Abstract
This study finds a common statistical pattern in all major quantitative studies of cultural differences, and discusses theories that explain this pattern.
92 cultural variables from 33 published cross-cultural studies including 125 countries are analyzed with an advanced factor analysis method. The study confirms previous findings that two factors can account for a large part of the variation in all major published cultural variables.
While many previously published cultural variables represent arbitrarily rotated factor analysis results, the present study is improving the explanatory power by un-rotating the factors and by incorporating new theories that link cultural values to conditions in the physical and social environment.
The first factor, accounting for 34% of the total variance, reflects general effects of development and welfare. This factor is explained by theories of development, modernization, emancipation, and secularization. This includes psychological effects of collective security that are explained by evolutionary psychology. The dimension formed by the first factor has one end in poor and war-torn countries, and the opposite end in North European welfare states.
The second factor, accounting for 15% of the total variance, reflects relational mobility, long-term versus short-term orientation, differences in self-construal, and various other effects. Theoretical explanations of these effects are based on differences in subsistence economy, colonial history, ethnic diversity, and religion. The second factor has one end in East Asian countries, and the opposite end in Latin American countries. Analysis of business culture reveals the same two-factor pattern as national culture.
Keywords
Scientists have tried to measure cultural differences quantitatively since the 1980s. Different studies have defined and conceptualized cultural differences in different ways, including cultural norms, values, attitudes, axioms, and beliefs. Some studies have focused on business organization culture or used organizational samples while other studies have focused on general national culture. Some surveys have asked respondents to describe themselves and their own attitudes, while other surveys asked respondents to describe the culture they live in. It can be useful to compare these diverse studies and explore whether data from different concepts and different survey instruments are correlated. Such correlations may reveal a common underlying structure and hopefully provide some conceptual clarity about fundamental cultural differences underlying this variety of cross-cultural studies.
Quantitative cross-cultural studies are mostly based on factor analysis of survey responses. The factors that emerge from these studies are given names such as individualism vs. collectivism, uncertainty avoidance, long-term orientation vs. short-term orientation, etc. (Hofstede et al., 2010). These factors have been very useful for describing cultural differences. Unfortunately, every new study of cultural differences has produced a somewhat different pattern from their factor analyses. This accumulation of studies has resulted in an ever-growing list of cultural variables and factors with more or less creative names. Some of the names of cultural factors are confusing or unintelligible, such as monumentalism vs. flexumility, K factor and hypometropia, or Confucian work dynamism. Other names appear to be value-laden with unclear denotation, such as nastiness or human heartedness. There have been several attempts to establish an overview of the many cultural variables (Nardon & Steers, 2009; Taras et al., 2009; Minkov, 2011; 2013; Ronen & Shenkar, 2013; Maleki & de Jong, 2014; Kaasa, 2021). This is difficult because different authors have used the same name for variables that measured different things, or applied different names to variables that measured the same or closely related cultural phenomena.
The profusion of factor names is a consequence of the nature of factor analysis. If multiple cultural variables are correlated with each other, then it can be useful to find one or more factors that account for much of the variance of these variables. It is important to understand that such a factor is a somewhat arbitrary statistical construct, not a unique solution. When scientists want to assign a name to such a factor, they will try to interpret the factor in terms of the variables that are related to it. The interpretation of a factor is often ambiguous since disparate variables may load on the same factor. The situation is worsened when factors are rotated so that each variable is loading on multiple factors (Fog, 2021). The naming of cultural factors sometimes resembles the situation of a group of blind men describing each their part of an elephant without seeing the whole animal, as described in a renowned Indian parable. Each scientist has noticed a particular aspect of the factor and describes it accordingly. As Minkov and Hofstede (2012: 4) comment: “Naming dimensions is a form of art, not exactly science.”
A team of researchers led by Dobewall has compared two commonly used systems of cultural values, namely the system of Schwartz (2006) and the system of Inglehart and Welzel (2005). They found that these two systems become more similar if one is rotated relative to the other (Dobewall & Strack, 2014; Dobewall & Rudnev, 2014). A later study has found that the different factor patterns reported in many different studies are in fact more similar than they appear, but they have been rotated differently (Fog, 2021). The common practice of factor rotation has obscured similarities between the results of different studies. A statistical analysis of major published cultural variables revealed that the variables are dominated by two factors that are reflected in most studies of cultural differences, though rotated differently in each study (Fog, 2021). This finding is confirmed by another study based on primary data rather than published variables and factors (Kaasa & Minkov, 2022).
A subject of recent debate is how many factors are needed to adequately describe cultural differences (Kaasa & Minkov, 2022). Some early studies have reported a large number of cultural variables (Schwartz, 1994; House et al., 2004), while later influential studies have reduced the variables to two factors (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Inglehart & Welzel, 2005; Welzel, 2013). Li and Bond (2010) have re-analyzed the cultural value data of Inglehart and Baker (2000) and found that a single-factor solution is more appropriate. Inglehart (2018) has made a similar observation in connection with his modernization theory. He found that a single factor accounts for 81% of cross-national variation in the most important factors. Fog (2021) found that two factors were reproducible across published studies, while additional factors were not reproduced when comparing different published studies.
The study of Fog (2021) compared the set of cultural variables analyzed by Maleki & de Jong (2014) with another independent set of cultural variables in order to test the reproducibility of the factor structure. The two data sets were not combined into one because of the limitations of the standard factor analysis method. The present analysis uses a more advanced method that makes it possible to analyze a larger data set with more variables than countries and where not all variables are available for all countries. We explore how much information about cross-cultural differences can be contained in one or two factors and whether additional factors provide useful information. It is also investigated whether studies of organizational culture and studies of national culture have similar factor structures.
Following Fog (2021), we focus the theoretical discussion on two groups of cultural variables. The first group of variables, connected with a first factor F1, includes variables related to development, modernization, emancipation, secularization, and individualism vs. collectivism. The factor F1 is related to North-South differences with poor countries of the South tending towards one end and rich northern welfare states towards the opposite end. A second factor, F2, is related to East-West differences with East Asian countries tending towards one end and mainly Latin American countries towards the opposite end. We will seek deeper theoretical explanations of why these two factors can explain such a large part of the variation in the many published cultural variables. For this purpose, we will first briefly review a number of theories that may contribute to an analysis of these two factors. In the experimental section, we then explore whether the two-factor structure is reproduced in a large sample of published cultural variables and whether additional factors with explanatory power can be found. We also explore whether national culture and organizational culture form similar factor structures.
Development and North-South Differences
Many cultural variables are related to development, modernization, emancipation, and secularization. These factors are often strongly correlated with each other.
