Abstract
Introduction
Domestic violence is a serious malady in families. Victims of this malady include children and women (Huecker et al., 2021). Significance of domestic violence emerges from its recognized role in impacting victims’ physical and mental health. Physical, social, and psychological outcomes of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood are influenced by childhood abuse experiences (Al-Modallal, 2016a; Al-Modallal, 2016b). For instance, childhood emotional abuse and neglect were significantly responsible for differences in the mean depression, anxiety, stress, and self-esteem between victimized and non-victimized women (Al-Modallal et al., 2020). On the other hand, women reporting spousal violence were more likely to report poor physical (Al-Modallal, 2016c) and mental health status (Al-Modallal et al., 2014). Negative effects also extended to affect the newborn's birth weight (Abujilban et al., 2017).
Violence against women has been highlighted in Jordan in the last two decades. Several studies and reports were conducted to investigate this problem from a multi dimensional perspective. A general investigation of the nature of these studies indicated that most of them fall in the category of identifying magnitude of the problem in Jordanian women (Al-Modallal, 2016a; Al-Modallal et al., 2015). A second group of studies fall in the category of studying people's values and attitudes and their effects on violence against women (Al-Modallal, 2016a; Al-Modallal, 2017). Above and beyond these categories, several reports were issued by different parties such as the Family Protection Department, Jordanian National Commission for Women, Ministry of Social Development, National Council for Family Affairs, and several other Jordanian institutions interested in investigating the problem of violence against women. All these efforts cumulatively aided in providing a comprehensive understanding of this problem and its associated cultural influences.
An analysis of research studies on spousal violence in Jordan indicated that the problem exists and embedded in the community in terms of size and types of violence tactics. Prevalence of spousal violence ranged between 38% among women visiting Jordanian Association for Family Planning and Protection (JAFPP) (Clark et al., 2010) and 55% among women from the general community reporting physical spousal violence (Al-Modallal, 2017). In the meantime, greater than 20% of refugee women experienced three different types of violence from the spouse (Al-Modallal et al., 2015). Regarding violence types, victimized women experienced all different types of violence as reported in a related study (Al-Modallal et al., 2015).
Investigating women's history of childhood abuse was not well documented in Jordanian literature. However, one recent study was identified assessing women's exposure to violence during childhood. Results revealed that emotional and physical types of violence were the most reported during childhood (Al-Modallal et al., 2020). International studies highlighted significance of childhood violence in women's life during adulthood years. In related studies, the authors pointed the fact that social impacts of childhood experiences of violence can be exhibited in victims’ experiences of violence in adulthood relationships (Al-Modallal, 2016a; Al-Modallal, 2016b). For instance, childhood physical violence increased the risk of physical spousal violence by more than 3 folds (OR = 3.62, 95% CI = 1.25–10.51) (Al-Modallal, 2016a).
Witnessing parental violence in childhood is considered a type of childhood violence with significant impacts on women later in their lives. Witnessing violence during childhood impacted women's emotionality levels (McKee & Payne, 2014) and resulted in exhibiting depressive symptoms, low self-esteem, and trauma symptoms (Davies et al., 2004). Witnessing violence in childhood was also responsible for increasing the likelihood of violence victimization by the partner (Al-Modallal, 2016a; Madruga et al., 2017).
One possible reason for the presence of childhood violence in women's lives could reflect poor economic status of families in general. Twenty to thirty years ago (i.e., when our participants were children), economic status in the society was not well developed as it is today. Trading, manufacturing, commerce, and tourism industries were developing at that time. The overall people's general economic status would be a factor for the lack of appropriate and satisfactory work opportunities for parents. This deficiency would predispose stress within the family and the husband/father is most affected by this stress. Therefore, the father's improper coping with stress could have been presented in the form of using violence within the family context (Al-Modallal, 2016c).
On the other hand, one important cultural factor affecting women's vulnerability to spousal violence is acceptance of men's controlling behaviors over women. As indicated in a related study, controlling behaviors included limiting women's contact with family and friends and asking the women about place they went (Al-Modallal et al., 2015). The Quranic scripture describes men's role within the family: “Men are in charge of women by [right of] what Allah has given one over the other and what they spend [for maintenance] from their wealth” (The Holy Quran (no date) 4:34, Surat An-Nisa’ [The Women]). Unfortunately, some people may interpret the term “in charge” as a confirmation of men's right to control women when, in fact, it means that women's and children's expenses, needs, and care should be on the man's part as he, by nature, is prepared for such responsibilities.
