The Complexity of Generational Status and Ethnic Identity of Japanese Americans

Abstract

Japanese Americans comprise multiple generations, with a first wave of immigrants entering the United States in the 1800s. The current generation of Japanese American descendants today includes over five generations. The purpose of this qualitative study is to explore the ethnic identity of fourth- and fifth-generation Japanese American adults. Forty participants were interviewed as part of a larger study and deemed exempt by institutional review board. Results indicate that ethnic identity for multigenerational Japanese American adults is complex, with factors that include the impact of historical and intergenerational ties to World War II, continuance of family and cultural traditions, and identity as American but perceived as “forever foreigner.” Family counselor recommendations include considering historical background of Asian American and minority groups, rethinking educational curriculum through transformative social and emotional learning.

Keywords

intergenerational Japanese American ethnic identity culture World War II generational

Japanese Americans are multigenerational with initial settlement in the United States extending back over a century. Today, the descendants of the initial wave of Japanese Americans are reaching the fifth, sixth, and even seventh generation. As this group becomes increasingly diverse over time in terms of being multigenerational (each biological parent holding different generational statuses and varying generations overall) and multiracial, understanding complexities of ethnic identity development is needed. Research on ethnic identity indicates that a strong ethnic identity is linked to positive social adjustment and well-being (Phinney, et al., 2001; Wakefield & Hudley, 2007). Ethnic identity of Japanese Americans who arrived prior to World War II (WWII) is shaped by factors that include history, societal reception, individual, family, community, and generational status (Kitano, 1993; Kurashige, 2002; Matsuo, 1992). A constant throughout these generations is the role of family in ethnic identity development (Kiang & Fuligni, 2009a, 2009b).

Literature Review

Generational history

The first wave of Japanese immigrants consisted of laborers in the Hawaii islands and affluent higher education students on the eastern seaboard in the 1800s, thus marking the first generation, also known as “Issei” (Daniels, 1962; Kitano, 1993; Paik et al., 2014). The influx of Japanese immigrants in the late 1800s continued into the early 1900s, with 1920 marking them as the largest minority population in the west (Kurashige, 2002). However, the Immigration Act of 1924 halted further growth and created a single generation composed of mostly men. There was an overlooked rule for Japanese men in the United States, where wives and their offspring were allowed to enter. This propelled a second generation born before WWII, called “Nisei.” Along with terminology to describe themselves by their generational status as Issei and Nisei, there were additional terms developed to describe those sent to Japan for education (e.g., Kibei) and those who are born postwar in the United States (e.g., Shin-Issei, Shin-Nisei). These names are specific to Japanese Americans in order to distinguish their entry in the United States and indicate where they were during WWII (Caudill & Mixon, 2012; Kitano, 1962; Spickard, 2009; Takezawa, 1995; Tsuda, 2016).

Following the bombing of Pearl Harbor, Franklin Delano Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 in 1942—which forcibly removed over 100,000 Issei and Nisei from the west coast and sent them to incarceration camps in desolate regions of the United States for the next 3 years. The majority of Japanese Americans placed in incarceration camps were American born and were required to answer a loyalty questionnaire issued by the War Relocation Authority (Densho, 2020). Some Nisei tried to prove their loyalty to the United States by joining the military’s segregated 442nd Battalion composed of Nisei. Others who defied the loyalty questionnaire were either sent to federal prison for their resistance or to Tule Lake and labeled as “disloyal” (Densho, 2020).

Post–WWII, Issei and Nisei were freed from incarceration and were directed by War Relocation Authority to avoid resettlement in California, Washington, and Oregon as well as discouraging any form of Japantowns or Little Tokyos. The U.S. Department of the Interior (USDI; 1947) conducted a postwar study of resettlement and adjustment of Japanese Americans.
As a group, the west coast Japanese Americans had not been permitted to become sufficiently a part of the total community to be allowed to go through the crisis of attack by Japan as Americans. The evacuation produced a profound psychological shock which has carried over in varying extent to the postwar adjustment period.
When leaving the incarceration camps, many faced racially charged attacks in addition to struggling with psychological damage due to the traumatic incarceration experience. Moreover, many entered a world with little money, finding their prewar businesses and homes stolen from under them. To ameliorate some of these issues, Nisei focused on pursuing education or developing small businesses (Kitano, 1993; Tsuda, 2016; USDI, 1947).