Inglehart and Welzel (2005) have developed a modernization theory and defined two factors named traditional vs. secular-rational values and survival vs. self-expression values (see Figure 1). Both factors are related to changes in the subsistence economy. The factor named traditional vs. secular-rational values reflects a transition from an agrarian economy to a mainly industrial economy. While people in an agrarian economy traditionally attribute a good or bad harvest to supernatural factors, the population in an industrial society depend more on man-made technology. The religious world view is partially replaced by a scientific world view. The subsequent change from an industrial economy to a service economy gives people more existential security. This outcome is reflected in the second factor named survival values vs. self-expression values. People will value security higher than freedom when survival is uncertain. The priorities are opposite in a society where survival can be taken for granted. Members of a safe society place more emphasis on individual freedom, self-expression, and democracy (Inglehart & Welzel, 2010). In a later study, Welzel (2013) renamed the second factor emancipative values. Inglehart and Welzel’s cultural map of the world, 2020.Source: www.worldvaluessurvey.org.
Welzel (2013) builds a theory of human empowerment where the availability of action resources leads to human empowerment and emancipative values. Welzel defines action resources as such resources that enable people to exercise their freedom and pursue what they value. This includes material resources such as equipment and income, intellectual resources such as knowledge and skills, and connective resources such as human networks and communication interfaces. An anonymous reviewer to this article has commented that this is a catch-all definition that can cover anything.
Action resources are influenced by geography, climate, and especially the availability of water. An efficient agricultural production depends on irrigation in some areas. Irrigation, in turn, depends on an efficient social organization that may lead to monopolization. The more a food production depends on large irrigation systems, the more the society is likely to develop a hierarchical and centralized political structure. The opposite situation can be observed where reliable rainfall allows each farmer to be independent. Welzel finds that a moderately cold climate combined with permanently navigable waterways – the so-called cool water condition – has led to increased individual autonomy as well as better health and security. This set of existential circumstances explains the preponderance of emancipative values in countries with a moderate climate, according to Welzel’s theory (Welzel, 2013).
In a further development of this theory, Echeverría et al. (2019) show that the availability of action resources, as defined by Welzel, is decreased by violent conflict, while the buildup of action resources under conditions of peace lead to an increase in emancipative values. Echeverría et al. (2019) present evidence that a history of violent conflict is connected with fewer action resources and less emancipative values.
Danger and existential security play an important role in all of these theories. One particular kind of danger that has been the subject of many studies is infectious diseases. Fincher and Thornhill (2012) find that a high level of pathogen stress is associated with strong family ties, more religiosity, less democracy, more sexual restrictiveness, and less individualism. This theory is controversial though, as several theorists believe that the observed correlations are spurious (Currie & Mace, 2012; Hruschka and Henrich, 2013; Horita & Takezawa, 2018).
Gelfand and coworkers have looked at a broader range of threats and dangers. Their theory is that ecological threats as well as human-made threats increase the need for strong norms and punishment of deviant behavior in the service of social coordination for survival (Gelfand et al., 2011; Gelfand, 2018). They define cultural tightness as the strength of social norms and intolerance of deviant behavior. People in tight cultures have more self-control and prefer order, while people in loose cultures are more creative and open to new ideas. In a study of 33 modern societies, they find higher tightness in countries with high population density, resource scarcity, vulnerability to natural disasters, infectious diseases, and a history of threats to their territory (Gelfand et al., 2011).
We may improve the theoretical understanding and move from proximate to ultimate causes by applying evolutionary psychology to explain why people react to collective danger the way they do. The so-called regality theory (Fog, 2017) is explained here because it is little known to social scientists. Regality theory posits that war and violent conflict have been strong evolutionary forces in human prehistory. Violent conflicts were in fact more common in prehistory than what early anthropologists believed (Allen & Jones, 2014; Hames, 2019; Kiblinger, 2020). Imagine a conflict between two stone age tribes. The tribe that has the most fierce, brave, and well-organized warriors is likely to win over their enemy. But warriors are not very motivated to fight for their group if the costs of fighting are higher than their individual benefits. This collective action problem can be overcome by having a strong leader who can reward brave warriors and punish cowards and defectors. We can expect everybody to support a strong leader in this situation because strong leadership benefits the whole group. The warrior who supports a strong leader will not only suffer the costs of fighting; he will also reap his share of the group-level benefits that result from the fighting of all the other tribe members. This theory allows us to explain collective action without resorting to the controversial theory of group selection. Regality theory predicts that people in the event of war or perceived collective danger will feel a psychological need for having a strong leader and strict discipline. The opposite situation is seen in the case of peace and security. People in peaceful surroundings see no need for a strong leader who is likely to be despotic and take advantage of everybody else. Instead, they prefer an egalitarian society and ideology. The contrasting situations of war and peace affect the whole social structure and culture in opposite directions. The combined effect of the psychological preferences of all the members of a social group has emergent effects on the social and political structure of the whole society. A group under perceived collective danger will develop a hierarchical and authoritarian political structure, harsh discipline, xenophobia, strict religiosity, and strict sexual morals. Such a culture is called regal. The opposite situation is seen in social groups in an environment of peace and security. Such groups will develop in the opposite direction, called kungic. A kungic culture is typically egalitarian, tolerant, and peaceful. Fog (2017) offers evidence that this psychological mechanism, which evolved in a distant past, is still functioning today in the modern society.
We can combine regality theory with the cultural theories of Inglehart, Welzel, Echeverría, Gelfand, and others mentioned above. Economic development, technological development, social institutions, and international peace-making efforts all contribute to improved existential security for individuals as well as for nations. This provides a causal link between development and decreasing regality. The level of regality is reflected in many aspects of culture, including hierarchy, ideology, nationalism, punitiveness, xenophobia, tolerance, religiosity, sexuality, and even artistic taste (Fog, 2017).
East-West Differences
A research team named Chinese Culture Connection were the first to make quantitative studies of cultural differences between East Asian cultures and Western cultures. They tried to identify characteristic aspects of East Asian culture with a survey including typical Chinese values. A factor analysis of the results yielded four factors. The factor that best captured East Asian culture was named Confucian work dynamism. This factor was positively related to items like persistence, thrift, and sense of shame (Chinese culture connection, 1987). Hofstede and coworkers further developed this factor and renamed it long-term orientation vs. short-term orientation in their study of business organizations. Long-term orientation includes the virtues oriented toward future rewards, in particular perseverance, thrift, humility, and deferred gratification. Short-term orientation is related to the past and present, including values relating to tradition, respecting social codes, fulfilling social obligations, immediate gratification, self-assertion, and reciprocation of gifts (Hofstede et al., 2010). The long-term orientation of the so-called Asian Tiger countries is theorized to have contributed to their high economic growth in the late 20’th century, while short-term orientation is claimed to have led to the 2008 economic crisis in the West (Hofstede et al., 2010).