Acceptance of controlling behaviors as a practice of some men is not limited to a certain region in Jordan. The widespread of controlling behaviors in men was reported (Clark et al., 2009) and supported by women's beliefs of the husband's right to control the wife (Al-Badayneh, 2012). Further, the association between childhood violence and violence by the spouse can be linked to women's inherited belief that violence exists within the family context (either in childhood or adulthood). Violence is a private family matter that does not need to be disclosed to others (Al-Modallal, 2017). This assumption could exist in some women's beliefs about familial relationships, and this assumption explains presence of violence within the family context.
Significance of the Study
In the Middle Eastern region, minimal studies were found examining victimization during childhood and its effects on adulthood re-victimization by the spouse (Al-Modallal, 2016a; Clark et al., 2010). In addition, little is known about the effect of witnessing parental violence during childhood on adulthood victimization by the spouse. Such relationships are worth studying. Findings of the current study can provide the groundwork for understanding this problem in Middle Eastern women. The ultimate goal of this investigation is to justify importance of screening family violence by health care providers in different health care settings within the community.
The purpose of this study was to examine the association between childhood violence, including witnessing parental violence, and spousal violence in a sample of Jordanian women. Specific aims of the study were to: (1) examine the distribution of childhood violence, witnessing parental violence, and spousal violence in a sample of Jordanian women, and (2) examine the association between childhood violence and witnessing parental violence with spousal violence victimization in adulthood.
Methods
Study Design
This study is a cross-sectional descriptive survey used to examine the association between childhood experiences of violence in women and their exposure to spousal violence during their marital relationship. Descriptive cross-sectional designs provide a description of the phenomena without manipulating the variables under investigation. Benefits of cross-sectional studies also include providing prevalence estimates of the study variables and gathering data at the same point in time. Thus, loss to follow-up is minimal in descriptive cross-sectional studies (Polit & Beck, 2020).
Setting and Participants
Health care centers were the setting for this study. Women attending these centers for medical assistance were the sampled population. A convenience sample of women visiting these centers was required for the study. Inclusion criteria for the study included women who were: (1) married, (2) unaccompanied by the spouse, (3) able to read to complete the questionnaire, and (4) not complaining of acute pain of any kind; so that they are comfortable and not distracted during completion of the questionnaire. Exclusion criteria included women (1) under the age of 18 years, (2) working in the health care center (i e., worker), and (3) attending the health care center seeking treatment of a family member with acute/serious health condition. Presence of a family member with acute/serious illness would result in reporting bias from women as they are distracted by the health condition of the family member.
Measures
Five types of childhood violence inflicted by parents/guardians were investigated in this study (physical abuse, emotional abuse, child neglect, sexual abuse, and witnessing parental violence). Physical abuse was assessed using a number of physical abuse tactics adapted from a previous investigation (Shaw & Krause, 2002). The total physical abuse scores were dichotomized as either “yes” or “no” where a “yes” response was coded “1” and a “no” response was coded “0”. Cronbach's alpha for the childhood physical abuse items in our study was 0.86.
Three items were used for assessing women's history of childhood emotional abuse. The items were: calling names, throwing with hurtful words, and hoping she (the woman as a child) was not born to the family. History of childhood neglect was assessed by another three items including lack of care (love and belonging), lack of prepared meals, and lack of personal care (such as hygiene and clean clothes). If the respondent answered at least one “yes” on either scale, this response was coded as “1”, indicating presence of either emotional abuse or neglect, accordingly.
Sexual abuse was assessed by a single item asking women to report whether they were sexually abused during childhood by an adult (relative or nonrelative). Responses to this item were coded as “1” for the sexual abuse victimization and “0” for the no victimization history. Finally, women were asked to report whether they (as children) ever witnessed father-to-mother violence. Responses indicating witnessing parental violence were coded as “1”, and “0”, otherwise.