Third-generation Japanese Americans, referred to as “Sansei,” were largely born postwar and correspond with the baby boomer generation (Fry, 2016; Takezawa, 1995). Studies in the third generation such as those by Kitano (1962) and Connor (1975a, 1975b) found a focus on acculturation into American society by participating in school activities and less emphasis on academic performance. This was in contrast to prewar ideas of Nisei who perceived education as the path to prosperity. Following WWII, Nisei created organizations and clubs that reflected those in larger society due to discrimination they faced when returning to school. While the Immigration Act of 1965 led to further immigration from Japan, this brought forth a new generation of Japanese immigrants, referred to as “Shin,” meaning “new.” Along with this came the name “Shin-Issei,” meaning new first generation which indicated that they did not experience WWII incarceration and the intense discrimination faced by the Issei and Nisei (Oda, 2014). As a further comparison, the Shin-Issei were approximately the same age as the third-generation Japanese Americans or better known as “Sansei” (Tsuda, 2016; Yoo & Azuma, 2016).

Current Japanese descendents in the United States from the initial wave of immigration include “Yonsei” or fourth generation, “Gosei” or fifth generation, and sixth generation which has yet to be documented. Their family stories of mass incarceration or serving in the U.S. military started to come out as the aging Issei and Nisei generations. Reparations from Japanese American incarceration were sought in a movement largely led by aging Nisei and Sansei during the 1980s. Concurrent to this was “Japan Bashing” during the 1980s–1990s—a period of time when many of the Yonsei were raised. This is an important time as Japan was perceived as an economic threat to the United States (Regan, 1990).

Japanese American families

The Meiji Restoration in the 1860s shifted toward modernization. At the same time, the Issei born and raised prior to this time period retained many of the cultural values instilled in them. Among these values included haji, which directly translates to shame but has a deeper meaning that brings shame on not only the self but the family and community (Tamura, 1994). Further, Issei came with Confucious and Buddhist beliefs that retained filial piety and emphasis on the community. These beliefs were passed down to Nisei and instilled the belief of how individual actions can impact the entire community (Fugita & O’Brien, 1991; Kitano, 1993; Takezawa, 1995; Tamura, 1994).

Issei entered the United States without command of the English language; however, they pressed their Nisei children to do well in American schools. At home, Isseis continued to communicate with their children in Japanese, prompting the development of Japanese language schools in the 1900s (Takezawa, 1995). The purpose for developing Japanese language schools was to provide students to learn the language in several academic contexts while promoting Japanese cultural beliefs and values. A large part of this was also to support Nisei ethnic identity and build a strong connection to their Japanese roots. Nevertheless, their intentions were often met with resistance by Nisei who wanted to assimilate into American culture. Isseis believed that education would lead their children to success, yet laws prohibited them from owning land as well as denying their citizenship restricted their chances for success (Gaines & Cho, 2004; Kitano, 1993; Spickard, 2009; Takezawa, 1995).

WWII led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans which placed haji, or immense shame and trauma on the entire community. For many Japanese Americans who suffered through the incarceration, their memories tied to this event were repressed. Following their release, most Nisei and their Sansei children avoided developing a Japanese community, spoke English, and some of their Issei Japanese traditions were lost (Takezawa, 1995). It was the Sansei who began to question their grandparents’ incarceration and pushed for redress in honor of their parents and grandparents.