The cultural differences between East Asian countries and the West have been researched for several decades, and the relevant variables have been renamed and redefined several times. In 2011, Minkov defined a variable named monumentalism vs. flexumility that reflects these differences. 'Flexumility' is a contraction of flexibility and humility, referring to a flexible self-identity that allows mixed feelings or duality and flexible norms. Flexumility is characteristic of East Asian cultures. The opposite end of the scale, named monumentalism, refers to immutable identities, fixed norms, pride, and strong religiousness, which can be observed for example in some Arab countries (Minkov, 2011). A later revision of the theory uses the name flexibility vs. monumentalism. This is a reconceptualization of Confucian work dynamism and long-term orientation, and reflects cultural differences between East Asian cultures at one extreme and Latin American and some African cultures at the other extreme (Minkov, 2018; Minkov et al., 2018). Another study by Minkov defined a related variable that he named K factor and hypometropia. This factor refers to a short-term oriented reproductive strategy, risk acceptance, and intra-communal violence. This factor is high in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, and low in East Asia. This factor is linked to geography, economy, and national behavioral statistics (Minkov, 2014).
A survey of what people would do with their money if they were rich resulted in another factor named ego boosting vs. altruism that had a high correlation with East-West differences. People in East Asia tend to score at the ego boosting end of the scale which involves spending money on expensive things, ostentatious parties, gaining political power, or saving the money. The altruism end of the scale involves donating money or investing in business (Minkov et al., 2019).
A study of social axioms or world views shows that East Asian countries score high on fate control, i.e., a belief that life events are pre-determined by fatalistic forces, but that people may be able to predict and alter their fate by various means. This is not surprising since such beliefs are part of the concept of karma in Buddhist tradition (Stankov & Saucier, 2015).
Bond and Lun (2014) have studied the socialization of children. They found that a 2-factor solution was the most appropriate. Their two factors are named self-directedness vs. other-directedness and civility vs. practicality. Self-directedness is marked by socializing children for the qualities of determination, perseverance, responsibility, independence, and imagination, while other-directedness is marked by socialization for religious faith and obedience. Civility is marked by socialization for tolerance and respect for other people and unselfishness, whereas practicality is marked by socialization for thrift and saving money and things. North European countries are high on self-directedness, and East Asian countries are high on practicality.
We can improve the theoretical understanding of East-West differences by applying the theory of relational mobility. Relational mobility is the degree to which persons have freedom to choose interpersonal relationships and to leave unsatisfactory social settings (Yuki & Schug, 2012). People in societies with low relational mobility are oriented towards long-term interpersonal relationships. Therefore, they are careful to avoid social conflicts and to guard their reputation. They tend towards an externalizing mode of thinking that attributes outcomes to forces outside their control, such as fate, luck, and other people. High relational mobility, on the other hand, is associated with analytical thinking, independent self-construal, self-enhancement, internal locus of control, and interpersonal trust (San Martin et al., 2019). Relational mobility is low in societies that practice settled, interdependent subsistence styles, such as irrigated rice farming in East Asian countries. Relational mobility is high in societies that rely little on farming, including nomadic herding cultures and urban industrial cultures (Thomson et al., 2018). We can expect relational mobility to be positively correlated with self-expression, emotional display, social polarization, internal locus of control, and sociosexuality. Societies with low relational mobility can be expected to have higher belief in fate, less trust in strangers, and high values on variables that were designed to match aspects of East Asian culture.
While there has been considerable research focus on the characteristics of East Asian cultures, there has been less focus on the opposite extremes. Scientists studying the scales that are supposed to measure characteristics of East Asian cultures have often found Latin American countries and some African countries at the opposite end of these scales. Traditional theory would predict East Asian cultures to have important similarities with Latin American cultures because both are collectivistic. But these two groups of countries are in fact found at opposite extremes of many of the variables that characterize East Asian values, such as long-term orientation, flexibility vs. monumentalism, relational mobility, etc. Scientists have shown little interest in this apparent anomaly until recently.
A new study by Krys and coworkers is trying to explain the differences between East Asian and Latin American cultures based on differences in mode of subsistence, colonial history, ethnic diversity, and religion (Krys et al., 2022). Different modes of subsistence have a high influence on cultural variables. Latin American cultures have historically relied more on herding than on farming, which involves a higher relational mobility. Differences in colonial history are also important. Several East Asian cultures experienced occupation and exploitation by European colonizing nations, where indigenous rule was returned after independence in most cases. Latin American countries were more often subject to settler colonialism in which indigenous populations were partially displaced. The colonizers that were most successful in settling on new frontiers were most likely the ones that were most self-reliant and self-directed. These self-perceptions have likely influenced their culture.
Different construals of selfhood are important elements in the theory of Krys et al. (2022). The construal of selfhood is also influenced by ethnic and cultural diversity. East Asian societies are among the most ethnically and culturally homogeneous in the world, while Latin American societies are very heterogeneous. Cultural homogeneity may foster an interdependent selfhood in East Asia, while the heterogeneity in Latin America allows a more independent and unique perception of self. These differences are amplified by religion and philosophy. The Confucian tradition in East Asia is advocating interdependence and social harmony with others. Latin American culture, on the other hand, is dominated by Christianity which gives humans a dominant position over nature and a view of humans as independent, self-directed, and self-reliant (Krys et al., 2022).
The differences in self-construal are also related to the cultural logics of honor vs. face. Cultures of honor are typically found in societies with weak law enforcement where people must be able to protect themselves or rely on their family for retaliation against wrongdoing. People gain honor by proving their ability and readiness to protect themselves and their family. The situation is very different in cultures where a person’s worth is based on protecting one’s ‘face’ rather than honor. The ‘face logic’ is typical of cooperative societies with a settled hierarchy and low relational mobility. Here, it is important to maintain social harmony by obeying norms. People lose face if misbehavior is detected (Leung & Cohen, 2011; Krys et al., 2022). The concept of ‘face’ is of Chinese origin, and the importance of ‘face’ is a well-known aspect of Chinese culture (Ho, 1976). The cultural face logic is related to long-term orientation and flexibility, while honor logic is associated with short-term orientation and monumentalism (Minkov et al., 2019). Earlier literature strangely shows a strong negative correlation between saving face and East Asian cultural values (Chinese Culture Connection, 1987; Hofstede et al., 2010), but this is probably a mistake since it contradicts all that is known about saving face.
Data-Driven Versus Theory-Driven Research
Previous studies of cultural differences have often relied mainly on a data-driven approach. A typical research method is to make a factor analysis of survey responses and try to make sense of the resulting factors and build a theory that can explain the results. An alternative to the data-driven approach is a theory-driven approach (Maass et al., 2018). An example of the latter approach is the study by Fog (2021) who first predicted the factor F1 based on theory, and then made statistical tests to verify its existence.