Four types of spousal violence were assessed in women (physical, sexual, emotional, and controlling behaviors). Physical, sexual, and controlling behaviors were assessed by questions used in the WHO Multi-Country Study on Women's Health and Domestic Violence against Women (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006). These questions were used because they were previously validated in a sample of Jordanian women (Clark et al., 2009). Below is a brief description of how the three types of spousal violence were assessed by these questions.
Physical spousal violence was assessed using a series of items representing moderate and severe physical violence. Slapping, pushing, kicking, burning, and threatening with a weapon were examples of the adapted physical violence tactics. Four items were added. These items were: pinching, punching, bending the arm, and flogging a woman with a stripe. Items were rated as (once or twice, a few times, or many times). As defined in Garcia-Moreno et al. (2006) study, the dichotomized form of the physical spousal violence variable was used in this study. Cronbach's alpha of this scale in our sample was 0.92.
Sexual spousal violence was assessed by one of the questions of the WHO Multi-Country Study on Women's Health and Domestic Violence against Women. Women were asked to report whether they were physically forced to have intercourse with the partner against their will. A woman's “yes” response to this question, indicating sexual abuse victimization, was coded as “1”, and “0” was the code for the “no” response.
Controlling behaviors, as a form of spousal violence, was defined as a spouse's authority to control and rule the woman's behaviors and relationships. In our study, controlling behaviors were assessed by a group of items from the WHO Multi-Country Study on Women's Health and Domestic Violence against Women. Examples of these items include limiting a woman's contact with her family and insisting to know [the spouse] where she [the woman] goes. The dichotomized form (0, 1) was used to represent absence and presence of experiencing controlling behaviors by the spouse, respectively. Items used to measure controlling behaviors were previously validated in Jordanian women by Clark et al. (2009).
Emotional spousal violence was assessed by items derived from previous studies (Forte et al., 2005; Romans et al., 2007). Items involved assessing different domains of emotional abuse. These domains were ridicule; threats to harm a close person such as a woman's child; actual harm directing a close person (such as her child); and destruction of property. As defined in Forte et al. (2005) study, positive indication of experiencing at least one of these domains was coded as “1”, and “0” otherwise.
Face and content validity were examined for all the items measuring childhood and spousal violence. As a result, a few modifications were made. For example, one of the three questions of sexual spousal violence (suggested by the WHO Multi-Country Study on Women's Health and Domestic Violence against Women) was used. The other two questions were very sensitive to be asked to our participants. Asking women about sexual violence with details would embarrass them and result in inaccurate responses. For the physical spousal violence part, 4 items were added because they are sometimes experienced by some victimized women in this culture. To further support the reliability of the items, Cronbach's alpha values were reported for the multi-item scales including childhood physical abuse and physical spousal violence scales and the reported reliability values were high.
Procedure
The study questionnaire was translated and back-translated by two doctoral-level translators who are fluent in Arabic and English. One translator translated the questions from English to Arabic and the other back-translated them. Accuracy of the translation process was evaluated by the primary investigator. An external PhD holder was consulted to compare the two versions of the questionnaire (Arabic and English).
This cross-sectional study was approved by the Hashemite University and the ethical legal committee of the Ministry of Health in Jordan prior to data collection. Data was collected from women attending health care centers on different days of the week to guarantee collecting a relatively large sample size with different characteristics. The trained research assistants were available in the designated health care centers in the morning. They collected data on different days of the week to minimize interruption of services provided by health workers. Research assistants met with women in waiting rooms of different clinics including chronic illnesses, dental, and maternal and child clinics. Each research assistant introduced self to the women, discussed purpose and objectives of the study, and explained type of data required for the study. Then, women were asked for their interest to take part in the study and complete the study questionnaire. Women who met the inclusion criteria and showed interest in the study were handed the questionnaire to complete. Women were encouraged to provide data to the best of their ability. The research assistants were available for women during the data collection phase and were ready for questions from the participants. Women who had questions and needed further assistance and information related to the subjects of the study were met with the research assistant in a private room and given required information as needed. Uncompleted questionnaires of women who were unable to complete the questionnaire because it was time for them to get the required treatment or service were not considered. Completed questionnaires were collected directly from the participants and kept with the primary investigator for analysis. Data from a convenience sample size of 405 participants was obtained.