Role of family in ethnic identity development

Within ethnic identity development, family is salient from adolescence through adulthood (Juang & Syed, 2010; Phinney, 1990). Asian American young adults are largely influenced by their early cultural socialization with families, leading to greater exploration of one’s ethnic identity (Juang & Syed, 2010). Young adults were found to have higher amounts of ethnic pride when around their parents rather than their peers (Kiang & Fuligni, 2009b). This is based on relational contexts where families serve as a source for ethnic identity exploration (Kiang & Fuligni, 2009b; Kiang et al., 2012) Among high school students, Kiang and Fuligni (2009a) describe the ways in which families provide opportunities to build upon ethnic identity through day-to-day interactions. Family relations and its influence on ethnic identity across generations require further exploration (Torres et al., 2003).

Purpose

Research on the role of family within Japanese American ethnic identity development is sparse, particularly with current Japanese Americans in the fourth, fifth, and sixth generations. The impact family has on Yonsei and Gosei is altogether absent. Understanding the identity of Yonsei and Gosei is complex due to being largely multigenerational and multiracial, thus creating a unique space in ethnic identity development. The purpose of this study is to define what their generational status means to fourth- and fifth-generation Japanese Americans as it relates to their ethnic identity. To this end, 40 Japanese Americans identifying as fourth or fifth generation were interviewed. This article highlights the responses for the following research question: “What does being a Yonsei or Gosei mean to you?” The results in this article are part of a larger study that documented factors of home, school, community, generational status, location, and societal reception in shaping ethnic identity.

Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework shaping this study is built from the seminal works of Phinney (1990, 1991, 1992), Handlin (2002), and Mannheim (1952) who have developed factors in ethnic identity development that should be considered today. Phinney’s (1990, 1991, 1992) work describe the contextual factors contributing to ethnic identity formation that include home, school, and community, which can lead to positive adjustment and well-being. Handlin’s (2002) seminal work on ethnic identity of immigrant groups in the United States considers how historical context and society reception shapes identity development. Lastly, Mannheim (1952) describes the conscious and subconscious transfer of culture through generations with significant events (i.e., war) and shared locations connecting a group of people. In the case of Japanese American, ethnic identity is a complex process as generations continue to persist. Their ethnic identity includes the historical laws and societal reception in the United States during early immigration, WWII, incarceration, postwar relocation, and redress. The initial wave of Japanese immigrants in the late 1800s connected them in the aforementioned experiences, particularly with those settling on the west coast. The adapted Ethnic Identity & Generational Status Model from a larger study (Saito, 2018) is used in the study to understand ethnic identity of Yonsei and Gosei adults.

Method

Fourth- and fifth-generation Japanese Americans (N = 40) were interviewed through purposive and snowball sampling. Participants in this study were over the age of 25, ranging in age from 25 to 59 years, and identified as fourth or fifth generation from either the mother or the father, but not necessarily both parents. Fourth generation is defined as Japanese descendants living in the United States for successive generations, with the first generation being born in Japan.

Recruitment for participants began with communication via email to 42 Japanese American organizations across the United States, and two Facebook closed groups were given permission by the group administrator, each hosting up to 2,000 group members. Sixty-eight participants initiated interest; however, 40 participants completed the informed consent form and the interview. Reasons for attrition are not known. Interviews took place between fall 2017 and spring 2018.

This study was reviewed by the institutional review board (IRB) from Claremont Graduate University and deemed exempt from IRB supervision. Participants chose a pseudonym to protect their anonymity and confidentiality. Pseudonyms were given to those who did not want to change their name. Any questions regarding the potential risks, procedures, anonymity, and record keeping were directed to the researcher who responded accordingly.

Twenty-one participants identified as female and 19 male. The majority identified as fourth generation (N = 34) and six identified as fifth generation. Thirty participants are of Japanese descent through the mother and the father and 10 stated they were ½ Japanese and ½ other ethnicities which included Scotch, Irish, Chinese, Mexican, Filipino, and Caucasian.

The interview protocol was developed by the researcher based on the components of the Ethnic Identity & Generational Status Model (Figure 1).

Figure 1.
Ethnic Identity & Generational Status Model (adapted).

Findings

Themes emerging from the question, “What does being a Yonsei or Gosei mean to you?” brought forth a range of overlapping responses. Participants explained being a Yonsei as an identity that includes generational status, American, community, history, location, WWII, identity, and language. However, 93% described what it meant to Yonsei in terms of a complex identity that integrated the aforementioned themes (Table 1).