Many of the variables in the literature are dominated by a data-driven approach. For example, the variable named “traditional vs. secular-rational values” originates from a rotated factor analysis result. The name of this variable and the associated theory came as an attempt to interpret the observed result. A few of the variables are more theory-driven. For example, the variables “relational mobility” and “regality” have their origins in causal theories, while the statistical support came second.
The mainly data-driven approach sometimes leads to functional explanations. For example, the cultural response to various threats has been explained as follows: “Nations facing these particular challenges are predicted to develop strong norms and have low tolerance of deviant behavior to enhance order and social coordination to effectively deal with such threats.” (Gelfand et al., 2011). This begs the question of how these norms have developed and why people obey strong norms only when their nation is facing particular threats.
Ecological explanations are more informative. For example, Welzel’s theory of the cool-water condition, as explained above, provides a plausible explanation of how people in the North have escaped centralized control when they do not depend on organized irrigation.
It is useful to make a distinction between proximate and ultimate causes here. A proximate cause of why norms are strict in a certain society could be, for example, that some influential leader has decided so. An ultimate explanation would look at mechanisms in cultural evolution or psychological responses to environmental conditions. Theories based on ultimate causes are of course preferred. These theories may be developed by data-driven or theory-driven research, or a combination of both.
The present study is using both theory-driven and data-driven approaches. The factor F1 has been predicted from regality theory (Fog, 2021) and this prediction is tested with statistical methods. The factor F2 was not predicted in advance but discovered by data analysis. We are now seeking theories that can explain the factor F2.
The aim of the present study is to go beyond the popular descriptive and interpretive approach and search for ultimate causes and theories that link cultural differences to differences in the social and physical environment. We will use these theories for seeking deeper theoretical insight into the causal relationships that lead to the observed factor structure.
Data and Methods
Data were collected from published cross-cultural studies of world cultures, including organizational culture. The criteria for inclusion were that the studies must report contemporary quantitative cultural data for at least twenty different countries based on population surveys. Variables were included if they attempt to measure cultural differences reflected in personal attitudes and behaviors reported by the respondents, while behaviors and characteristics reported in national statistics were not included. Variables were included only if the published study intended to measure cultural differences. Country averages of personality measures were not included because these instruments are not designed for measuring culture and they have poor reproducibility at the country level (Meisenberg, 2015). The criteria for inclusion in this study did not set any requirements for data quality, sample size, or representativeness. Theory-related selection criteria were generally avoided in order to prevent expectation bias, but studies that explicitly attempt to replicate the two-factor structure reported by Fog (2021) were excluded in order to avoid boosting the expected factor structure.
Cultural Variables and Background Variables.
Background variables were gathered because correlations with background variables may help in the interpretation and explanation of cultural factors. An important background variable is the human development index (HDI) and its three components: Life expectancy, Education, and Gross National Income (GNI) per capita. Other economic and political indicators include Gini coefficient, competitiveness, corruption, democracy index, two measures of freedom, and two indexes of gender relations (see Table 1). Psychological measures of happiness and life satisfaction were added. Pathogen stress is measuring the prevalence of infectious diseases. The literature is often using the misleading term parasite stress, but the figures include virus infections which are not caused by parasites. Two measures of violent conflict were also included: deaths in own territory, and a compound conflict score. Territory deaths and conflict score were log-transformed because the distributions of these variables were closer to a log normal distribution than to a normal distribution. A value of 0.1 was added to the index to avoid taking the logarithm of zero. Finally, a measure of action resources (as defined by Welzel, see above) influenced by violent conflict were added to the list (Echeverría et al., 2019). The background variables are listed in the lower part of Table 1.
Two studies were made based on these data. Study 1 combined variables representing national culture and organizational culture, while study 2 separated these variables into two datasets.
Study 1
The different studies included different subsets of the 125 countries, and only two countries were represented in all the studies. A reduced data set with fewer missing values was made by removing variables reported for less than 25 countries, and removing countries that were represented in less than half of the remaining variables. The reduced data set had 87 variables and 47 countries, with 25% missing values. A traditional factor analysis cannot handle a data set with more variables than countries because the covariance matrix becomes singular. Another problem with a traditional factor analysis is that it cannot handle missing data. Instead, we made an exploratory factor analysis of the reduced data set by full information maximum likelihood factor analysis using structural equation modeling with the factors as latent variables. This is a method that finds the best fitting factor model based on all the data supplied. This method is able to handle both the missing data problem and the situation with more variables than observations (Bates et al., 2019; Hirose et al., 2016).
A scree plot of the reduced data set shows three eigenvalues above the randomness line and two additional eigenvalues right below the randomness line (Figure 2). This suggests that a solution with three to five factors is adequate. Different rotation methods were tried. Scree plot of cultural variables. The Solid Curve Simulates Randomness.
Factor Loadings, Quartimax Rotation.
Variables are sorted by their absolute factor loadings. Other rotations and number of factors are shown in the Online Appendix.
Correlation of Cultural and Background Variables against Factors and HDI.
The second value in each field is controlled for HDI.Levels of significance: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < .001.
Variables are sorted in the same order as in Table 2.
Cultural variables with less than 25 countries were included in the correlation tests, but not in the factor analysis. Of the variables that were not included in the factor analysis, the variable named integration was strongly correlated with the first factor F1, and Confucian work dynamism was strongly correlated with the second factor F2 (Table 3).
The human development index (HDI) was used as a control variable in order to control for the possible confounding influence of general development. The correlations of the cultural variables and background variables against the factors, with and without control for HDI, are listed in Table 3. A matrix of correlations of all combinations of two variables with and without control for HDI is provided in the Online Appendix.
The position of countries along the two factors were estimated as follows. The data set used in the factor analysis was further reduced by removing variables with more than 25% missing country values, resulting in a matrix of 47 countries by 40 variables. 5.7% missing values were imputed by the expectation maximization algorithm (Schafer, 1997), and the data for each country were multiplied by the factor loadings. Approximate positions were estimated for an additional 32 countries which had known values for at least 30% of the 40 variables, again using expectation maximization. A map of the positions of the 47 + 32 = 79 countries along factors F1 and F2 is shown in Figure 3. The less precise points based on the second estimation are marked with an open circle. Country positions and rankings on factors F3, F4, and F5 are listed in the Online Appendix. The loadings of the cultural variables on factors F1 and F2 are illustrated. Position of world countries along factors F1 and F2. Points marked with an open circle are less accurate (see text).
Study 2
In a second study, the data set of cultural variables was split into two subsets of organizational culture and national culture, respectively. The factor analysis was repeated with the two datasets separately. The factor loadings are listed in the Online Appendix for solutions with up to five factors. The factors of a two-factor solution accounted for 22% and 17% of the variance in the organizational culture subsample, and 39% and 15% of the variance in the national culture subsample. A country map similar to Figure 3 was constructed for each of the two subsets. Figure 4 shows a map of countries along the two factors resulting from a factor analysis of organizational culture. Figure 5 shows a similar map from a factor analysis of the dataset of national culture. Map similar to Figure 3 based on factor analysis of organizational culture only. Map similar to Figure 3 based on factor analysis of national culture only.