Ethical Considerations of the Study
Women were reminded that the study data remain confidential and results will be presented in numbers and tables. There were no personal or family identifiers required as part of the collected data. Refusal to participate in the study and their choice to withdraw from the study without undesirable consequences were options discussed with women. The consent form was available to be signed by prospective participants prior to completing the questionnaire. Completed questionnaires were collected and kept in sealed envelopes. The sealed envelopes were handed to the primary investigator who kept them in a locked cabinet with access limited to the study team only.
Analysis
Frequencies of childhood abuse experiences and spousal violence types were presented using descriptive statistics. Chi square analysis was implemented to examine significant associations between spousal violence and women's demographic characteristics. Associations between childhood abuse (by type) and risk of experiencing different types of spousal violence were examined using logistic regression. Dependent and independent variables were dichotomized for the purpose of implementing logistic regression. The 95% confidence interval was examined to identify significant associations at a significance level of 0.05.
Results
Descriptive statistics for the participants’ demographic characteristics revealed that most of the participants were within the age group of (31–40) years (42%). The vast majority of the women were married (92%) and had children (91%). Educational level ranged between less than high school (36%) to holding University degree (36%). The participants came from medium socioeconomic status as reported by (63%) of them and nearly three-quarters (75%) were non-working women.
Prevalence rates of childhood violence as well as violence by the spouse were examined in this study. Emotional abuse followed by physical abuse were the most reported types of abuse during childhood (prevalence rates were 47.1% and 46.5%, respectively). Childhood sexual abuse was reported by only five of the participants (1.3%). For violence by the spouse, control by the spouse was the most prevalent (n = 267, 67.6%), followed by physical violence (n = 187, 49.2%). Sexual violence was the least reported (n = 94, 23.6%). See Table 1.
Distribution of Domestic Violence among the Participants (N = 405).
*Valid Percentage.
Dependence relationship between women's demographic characteristics and their experiences with spousal violence was examined by implementing Chi square test. There were no significant associations between violence by the spouse and women's demographic characteristics such as age, education, and income. Only marital status was associated with sexual (X2 = 10.7, p < .05) and emotional violence (X2 = 8.2, p < .05), while physical violence was related to living in a city (X2 = 7.6, p < .05). Refer to Table 2 for information about women's demographic characteristics and results of Chi square analyses.
Relationship Between Women's Demographic Characteristics and Their Experience of Spousal Violence (N = 405).
Some frequencies do not add up to total sample size due to missing data.
*p < .05.
When the risk of spousal violence was examined based on women's experiences of childhood violence, findings yielded that violence during childhood was, generally, a risk factor for women's experiences of spousal violence. For example, childhood physical abuse increased the risk of spousal physical violence (OR = 3.7, 95% CI = 2.4–5.7), spousal emotional violence (OR = 1.6, 95% CI = 1.1–2.4), and control by the spouse (OR = 1.6, 95% CI = 1.01–2.4). The risks of spousal sexual violence were not predicted by either childhood physical abuse or childhood emotional abuse. Furthermore, neglect was the only type of violence during childhood that predicted the four types of spousal violence under investigation. For instance, risks of spousal physical violence and spousal emotional violence were four and three times higher among women who were neglected during childhood compared to those who were not (OR for spousal physical violence = 3.8, 95% CI = 2.09–7.04; OR for spousal emotional violence = 3.39, 95% CI = 1.96–5.86). See Table 3 for details.
Odds Ratios of Spousal Violence Stratified by Childhood Abuse among Women*.
*Underlined ORs are statistically significant; REF = Referent Category.
(a) odds ratios (OR) could not be calculated due to very small numbers in the 2 × 2 tables.
Discussion
Major findings indicated that women participating in this study were subjects to domestic violence during childhood by the parents/guardians as well as during adulthood by the spouse. In addition, relationships between violence in childhood and violence by the spouse were generally significant.
Home environment of some of our participants could be described as having parental conflict. More than 20% of the participants reported that they witnessed parental (father-to- mother) violence during childhood. This finding would be the foundation for their experiences of childhood violence as violence in childhood can be inflicted by household members (including parents) and children are likely to report traumatic, rather than less severe, incidents of childhood violence (Devries et al., 2018). Parents who use violence within the family context are generally dominant and controlling (Al-Modallal, 2012). Besides, the poor socioeconomic status of the family in general would enhance violent incidents within families.