Table 1.
Response Themes by Number and Percent.

Theme N %

Identity 37 93

Generational differences 18 45

American 15 38

Family 15 38

Culture and traditions 13 33

Intersections Between Generational Differences and Identity

For those describing the generational differences, this included contrasting themselves to previous generations, friends with varying generational statuses, community, location, and citizenship. On the surface, being a Yonsei has generational differences, even with same age Japanese American Yonseis. Lisa explains,
I think as someone who is a very traditional Yonsei that is less complicated, but I know I have friends that are Yonsei are one side they are Sansei and on the other side they are Yonsei or Yonsei and Gosei and I am sure it is more complicated for them.

The generational identity from a Yonsei perspective included being 100% Yonsei on both side of the family. For other participants, the response was a feeling of being different due to the varying generational statuses within the Japanese American community. Karol described, “Growing up I did feel a little bit different among my friends because all of my friends were Sansei. I felt being a Gosei I was further…I had distance from being from Japan.”

While some participants described these generational differences within the Japanese American community, some felt this distance from Japan gave more reason to hold on to their community. Being Yonsei is being connected to the Japanese American community and culture through previous generations. Kara (pseudonym) describes:
Being a Yonsei means that I have…when people ask me where are you’re from, I’m always like, I’m a Japanese American, my family has been here for over a 100 years, for me being a Yonsei it’s about community, it’s about being part of a greater Japanese American culture. If I met another Yonsei it’s very easy to be like “Oh, you do this?” I do that, a sense of familiarity. I’ve met other Yonsei from different parts of the country…every year I would go to a church summer camp that was targeted towards Japanese Americans. And even though I’ve never met these people before, it was an instant sense of community because we had the shared experience. Where our grandparents all went through the same things and then our parents were similar to—had similar background and experiences…So, it was just…I guess that’s kind of like…it’s hard for me to put a specific word around it but I think it’s being part of a community of other people who have the same historic background as my family does.

The defining characteristic of being a Yonsei is the grandparents’ suffering through their incarceration during WWII. This leads into the relationships they have with other Yonsei in keeping the community together. Yonsei identity is part of the Japanese American identity that is built from their ancestors’ community centers and organizations. Barry (pseudonym) defines Yonsei:
Being a Yonsei to me recognizes where my ancestors came from right? Yonsei, 4th generation, JA, yes, acknowledge being Japanese is in there. This is where your ancestors are from but then the American portion as well—so its kind of like for me…its its own separate identity or that it gives specific characteristics of typical Yonsei’s experience. My experience, typically growing up Yonsei there’s less of the language, more of the community that our Sansei or Nisei established—the communities, enclaves of JAs. Whether its Japantown or the Buddhist community or the J-leagues—I didn’t play basketball back then but all of my friends did, but that kind of defined their Yoseiness growing up but for me it represents that duality the Japanese part and the American part and how do those intertwine?

Organizations such as baseball leagues (J-league) were developed upon their arrival in the late 1800s (Otake, n.d.). Japantowns, sports leagues, and other community centers initially served as a vital resource upon their arrival that offered employment, networking, and support to navigate their new society (Paik et al., 2017). Peter (pseudonym) describes the historical discrimination faced by the Issei and how that has shaped his Yonsei identity as well as differentiating himself with other prewar generations:
I’ll say that means I’m a prewar Japanese American who has a heritage of…my family came to America in the early 1900’s so my ancestors went through everything from immigration to sort of intense de facto discrimination, Alien Land Law so my family had to go through that and the incarceration camp experience. So that’s one way that makes me Yonsei—that connection to that Japanese American/Asian American history. Another thing that makes me a Yonsei is that I’m not a Sansei, I’m not a Nisei I’m not an Issei. Not an Issei, I don’t know what it’s like to be an immigrant, as a Nisei I don’t know what it’s like to go through the camp experience. As a Sansei, I don’t know what it’s like to be like my parents. Cuz I think there are some things that make Sanseis very unique…I think Yonsei differentiates myself from the post-war Shin-Nisei and Shin-Nikkei community. I think that community is very different as well for me. I’m not super familiar with that community but because of my work I have become more knowledgeable about that. Although I see the pre-war and post war communities being somewhat unique.