Results and Discussion
We will now relate the statistical results to the theories reviewed in the introduction. The results of the factor analysis in study 1 show that the first two factors F1 and F2 together account for 49% of the variance in the collection of all major published cultural variables. Three additional factors account for 11%, 6%, and 6% of the variance, respectively (Table 2). A map of world countries along F1 and F2 is shown in Figure 3. This map shows the same general pattern as found by Fog (2021): The F1 dimension has poor and war-torn countries in the low end and North European welfare states in the high end. The F2 dimension has East Asian countries in the low end, while Latin American countries and a few African countries are found in the high end.
Different factor rotation methods produce different country maps. Inglehart and Welzel’s map (Figure 1) is based on varimax rotation. If varimax rotation is applied to the data of study 1, then the countries tend to cluster around the diagonal similarly to Inglehart and Welzel’s map (see Online Appendix). Small differences in the included variables can sometimes result in radically different solutions under varimax and other common rotation methods.
Study 2 splits the analysis into organizational culture and national culture. The map for organizational culture on Figure 4 and national culture on Figure 5 are both showing the same general geographic pattern: poor and war-torn countries at the low end of F1, North European welfare states at the high end of F1, East Asian countries at the low end of F2, and mainly South American countries at the high end of F2. This shows that the cultures of business organizations reflect the cultural values of the surrounding country to a high degree. The two-factor structure is somewhat stronger in the national culture variables than in the organizational culture variables. F1 and F2 account together for 54% of the total variance in the national sample and 40% in the organizational sample for a two-factor solution. All factor loadings are shown in the Online Appendix.
The studies of organizational culture are dominated by early pioneering studies (Hofstede et al., 2010; House et al., 2004) carried out at a time when theories were less developed, while many of the studies of national culture are based on newer theories and concepts. Yet, data and findings from the studies of organizational culture are still used in studies of general national culture without testing whether organizational and national cultural variables are comparable. The finding of similar patterns in these two subsets despite major differences in theories, concepts, subjects, and sampling methods is remarkable. This suggests that the two factors are reflecting some important underlying phenomena that influence many different aspects of both organizational culture and national culture. It is important to seek theoretical explanations for these two factors.
The same general two-factor pattern can be found in several publications, even if they have used different approaches, concepts, and terminologies. Figure 1 shows the well-known country map from Inglehart and Welzel’s studies. We can draw a line on Figure 1 from the lower left to the upper right that corresponds almost perfectly to the factor F1 with African and Islamic countries at one end and North European countries at the opposite end. A second line corresponding to the factor F2 can be drawn from the East Asian countries in the group named Confucian at the top to the Latin American countries at the bottom. Stankov et al. (2014) have drawn a map of psychological country-level differences that showed a somewhat similar pattern, though rotated differently. Bond and Lun (2014) have studied socialization goals and drawn a country map showing the same general pattern again. It is remarkable that so many studies have found similar two-dimensional models of cultural differences, even though they have studied different aspects of culture and used very different approaches.
An attempt to revise Hofstede’s dimensions of culture has resulted in a two-dimensional model using collectivism vs. individualism as the first dimension and flexibility vs. monumentalism as the second dimension (Minkov, 2018). These two dimensions correspond closely to F1 and F2 of the present study. Minkov’s country map shows once again the general geographic pattern described above. Minkov’s model is further validated by two studies that show close correspondence between subjective self-reports and objective measures of behavior retrieved from national statistics (Minkov & Kaasa, 2021; 2022).
Some researchers may have preferred two-dimensional models simply because they are easy to draw on two-dimensional paper. It is quite likely that useful additional factors or dimensions can be found in future studies, but a two-dimensional model appears to be sufficient (Minkov & Kaasa, 2021), and additional factors have so far had poor reproducibility and been difficult to interpret (Fog, 2021). The Online Appendix includes factor loadings and country rankings for up to five factors. Factors F3 – F5 do not show any clearly recognizable patterns.
While the different two-factor models published by different authors all show the same general pattern, they are all rotated and skewed differently. Different rotations make the maps look different, and this has obscured the similarities between the findings of different researchers (Fog, 2021).
The mathematical method called factor rotation can be understood geometrically as a rotation and possibly skewing and mirroring of the coordinate system. Any rotation of the coordinate system is mathematically valid. Factor analysis software supports many different criteria for deciding the rotation. The most popular rotation methods, such as varimax and oblimin, are dividing the total variance more equally between the factors than the unrotated solution. A less common criterion called quartimax is prioritizing large factors in order to explain as much of the variance as possible by as few factors as possible. The quartimax solution is close to the unrotated solution (principal axes) which is maximizing the variance of the largest factor first (APA, 2022). A quartimax solution or unrotated solution should be preferred in the present situation where a lot of variables are highly correlated with each other. This enables us to capture a dominating factor that explains as much of the variance as possible. The largest factor of the quartimax solution, F1, is strongly and significantly correlated with a majority of the cultural variables and with all the background variables, as we can see in Table 3. This solution is likely to lead to more insight when we want to understand why so many cultural variables are correlated with each other. A differently rotated solution is likely to divide the variance of each cultural variable more equally between two factors so that the theoretical interpretation becomes blurred. In general, we should prefer a quartimax solution or an unrotated solution when many variables are correlated with each other. We will now discuss possible theoretical explanations for the two factors F1 and F2.
Explaining F1
The factor F1 in study 1 is significantly correlated with 64 out of 91 cultural variables (p < .05, Table 3) and accounts for 34% of the total variance. This factor is strongly correlated with HDI (r = 0.74, p << .0001), but the correlations of cultural variables with F1 cannot be explained by development effects alone because 54 out of these cultural variables are significantly correlated with this factor when controlling for HDI. The F1 factor is significantly correlated with all the background variables. Some of the correlations with background variables disappear when controlling for HDI, but the correlations of F1 with the background variables democracy, freedom, corruption, happiness, and conflict score remain fairly strong and significant after controlling for HDI (Table 3).
Comparing the results with Inglehart and Welzel’s (2005) modernization theory, we can observe that secular values, self-expression values, and emancipative values are all strongly correlated with F1 (Table 3). F1 also aligns with Li and Bond’s (2010) single-factor solution named secularism. This is in agreement with Inglehart’s (2018) later observation that a single factor can account for a large fraction of the variation in major cultural variables. All these variables are also strongly correlated with HDI (see Online Appendix). We can conclude that F1 captures general development effects, in agreement with modernization theory (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005; Inglehart, 2018), emancipation theory (Welzel, 2013), and secularization theory (Li & Bond, 2010).