It is expected that the father who inflicted violence against his spouse would in some cases inflict violence on his children in response to stress he was experiencing (Al-Modallal, 2016c). In addition, mothers who were victims of violence inflicted by the spouse would spill violence over to their children in order to release part of the stress they exhibited as a result of victimization by the partner. In both cases, children living in an environment charged by parental conflicts would be victimized by one parent or by both parents in some cases. This explanation is thought to be logical in describing the relatively high prevalence rates of violence during childhood.
The prevalence rates of all types of spousal violence in this study were relatively high. Referral to men and women's culture would give a clear justification for these reported prevalence rates. In one study targeting Palestinians living in Jordan's camps, authors indicated that some demographic characteristics of the men were factors increasing the risk of women's spousal violence victimization (Khawaja et al., 2008). Among these factors is men's history of wife perpetration. Khawaja et al. (2008) indicated that men with no history of wife beating were less likely to support wife beating attitude, compared to men with positive history of wife beating (OR = 0.15, p = .0001). Combined with the fact that spousal violence is generally accepted in Middle East and North Africa (Boy & Kulczycki, 2008), men face no obstacle hindering them from perpetrating the wife. Furthermore, violent men find it permissible to use this behavior (violence) under whatever circumstance they see appropriate.
Violence within the family context can be explained as an event that occurs in a circular manner. Controlling behaviors of the male partners forces them to use violence against their female spouses (Al-Modallal, 2012). The low socioeconomic profile of women in terms of education, financial dependence on the spouse, and unemployment increases their vulnerability to violence victimization and enhances their poor mental health status in terms of depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem (Al-Modallal, 2012; Al-Modallal et al., 2012). Economic hardship, poor mental health status of women, and violence victimization spills into children in the form of violence against children where it could be severe in some cases.
Unemployment is a factor likely to be conducive to spousal violence. Unemployment is known as a factor predicting use of violence against the spouse (Schneider et al., 2016). In Middle Eastern culture, the man as head of the household is the provider (breadwinner) for the family. Unemployed husbands would experience stress associated with poor socio-economic status. Stress, in this context, emerges from their inability to afford for family needs and demands. Besides, stress may emerge from their fear that their traditional role as the “provider” for the family is threatened. Excessive stress associated with unemployment can be expressed in the form of using violence against the spouse. Women's economic profile in this study indicated poor socio-economic status; evidenced by the finding that nearly 94% of the women reported low-to-medium income.
In a study among refugees in Jordan, there was no significant association between family income and women's experience of different types of spousal violence, given that 92% of the participating women had low to medium monthly income (Al-Modallal et al., 2015). However, the relationship between socio-economic status and spousal violence was approved in one study targeting Syrian women (Maziak & Asfar, 2003). Researchers found that women of poor socio-economic status are more likely to be victims of spousal physical violence compared to their counterparts (OR = 1.3, p = .008). Notably, further studies among diverse samples of Jordanian women are required to examine the relationship between socio-economic status and spousal violence while accounting for other contributing factors.
Findings of this study showed that witnessing violence, especially parental violence, increased the risk of women's victimization by the partner. This result was supported previously (Afifi et al., 2017; Al-Modallal, 2016a). The association between witnessing violence in childhood and spousal violence victimization in adulthood has several explanations. First, the average family size is a factor where larger family size would possibly increase disagreements and, consequently, violence between its members. Second, females may tend to engage in violent acts with the partner as a response to their childhood experience of witnessing their mothers being abused by their fathers. Finally, witnessing parental violence could have an impact on females’ beliefs that violence by the partner is part of the marital relationship and is a replicable experience that passes through families (Al-Modallal, 2016a). Overall, these factors would explain the role of witnessing violence, especially parental violence, in predicting adulthood victimization of female spouses.
Neglect during childhood increased significantly the risk of experiencing all types of spousal violence investigated in this study. Jordanian families were described as authoritarian structures dominated by males (Al-Krenawi, 1998; Al-Krenawi, 2000). This description is inherited over generations. Women who experienced neglect during childhood would accept spousal violence because they may see violence by the partner as one of the male's rights given by the culture. Therefore, and in order to compensate for the neglect they experienced in childhood, they would accept violence because the male spouse is the main, and may be the only, source of financial support. In other words, women with the experience of neglect wanted to fight against re-living the deprivation they experienced in childhood by any means such as accepting violence which, in their opinion, is one of the male's rights as the head of the household.