Isseis faced a slew of laws discriminating against them and included preventing them from owning land, blocked immigration, and acts to prevent them from becoming citizens (Paik et al., 2014). This was not experienced by the Shin-Isseis who entered postwar. Although they may have interaction with the Japanese American community, they have also built a separate Shin community that interacts largely in Japanese, whereas the Japanese American community uses English (Oda, 2014).

One fourth (n = 10) of the participants in the study identified as mixed race or “hapa.” While they identified this way, most described having a stronger connection to their Japanese American identity due to the historical ties and struggles to WWII. As Vera (pseudonym) states:
I always think it’s interesting. So my great-great grandparents came from Japan the same time that my great grandparents came from Germany and Ireland but I…why does it mean so much to me to be Japanese American when we’ve been here so long? I don’t even fully know why…because I certainly don’t feel as German as I do Japanese or Irish so what is it that’s unique about being Yonsei? And again, I think it has so much to do with the history of my grandfather wanting to be American but being denied this like, privilege of being American because he looked different or because we were fighting a war with his home country, right? So, it’s kind of this weird…like I want to be accepted as American, I don’t want to be called…in some ways I don’t want people to say where are you from or where is your dad from when they see my dad—oh he’s from Pasadena—no, no where are you from? So much of my life hearing that question…but at the same time…I’m proud, where’s my family from? We were from Japan and like we did have this unique experience and maybe that’s a selfish thing but wanting to be recognized for being different and I guess yea…if you’re denied the right to be part of the dominant…when you’re denied to just be known as American then shoot I’m going to be proud of being Japanese American and I’m keep some of these traditions…so you know maybe when my great-great-grandparents left Japan and came over and a lot of those Issei came over with this strong belief in tradition and so maybe that’s part of the reason why as a Yonsei, I still feel really, like, it was handed down to me and it’s important and I really need to keep it up.

While Vera believes in keeping these family traditions brought over by her family generations ago, she feels even closer to her Japanese side because it was denied or less accepted by American society despite being American born. This led to greater pride in proving that she is American. The “forever foreign” mentality persists in Vera’s experiences when asked about where she or her father are from (Tuan, 1998). Vera is not alone in this. Several participants included similar “where are you from” questions in explaining their Yonsei/Gosei identity. Dana (pseudonym) had a different response, “When people ask where are you from…I like to challenge that and I say I’m from Torrance.” When questions about their citizenship and Americanness arise, Yonsei and Gosei often take these questions and either confront the people who are asking them or use that as a drive to prove themselves as Japanese American. Some Yonseis want to make meaning to their generation that not only honors their family’s histories and speaks out against injustices of the past but also leads with innovative ideas that move beyond the current understanding of Japanese American incarceration. Anna (pseudonym) expressed this idea when speaking about what being a Yonsei means compared to previous generations in connection with the arts.
But it also means that I have to like, carry the torch for history and stuff but it also feels like being a Yonsei means like we want to do something fresh and new. It’s like I’m tired of telling the same camp story over and over. I’m tired about the same poem about the barrack, like I want to do something new with it, I want something fresh whether or not I feel like it’s accepted or welcomed that’s another thing…it’s kind of like pushing the boundaries and who’s willing to push those boundaries with me.
The feeling of revival or reidentifying with what it means to be Yonsei is repeated among participants with a sense of obligation to not only sharing their history but also resisting repeated discriminatory beliefs that are challenged in our society today. Aaron (pseudonym) echoed this sentiment:
I think as a Yonsei…someone who has personal connections to the history of the incarceration to WWII, I feel a really strong sense of obligation towards the history at this point. It’s generally promoting awareness about it but I would love to see it extend beyond that—the responsibility that nothing like that ever happens again.