Gelfand’s measure of cultural tightness (Gelfand et al., 2011; Eriksson et al., 2021) is significantly correlated with F1 (r = −0.42, p = .014). Uz (2015) has made a different measure of cultural tightness that shows a much stronger correlation with F1 (r = −0.81, p << .0001). The tightness measure of Uz is based on the homogeneity of norms and attitudes. This measure is more objective than Gelfand’s, but possibly confounded with response style.
Pathogen stress has a strong negative correlation with F1, but this correlation becomes insignificant when controlling for HDI (Table 3). The possibility of spurious correlations of pathogen stress has been pointed out by several authors (Currie & Mace, 2012; Hruschka and Henrich, 2013; Horita & Takezawa, 2018).
Echeverría et al. (2019) have theorized that violent conflict is reducing the action resources of the population which leads to a reduction in emancipative values. Echeverría’s measure of action resources is strongly correlated with F1 (Table 3).
A theoretical explanation for the connection of F1 with violent conflict is provided by regality theory (Fog, 2017). Regality theory focuses on the psychological effects of fear and collective danger. The level of danger and insecurity is high in the poor and war-torn countries that we find at the low end of the F1 scale, while existential security is taken for granted in the highly developed North European welfare states at the high end of F1 (see Figure 3). Regality has a strong negative correlation with F1, even after controlling for HDI (Table 3). Regality theory thus provides a psychological explanation for the correlation of many ‘soft’ variables with F1. A high value of F1 is connected with
By combining all the theories mentioned here, we can conclude that there are many causal links between different domains of culture. It is useful here to distinguish between three main domains of culture. The first domain is material culture represented by development in economy, technology, and health. The second domain comprises social structure including modern social institutions, democracy, peace, and international cooperation. And finally, we can consider a third domain of psychological expressions and symbolic culture including opinions, values, attitudes, ideology, beliefs, religiosity, and sexuality.
The reason why a single factor F1 is correlated with so many cultural variables as well as material and technical background variables is that there are many causal links and overlaps between all three domains of culture. Links between the first two domains are well-known and described by the many different branches of development theory (Midgley, 2013). Links from the first two domains to the third domain are described by the theories reviewed above. While different scientists each have their favorite theories, it is safe to conclude that there are many causal links between all three domains. Material and economic resources in the first domain interact with social structure and institutions in the second domain in many different ways that may be mutually enforcing and provide synergistic effects that improve collective security. A feeling of security has many psychological and cultural effects in the third domain according to the theories mentioned here. Perceived collective security is typically reflected in cultural values such as tolerance, egalitarianism, etc. These values are in turn influencing the second domain with shared aspirations for justice and democracy. The number of possible interactions between variables in the three domains is almost endless. Many additional theories can be invoked to analyze links between specific variables in the different domains. Variables in all three domains are influencing each other to such a degree that they become highly correlated with each other and tend to move in parallel and collapse into a single factor. The approximately parallel movement in all three domains of culture is what we generally perceive as development.
The observation that things tend to move in parallel should not make us fall back to the old idea that cultural evolution always goes in a specific direction. The unilinear theory of cultural evolution has been rejected long ago (Steward, 1955). There is no certainty that the different aspects of culture will continue to follow parallel trajectories in the future. In fact, we have seen a recent backlash in democracy and freedom worldwide at the same time as the economy has made significant progress (Norris & Inglehart, 2019; The Economist Intelligence Unit, 2019; Abramowitz, 2018; Freedom House, 2019). Explanations for the current backlash compromising freedom and democracy may be found in an increased media focus on terrorism since 2001, growing economic inequality, recurrent economic crises, current wars, refugee crises, as well as fears of ecological collapse (Fog, 2017). The different cultural variables are not moving in perfect synchrony, but the correlations between them have been strong enough for a sufficiently long period of time to make them load on the same factor F1.
The rotation angle of the F1 axis has been adjusted to capture as much as possible of the variation in the relevant variables, but the sign of F1 is still arbitrary. We may place the negative end of the F1 axis in the African and Middle Eastern countries and the positive end in the North European countries if the theoretical framework is focused on development. But we may just as well draw it in the opposite direction if the theoretical focus is on the psychological effects of fear, danger, and insecurity.
Explaining F2
A theoretical explanation for the second factor is less obvious. The country map in Figure 3 shows that the East Asian countries are found at the low end of the F2 axis, while mostly South American countries are found at the high end. The cultural variables that are associated with a low value of F2 include (Table 3):
Several of these variables are designed specifically to tap the characteristics of East Asian culture. The variables named Confucian work dynamism, long-term orientation,
The theory of relational mobility is useful for explaining the cultural characteristics of East Asian countries. Irrigated rice farming makes people dependent on the local community and local leaders, which implies a low relational mobility. This explains the long-term orientation in these countries as well as the perseverance, thrift, and humility that are important aspects of flexibility vs. monumentalism, etc. (Thomson et al., 2018). A low relational mobility makes it important to avoid local conflict and maintain social harmony. The low value of social polarization can be explained by a suppression of divergent opinions (Minkov, 2009). Strong emotional expressions must also be suppressed in cultures with low relational mobility in order to maintain social harmony (Krys et al., 2022). This explains the low value of emotional display (Matsumoto et al., 2008). At the opposite end of the F2 dimension, a high relational mobility is associated with short-term orientation and a risk-accepting strategy in mating competition. This explains why the K factor is at the low end of the F2 dimension (Minkov, 2014), while sociosexuality is at the high end (see Figure 6). Loadings of variables on factors F1 and F2. Squares represent organizational culture. Triangles represent national culture.
Relational mobility is high in Latin American countries due to a history of herding, but the theory of relational mobility cannot fully explain why Latin America countries range higher on F2 than European and English-speaking countries (see Figure 3). In fact, we would expect relational mobility to be very high in industrial and post-industrial societies. Differences in colonial history and ethnic diversity are also part of the explanation. Settler colonialism and ethnic diversity in Latin America has fostered a more independent and unique construal of selfhood (Krys et al., 2022). An ethnically diverse society requires tolerance and respect for other people. These qualities are included in the variable civility vs. practicality (Bond & Lun, 2014), which tops the F2 scale (Figure 6). Different models of selfhood are also part of the flexibility vs. monumentalism scale (Krys et al., 2022), which aligns closely with the F2 dimension. Differences in the variable named indulgence vs. restraint (Hofstede et al., 2010) or industry vs. indulgence (Minkov, 2011) can be explained by the high self-reliance in Latin America versus interdependence in East Asia (Krys et al., 2022).
The cultural logics of honor vs. protecting one’s face are among the cultural values that differentiate East Asian from Latin American cultures. This distinction is part of the long-term orientation and the flexibility vs. monumentalism scales (Krys et al., 2022). Cultures of honor are found in societies with weak law enforcement, while the face logic is associated with efficient hierarchical control. The factor named discipline vs. violence is interpreted as organized law enforcement versus violent retaliation against wrongdoing (Fog, 2017: 266). We can expect this factor to be correlated with the logics of face vs. honor.