Limitations of the Study
The study has some limitations that would hinder generalizability of the findings to all women in Jordan. One of these limitations is related to the selection criteria. Women visiting health care centers were only included in the study; expecting them to represent the general population of women in Jordan. Women who visit health care centers are mainly those of low-to-medium socio-economic level compared to those who visit private clinics to get required health assistance; women of high income are somewhat excluded from the study.
Another limitation issue is related to excluding women who are accompanied by the spouse from participating in the study. These women may be victims of chronic spousal violence and excluding them from participation would have impacted our results in terms of changing prevalence rates of different types of childhood and spousal violence.
A third limitation is related to the use of paper-and-pencil data collection method. Some participants would have completed the study questionnaire without paying enough attention to every single item in the questionnaire. This practice is likely to increase the probability of reporting biased information and, therefore, veil significant findings. In addition, addressing childhood violence retrospectively is subject to recall bias and women might feel hesitant to disclose such sensitive topics. However, the privacy of women and confidentiality of information were ensured during the study. Finally, we used a cross-sectional design; thus, we cannot conclude a cause-effect relationship between reporting childhood violence and spousal violence.
Despite these limitations, this study indicated that childhood violence increased the likelihood of spousal violence in women taking into consideration their beliefs, living conditions, and culture.
Conclusion and Future Direction
Domestic violence is a traumatic problem jeopardizing stability of families in Jordan. Our findings indicated that adult women are subjects to violence during childhood and adulthood. The reported high prevalence rates of this malady would come up with a group of women who were victimized twice in their life; meaning that childhood violence and spousal violence were inflicted on the same woman throughout her lifetime. Combination of violence during childhood and adulthood is responsible for severe adverse effects on victims. Future studies in this field should focus on this aspect in Jordanian and Middle Eastern women.
Generally, women are rarely screened for abuse experiences in childhood. As a result, traumatic events in childhood are under-recognized factors in the development of spousal violence in Jordanian culture. Health professionals need to understand this fact. Therefore, efforts to examine these forms of violence need to be emphasized by health professionals who are in direct contact with women.
Health care professionals symbolize the frontline of defense for women who were abused in their childhood. Although health care professionals cannot work retrospectively in preventing childhood violence in adult women, they can work on the primary level for the sake of preventing women's exposure to spousal violence. Significant associations between childhood violence and spousal violence are supported by the current study and several other international investigations; suggesting the importance of screening for risk factors of spousal violence. Hence, women who are at risk should be taught about ways of preventing occurrence of spousal violence within the family context. Further, special emphasis should be paid upon preventing child abuse in families. This intervention helps in preventing and limiting presence of generations of victimized women in the future. Counseling services regarding conflict management among spouses, issues related to child rearing, and problem solving of childhood matters should be among the roles of health care professionals who deal with women or regular basis.
Finally, to deal with the problem of family violence in a collective manner, future research should focus on two main milestones. First, future studies should focus on investigating women's experiences of family violence during childhood and adulthood intensively. Different women from different cultural, economic, and social backgrounds should be targeted. Second, different methodological approaches should be executed in such studies. For instance, longitudinal, case-control, mixed methods design, and interventional studies are examples of stringent designs that should be implemented in this regard.
Clinical Implications
Spousal violence is experienced by some women and became a general complaint in victimized women. These complaints are anchored to their experience of childhood violence. Specifically stated, childhood abuse experiences are highly influential in shaping women's vulnerability to spousal violence. Women with multiple experiences of violence in childhood and adulthood are subject to a variety of problems beyond their personal health. These consequences may include altered family functioning, altered work obligations, and poor physical health. Therefore, screening is a gold-standard practice that should be fostered in different health care settings. Specifically stated, screening women for partner violence and its associated risk factors should be accepted as a standardized practice in different health care settings.
Family counseling is essential as well especially for women. Specialized health care professionals like physicians, nurses, and psychologists can take the role of counseling. Victimized women need to know that early childhood experiences of violence may last to adulthood. They need to be educated about ways to overcome violence consequences for the purpose of maintaining their family intact. Further, support groups can be fostered so that they can back and support counseling services in helping women to maintain and retain their health for the sake of themselves, children, and families.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