This is a sharp contrast to the studies of Sansei who were described as focusing more on participation in clubs and organizations in schools as part of assimilating into U.S. society in order to blend in (Tsuda, 2016). Yonsei and Gosei combat racism and discriminatory behavior. They are assimilated into U.S. society and continue to keep the traditions and culture from over 100 years ago alive today. How their descendants identify ethnically is something to consider in future studies (Table 1).

Conclusion and Implications

Yonsei and Gosei remain connected to their family histories, culture, and traditions. Despite being removed by several generations, Japanese American identity in the fourth and fifth generation is complex. Within an identity that is both Japanese and American, intergroup differences also arise based on these distinguished generational lines. While feeling “American” they are reminded of societal perception as “forever foreigner” because of their phenotype and surname (Tuan, 1998). For participants in this study, the reference to intergenerational family trauma (i.e., incarceration) was a shared experience across Yonseis and Goseis.

Family counselors should reconsider factors outside of the immediate family (e.g., mother, father, siblings) and look deeper into historical factors that shape youth and adult identity. Shared experiences, whether they are current or historical—also shape their ethnic identity, not only in the first generation but in consecutive generations. In addition, this study indicates that biases, stereotypes, and prejudice continue to persist toward Asian Americans. These stereotypes are described as part of their ethnic identity. In what ways are counselors advocating for unbiased and culturally responsive approaches with Asian American individuals and families?

Lastly, counselors should consider how outside of the home, educators are major contributors in shaping one’s positive ethnic identity development through social and emotional learning programs that honor culture, group history, and identity (Jagers et al., 2019). Transformative social and emotional learning, alongside culturally responsive classroom practices, can be effective in supporting positive social outcomes that impact academic success (Gay, 2018).

Theme	N	%
Identity	37	93
Generational differences	18	45
American	15	38
Family	15	38
Culture and traditions	13	33

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Lorine Erika Saito

References

Caudill

S. B.

Mixon

F. G.

(2012). Human capital investment and the internment of Japanese Americans during WWII: A public choice approach. International Journal of Applied Economics, 9(1), 1–14.

Connor

J. W.

(1975a). Changing trends in Japanese American academic achievement. Journal of Ethnic Studies, 2(4), 95–98.

Connor

J. W.

(1975b). Value changes in third generation Japanese Americans. Journal of Personality Assessment, 39(6), 597–600.

Daniels

(1962). The politics of prejudice: The Anti-Japanese movement in California and the struggle for Japanese inclusion. University of California Press.

Densho Encyclopedia (2020). Loyalty questionnaire. https://www.encyclopedia.densho.org/Loyalty_questionnaire/

Fry

(2016). Millennials overtake baby boomers as America’s largest generation (Vol. 25). Pew Research Center.

Fugita

S. S.

O’Brien

D. J.

(1991). Japanese American ethnicity: The persistence of community. University of Washington Press.

Gaines

B. J.

Cho

W. K. T.

(2004). On California’s 1920 alien land law: The psychology and economics of racial discrimination. State Politics and Policy Quarterly, 4(3), 271–293.

Gay

(2018). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research, and practice. Teachers College Press.

10.

Handlin

(2002). The uprooted: The epic story of the great migrations that made the American people (2nd ed.). University of Pennsylvania Press.

11.

Jagers

R. J.

Rivas-Drake

Williams

(2019). Transformative social and emotional learning (SEL): Toward SEL in service of educational equity and excellence. Educational Psychologist, 54(3), 162–184.

12.

Juang

Syed

(2010). Family cultural socialization practices and ethnic identity in college-going emerging adults. Journal of Adolescence, 33(3), 347–354.

13.

Kiang

Fuligni

A. J.

(2009a). Ethnic identity and family processes among adolescents from Latin American, Asian, and European backgrounds. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 38(2), 228–241.

14.

Kiang

Fuligni

A. J.

(2009b). Ethnic identity in context: Variations in ethnic exploration and belonging within parent, same-ethnic peer, and different-ethnic peer relationships. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 38(1), 732–743.

15.