Long-term orientation is associated with longer education and economic investment (Hofstede et al., 2010; Minkov, 2014). We can expect the education level and the level of economic investment to influence many aspects of culture.
Religion also plays an important role. The low end of the F2 axis is dominated by Buddhist countries where beliefs in fate are strong. Beliefs in fate are also quite strong in Islamic countries which tend towards the low end of the F1 axis. The variable fate control is accordingly found in the lower left quadrant of Figure 6. The theoretically related variable individual locus of control (LOC) has the opposite sign and is found in the upper right quadrant. Religious beliefs may develop and adapt to the environment, but this process is so slow that religion may be considered an independent influence in an analysis on a short time scale.
African countries south of Sahara are under-represented in the statistical studies to date, but we may expect a relatively high relational mobility in some African cultures due to a history of nomadic herding. Relational mobility has not been measured yet in sub-Saharan Africa, except for Mauritius which has a relatively high relational mobility (Thomson et al., 2018). The colonial history of African countries is mixed. Settler colonialism has taken place where the climate was most favorable, while occupation and exploitation were more common where the incidence of infectious diseases was high (Hruschka & Henrich, 2013). Ethnic diversity is high in many parts of Africa. African countries are mainly found at the positive end of the F2 dimension (figure 3).
The F1-F2 Factor Structure
We may ask if there is a right or optimal rotation angle for the factors. Kaasa and Minkov (2022) say that the rotation is arbitrary, but these authors are in fact relying on Minkov’s revised model (Minkov & Kaasa, 2021), which is a two-dimensional model that aligns almost perfectly with the F1 and F2 dimensions of the present study. The rotation is not arbitrary if we are seeking theoretical explanations for the relationship between different cultural variables. There appears to be one dominating direction in the coordinate system of the two factors. The different cultures tend to cluster around the diagonal on Inglehart and Welzel’s cultural map (Figure 1). A study of birth cohorts shows that movements in time tend to follow approximately parallel trajectories along this diagonal (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005: 112). This observation agrees with those of Li and Bond (2010) and Inglehart (2018) that the two dimensions on Inglehart and Welzel’s cultural map can be combined into one dominating factor that explains a large part of the cultural variance. Combining the two factors named traditional vs. secular-rational values and survival vs. self-expression values into one dominating factor will produce a diagonal line on Inglehart and Welzel’s map representing a large part of the total variance of cultural values, corresponding to F1 of the present study. Li and Bond (2010) call this factor secularism, and Inglehart (2018) makes it the basis of his modernization theory.
The factor F1 reflects mainly effects related to development, economy, and the psychological effects of danger versus security. F2 is related to mode of subsistence, colonial history, relational mobility, long-term vs. short-term orientation, and self-construal. Other rotations of the factor map are possible, but the solution chosen here seeks to prioritize the strongest factors first. Many cultural variables tend to cluster around F1, and the remaining variables form a somewhat weaker cluster around F2. Several attempts to clarify and simplify cultural differences have converged. Li and Bond (2010) and Inglehart (2018) have found that a single factor similar to F1 accounts for a large part of cultural variation, while Minkov has revised earlier studies and constructed a two-factor solution similar to the one presented here (Minkov, 2018; Minkov & Kaasa, 2021). This solution appears to be easier to interpret theoretically than differently rotated solutions published elsewhere. Inglehart and Welzel’s secular-rational values and self-expression values (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005; Welzel, 2013) shown in Figure 1 are the results of a differently rotated solution. These variables are correlated almost equally with both F1 and F2 due to the rotation as we can see in Figure 6. Several other variables are the results of factor analysis with rotation, combining elements that correlate with F1 as well as elements that correlate with F2. For example, the variable named self-directedness vs. other-directedness combines a variety of traits such as determination, perseverance, responsibility, independence, imagination, religious faith, and obedience (Bond & Lun, 2014). It should be no surprise that such a composite variable is loading on multiple factors. Many cultural variables are correlated with both F1 and F2, as we can see on Figure 6. When we consider the high complexity and multicausality of cultural phenomena, it is not surprising that cultural variables are influenced by multiple factors. Neither of the factors F1 and F2 are pure indicators of a single causal influence, but aggregates of many different effects that are somehow related and strongly correlated with each other.
While relational mobility is important for explaining F2, it is also correlated with F1 as Figure 6 shows. This is because a high relational mobility is associated with individualism while a low relational mobility is associated with collectivism. The concept of relational mobility also applies to sexual partnerships and marriage. This explains why sociosexuality and gender equality lie in the same quadrant as relational mobility on Figure 6. Mathematicians may prefer explanatory variables to be perpendicular to each other, but this is not possible when explaining cultural differences because almost everything is correlated with the F1 factor that covers elements from all domains of culture. Relational mobility is not perpendicular to F1, yet it provides an important contribution to the theoretical explanation of F2.
Most of the variables that are designed to tap the characteristics of East Asian culture are lying close to the F2 axis, but the variable named monumentalism vs. flexumility is deviating somewhat from the other variables. The original definition of monumentalism involves pride, immutable norms, and strong religiousness (Minkov, 2011) which are traits that we expect to find at the low end of the F1 scale. It is therefore logical that this variable has a negative correlation with F1. A later revision renamed this variable to flexibility vs. monumentalism and changed the definition to be based it on self-enhancement, self-consistency, and willingness to help people (Minkov et al., 2018). The latter revision is closer to the F2 axis and has the sign reversed as we can see in Figure 6. We may prefer the older name long-term vs. short-term orientation as it is more intelligible. The variable with this name aligns closely with the F2 axis.
Limitations
We must bear in mind that many caveats apply to cross-cultural studies. The cross-cultural validity of survey instruments is a general problem because survey questions may be interpreted differently in different cultures and different languages (Aleman & Woods, 2016). Many of the studies included here are relying on non-representative convenience samples, and some studies have small sample sizes. Most of the studies reporting national cultures ignore cultural variations within each country (Taras et al., 2016). Only few cross-cultural studies are compensating for differences in response style or other kinds of bias (Boer et al., 2018). We can expect a more acquiescent response style in cultures with low relational mobility. Therefore, the tendency of East Asians to give less extreme and less negative answers to surveys (Harzing, 2006; Guo & Spina, 2019) may have contributed to the F2 factor.
