fruition for him/her, what would we see? and (d) How does having a destiny affect the “loneliness” that he or she is going to feel during their transition to the dominant culture? Expanding on competencies is a narrative method for increasing resiliency against negative dominant story narratives and can provide context to positive unique outcomes.
Directions for Future Research
Future research could focus on identifying supportive cultural strategies that family members and/or relatives have offered to AI students pursuing postsecondary education. Further, researchers could examine how these supportive strategies help AI students succeed in a postsecondary educational environment (e.g., college retention and career opportunity). Related to marriage, couple, and family, researchers could examine psychological needs and communication patterns of AI families with acculturating members. In addition, future investigations should examine the effectiveness of empirically based AI treatment and prevention programs within postsecondary settings. Efforts such as these could further inform MCFCs who are working with this population.
Limitations
Three potential limitations should be considered when examining the findings of this research. First, the present investigation utilized a telephone interview format. Given the sensitive nature of the topics discussed, there were no assurances that participants felt safe to fully disclose their perceptions. Second, although qualitative research does not seek to generalize results to a particular population, the findings within this study were based on a sample of AIs who largely had a high school level of education, predominantly male, and were located in the Midwest. It is important to note that the findings may have been different had the sample had different contextual variables (e.g., equal number of women and men). Finally, a potential limitation of this study is the different worldview some participants may have had given their experience in leaving tribal lands to pursue educational opportunities. Future research should compare perceptions of AIs who have left tribal settings and returned with tribal-based AIs who have not left the reservation.
Conclusion
This study represents a first attempt to develop a phenomenon that explains tribal-based AI perceptions of a family member’s educational achievement in predominantly White culture. The present study provides MCFCs from all settings information on the tribal-based perceptions of the methods and rationale related to educational achievement for acculturating AIs, tribal-based perceptions regarding the negative experiences AIs endure while attempting to achieve in predominately White educational settings, and the interaction between AI culture and predominately White culture during the assimilation process. Overall, participants perceived acculturating family members as successful if they utilized educational resources, were open to family support, maintained a sense of individuality, and successfully assimilated to the norms and expectations within predominately White culture while maintaining a connection with their tribal heritage.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.