Kiang

Witkow

M. R.

Champagne

M. C.

(2012). Normative changes in ethnic and American identities and links with adjustment among Asian American adolescents. Developmental Psychology, 49(9), 1713–1722. https:doi.org/10.1037/a0030840

16.

Kitano

H. K.

(1962). Changing achievement patterns of the Japanese in the United States. Journal of Social Psychology, 58(2), 257–264.

17.

Kitano

H. K.

(1993). Generations and identity: The Japanese American. Ginn Press.

18.

Kurashige

(2002). Japanese American celebration and conflict: A history of ethnic identity and festival, 1934–1990. University of California Press.

19.

Mannheim

(1952). The problem of generations. In Kecskemeti

(Ed.), Essays on the sociology of knowledge (pp. 276–320): Routledge. (Original work published 1923).

20.

Matsuo

(1992). Identificational assimilation of Japanese Americans: A reassessment of primordialism and circumstantialism. Sociological Perspectives, 35(3), 505–523.

21.

Oda

(2014). Preserving and revitalizing an ethnic urban neighborhood in transition: San Francisco’s Japantown better neighborhood plan. Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 66(1), 1–15.

22.

Otake

G. T.

(n.d). A century of Japanese American baseball. National Japanese American Historical Society. https://www.njahs.org/japanese-american-baseball-history-project/

23.

Paik

S. J.

Kula

S. M.

Saito

L. E.

Rahman

Witenstein

M. A.

(2014). Historical perspectives on diverse Asian American communities: Immigration, incorporation, and education. Teachers College Record, 116(8), 1–45.

24.

Paik

S. J.

Rahman

Kula

S. M.

Saito

L. E.

Witenstein

M. A.

(2017). Diverse Asian American families and communities: Culture, structure, and education (Part 1: Why They Differ). School Community Journal, 27(2), 35–66.

25.

Phinney

J. S.

(1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: Review of research. Psychological Bulletin, 108(3), 499–516.

26.

Phinney

J. S.

(1991). Ethnic identity and self-esteem: A review and integration. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 13(2), 193–208.

27.

Phinney

J. S.

(1992). The multigroup ethnic identity measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7(2), 156–176.

28.

Phinney

J. S.

Horenczyk

Liebkind

Vedder

(2001). Ethnic identity, immigration, and well-being: An interactional perspective. Journal of Social Issues, 57(3), 493–510.

29.

Regan

P. J.

(1990). Pension fund perspective: Japan bashing and the cost of Capital. Financial Analysts Journal, 46(1), 10–11.

30.

Saito

L. E.

(2018). Fourth & fifth generation Japanese American adults: Examining the persistence of ethnic identity & educational experiences [Doctoral dissertation, Claremont Graduate University]. ProQuest Dissertation Publishing.

31.

Spickard

P. R.

(2009). Japanese Americans: The formation and transformations of an ethnic group. Rutgers University Press.

32.

Takezawa

(1995). Breaking the silence: Redress and Japanese American ethnic identity. Cornell University Press.

33.

Tamura

E. H.

(1994). Americanization, acculturation, and ethnic identity: The Nisei generation in Hawaii. The University of Illinois Press.

34.

Torres

Howard-Hamilton

M. F.

Cooper

D. L.

(2003). Identity development of diverse populations: Implications for teaching and administration in higher education: ASHE- ERIC Higher Education Report (Vol. 12). John Wiley & Sons.

35.

Tsuda

(2016). Japanese American ethnicity: In search of heritage and homeland across generations. New York University Press.

36.

Tuan

(1998). Forever foreigners or honorary whites? The Asian ethnic experience today. Rutgers University Press.

37.

U.S. Department of Interior. (1947). People in motion: The postwar adjustment of the evacuated Japanese Americans. GPO.

38.

Wakefield

W. D.

Hudley

(2007). Ethnic and racial identity and adolescent well-being. Theory into Practice, 46(2), 147–154.

39.

Yoo

D. K.

Azuma

(2016). The Oxford handbook of Asian American history. Oxford University Press.