Several of the included studies rely on surveys that ask informants to evaluate their own culture without any clear frame of reference. People tend to use their own culture as frame of reference unless instructed otherwise. The reference group effect is a likely source of error in many cross-cultural studies. For example, cultural tightness has been measured by asking survey respondents to evaluate their own culture without referring to any frame of reference (Gelfand et al., 2011; Eriksson et al., 2021). We may expect a neutral or meaningless answer when people try to evaluate their own culture against the very same culture as frame of reference. While the reference group effect has been studied mainly in connection with self-evaluation (Heine et al., 2002), we can expect it to apply also to evaluation of one’s own culture. Thus, Minkov (2011) observes that it is unreliable to use people as informants about their own culture. The reference group effect may explain, for example, why Gelfand et al. (2011) find that Norway has a tighter culture than China, while we would expect it to be opposite according to Figure 3. An attempt to replicate Gelfand’s study failed to reproduce the country rankings and found that the correlations with related cultural variables were lower than expected. It was concluded that Gelfand and coworkers’ tightness measure had poor internal consistency and validity (Treviño et al., 2021). Another attempt to replicate Gelfand’s study was more successful (Gelfand, 2021).
Galton’s problem is obvious when looking at the country map in Figure 3. The effects of geographic proximity and cultural diffusion cannot easily be disentangled from the effects of environmental influences. The correlations indicated in the present study, as well as in the cited studies, should not be interpreted as simple causal relationships because any two cultural variables may be subject to many common causal influences.
The present study has a problem with missing country data. The results could not have been obtained without the estimation of missing values. The different cross-cultural studies have been carried out at different times. Different cultures often develop in the same direction. If there is a certain statistical relationship between two different cultures at a certain point in time, then there is likely to be a similar relationship at a later time if the two cultures are following approximately parallel trajectories (Beugelsdijk & Welzel, 2018). Confidence intervals are not provided here because the accuracy of the estimation methods is difficult to gauge and because the accuracy of the input variables varies. The numerical results provided by the present study should be regarded as approximate because of problems with data quality in the cited studies as well as the methodological problems of the present study. We should rely mainly on the qualitative conclusions and general patterns identified here, rather than on exact numerical results.
The overview of cultural differences presented here may seem comprehensive, but its value is limited by the fact that it includes studies of very different quality, and by the fact that certain cultural phenomena that have attracted the attention of many social scientists and led to many quantitative publications have received more weight than less popular areas of study.
Conclusion
This study confirms the findings of Fog (2021) that a two-factor model of cultural variables is reproducible. National culture and organizational culture show very similar patterns. Different studies have used different methods and evaluated different concepts such as cultural norms, values, attitudes, axioms, beliefs, or socialization goals; and yet their results show very similar patterns of cultural differences. These findings have even been validated against objective indicators of behavior (Minkov & Kaasa, 2021; 2022), lending greater confidence to this integration of findings across disparate studies addressing different phenomena.
The similarities between the results of different studies have been obscured by factor rotation. The factor structure becomes easier to interpret when the rotation method prioritizes big factors rather than dividing the variance more equally between multiple factors, especially when many variables are correlated with each other, as is the case here. Different attempts to simplify and clarify the factor structure seem to converge towards a structure similar to the one found in the present study. This structure can be summarized as follows:
The first factor, here called F1, reflects general effects of development and welfare as well as the psychological effects of increasing collective security. This factor includes effects in both material culture, social structure, and symbolic culture. The differences in material culture include economy, technology, and health provision. The differences in social structure include political organization, modern institutions, democracy, peace, and international cooperation. And finally, the differences in symbolic culture include psychological expressions in areas such as opinions, values, attitudes, ideology, beliefs, xenophobia, tolerance, religiosity, and sexuality. These different domains of culture interact with each other in many ways and are influenced by synergy to such a degree that they become highly correlated and converge into a single factor, F1. The high end of the F1 dimension reflects a highly developed economy, technology, health, welfare, and peace. The high level of collective security in such a society leads to tolerance, egalitarianism, support for democracy, and individual freedom. The low end of F1 is characterized by existential precariousness, authoritarian rule, war, intolerance, and religious strictness.
The second factor, F2, combines a number of effects that are theorized to be influenced by differences in subsistence economy, colonial history, ethnic diversity, and religion. At the low end of F2 we find cultures dependent on farming with centrally controlled irrigation. This leads to low relational mobility, long-term orientation, good education, and a prioritization of social harmony over self-enhancement and strong emotions. The high end of F2 is characterized by high relational mobility, short-term orientation, analytical thinking, independent self-construal, and interpersonal trust.
These two factors account for 34% and 15%, respectively, of the variation in all published cultural variables, or 39% and 15% if organizational culture is excluded. This two-factor structure is reflected in a clearly recognizable geographic pattern. The F1 dimension has mainly poor and war-torn countries of Africa, the Middle East, and parts of Asia at the low end, and highly developed mainly North-European welfare states at the high end. The F2 dimension has East Asian countries at the low end and mainly Latin American countries and some African countries at the high end. This geographic pattern is shown in Figure 3. Several previous publications show a similar pattern, though rotated and skewed differently as we can see for example in Figure 1. The fact that several studies of different aspects of culture using different methods and concepts end up with similar geographic structures is a strong indication that there are important common causal mechanisms behind the observed structure.
The factor F1 is reasonably well understood and described by various theories of development, modernization, emancipation, and secularization. Regality theory adds a theoretical explanation of why psychological indicators and symbolic culture are influenced by the level of collective security. The factor F2 is less well understood. The research has focused on the East Asian end of the F2 dimension for several decades, while the opposite end dominated by Latin American culture has been largely neglected by empirical social scientists until very recently. More research is needed to explain the observed correlations and to understand why Latin American countries stand out as an opposite extreme to East Asia.
It would be premature to assign new names to the factors that are here called F1 and F2. Factors or trends similar to F1 have variously been named development, modernization, emancipation, and – with the opposite sign – regality. Factors related to F2 have variously been named relational mobility, long-term vs. short-term orientation, flexibility vs. monumentalism, etc. Inventing new names for F1 and F2 would just add to the confusing list of names as long as there is no consensus about which aspect of each factor should be the defining one.
The finding of two dominating factors does not mean that culture can be exhaustively described by just two dimensions. What the finding of these two factors means is, rather, that many of the phenomena that have been subjected to cross-cultural studies are related or correlated with each other. Many of the variables are different variations over the same themes or revised attempts to measure the same phenomena in different ways. The results show that it is possible to extract a few common factors from the many cultural variables published so far and still retain valuable predictive power because of strong correlations between a lot of different cultural phenomena. This conclusion does not rule out that additional useful factors can be found in the future. It is quite possible that future scientists will find other useful measures of cultural differences that are not closely related to the two factors identified here. It is also possible that the two factors identified here can be subdivided into multiple variables that give a more detailed representation of cultural differences.
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Supplemental Material - Two-Dimensional Models of Cultural Differences: Statistical and Theoretical Analysis
Supplemental Material for Two-Dimensional Models of Cultural Differences: Statistical and Theoretical Analysis by Agner Fog in Cross-Cultural Research
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