Abstract
Black male students are underrepresented in advanced mathematics programs and courses. White adults and students are the primary beneficiaries of these specialized mathematics options, thereby making them White institutional spaces. There has been a call to focus on the underrepresentation of Black male students in advanced mathematics courses. This article examines the scholarly literature about Black male students’ mathematical experiences. We conclude by providing recommendations for increasing Black male students’ representation in specialized mathematics spaces and how to use the knowledge to transform their lives and community.
“Supporting Black male students’ acquisition of advanced mathematical knowledge must be about the collective upliftment of the global Black community.”
Educators and the general public are bombarded with reports about Black male students’ low performance on standardized tests in mathematics (Davis, 2014). These reports tend to compare Black male students’ performance with that of their White male peers, resulting in discourse about the so-called racial achievement gap (Davis, 2014). Martin (2009) argued that this so-called racial achievement gap supports the notion that some groups, mainly Whites and Asians, possess higher mathematical ability and represent the standard of competency. In contrast, Black male students are perceived as incapable and lacking the natural ability, capacity, or interest to learn and perform at the same level as White male students and at high levels in mathematics. Martin (2009) described this ranking system as the racial hierarchy of mathematical ability, which positions Black students at the bottom and White students at the top. Davis and Martin (2008) argued that standardized testing in mathematics, the racial hierarchy of mathematical ability, and the ranking system are an integral part of the United States’s long history of using intelligence testing to justify racist assumptions about Blacks’ intellectual and mathematics abilities.
Davis (2018) argues that the racial hierarchy of mathematical ability also applies to Black students’ participation and achievement in advanced mathematics courses, in which they are underrepresented. He contends that the ranking system supports the notion that few Black students possess the mathematical ability needed to participate in advanced classes. The current definitions of success and high achievement for Black students are based on test performance and grade point averages, which are static data points and represent a Eurocentric/White notion of achievement. The test scores and grades of White students are typically positioned as the standard for how Black students’ success and high achievement are evaluated and judged.
Most policy makers, administrators, and teachers in advanced mathematics are White. They create and administer policies, programs, and standardized tests, and serve as gatekeepers in gifted education, honors, Advanced Placement (AP), International Baccalaureate (IB) programs and courses. Mathematics standardized test results and course grades have played a significant role in advancing a deficit perspective and narrative about Black male students’ mathematical ability (Davis, 2014, 2018; Davis & Martin, 2008).
The deficit perspective and narrative focus on Black male students’ reported failure, low achievement, and inability to perform at the standard White (male) students. Ford, Grantham, and Whiting (2008) define this perspective as deficit thinking, “negative, stereotypical, and prejudicial beliefs about . . . [Black male students] that result in discriminatory policies and behaviors or actions” (p. 292). These characterizations of Black male students shape teachers’ views, beliefs, and perspectives. Valencia (1997) argues that “The deficit thinking paradigm posits that students who fail in school do so because of alleged internal deficiencies, such as cognitive and/or motivational limitations, or shortcomings socially linked to the youngster—such as familial deficits and dysfunctions” (p. xi). Deficit perspectives lead to low teacher expectations and poor quality instruction that interferes with students’ developing conceptual understanding and procedural fluency in mathematics, which is needed for advanced and college preparatory mathematics coursework (Davis, 2014; Lattimore, 2005a, 2005b; McGee & Martin, 2011a, 2011b; Polite, 1999).
There has been a paradigm shift focused on Black male students’ high achievement and success to challenge the deficit narrative and shed light on the barriers that prevent access to and success in advanced mathematics courses. This shifting paradigm has provided insight into the support structures that have helped Black male students gain access and be successful in the courses. In this article, we present the barriers that hinder Black male students from gaining access to advanced mathematics courses and the support structures needed to help them find success and high achievement in this area. Families, teachers, school administrators, and school counselors must properly advocate for Black male students to gain access to specialized mathematics programs and courses. We conclude with recommendations for increasing Black male students’ representation in advanced mathematics spaces and how to use the knowledge to transform their lives and community.
Advanced K-12 Courses in Mathematics: A Focus on Black Male Students
Gifted education, honors, AP, and IB courses are touted as academic spaces where students are exposed to a rigorous, college preparatory, advanced curriculum in mathematics. Students are also believed to receive sound instruction and participate in quality enrichment activities (Adelman, 1999; Kyburg, Hertberg-Davis, & Callahan, 2007; Mayer, 2008). Gifted education is generally offered in elementary and middle school levels, while honors, AP, and IB programs and courses are typically offered at the high school level in the United States (Geiser & Santelices, 2004; Kyburg et al., 2007). Although IB programs and courses are technically offered across the elementary to high school spectrum, there are very few U.S. schools with IB programs at the elementary and middle school levels, and some schools offer no gifted or advanced programming at all. There is a debate over whether AP and IB courses prepare students to complete college and earn a bachelor’s degree (Adelman, 1999; Geiser & Santelices, 2004). Some research indicates that there is a link between taking AP courses and being prepared for college (Adelman, 1999), while other findings suggest that little to no relationship exists (Geiser & Santelices, 2004).
The historical and contemporary landscape of gifted education, honors, AP, and IB programs and courses illustrates that White adults and students have been the primary beneficiaries (Mayer, 2008). McGrath and Kuriloff (1999) and Berry (2008) found that middle-class White parents possessed the power to influence the placement of students and the assignment of teachers in advanced mathematics courses. Moreover, the main teachers in advanced mathematics classrooms and the larger field of education are White (Bryan & Ford, 2014). The preponderance of White students and teachers in advanced mathematics programs and courses marks it as what Martin (2008) calls a White institutional space. He stated,
One can also understand mathematics education as White institutional space by considering who is allowed to speak on issues of teaching, learning, curriculum, and assessment and who dominates positions of power in research and policy contexts. In each instance, White scholars disproportionately fill these roles, an important signifier of White institutional space. (p. 390)
We contend that the White beneficiaries of advanced programming and course offerings are another signifier of White institutional space. Whiting and Ford (2009) argued that
educators, [scholars] and decision makers must be more proactive and assertive in examining and critiquing AP underrepresentation . . . to cast a broader net to widen our focus by addressing more directly African American students’ underrepresentation in [gifted education, honors] AP, [and IB] classes. (p. 23)
Advanced Mathematics Courses in Elementary and Middle School
Many factors contribute to the underrepresentation of Black male students in gifted education. Teacher under referral, low standardized test performance, and course grades are three of the common reported factors (Berry, 2008; Bonner, 2000; Bonner & Jennings, 2007; Callahan, 2003; Ford, 1994, 1996, 1998; Ford et al., 2008; Grissom & Redding, 2016; Polite, 1999; Whiting & Ford, 2009). In kindergarten and first grade, most Black male students do not receive the support needed to cultivate their academic and mathematical abilities and talents (Bonner & Jennings, 2007; Wright & Counsell, 2018). Identification for gifted education typically occurs between second and fourth grade, but Black boys are usually overlooked by teachers and school administrators (Berry, 2008; Bonner & Jennings, 2007; Wright & Counsell, 2018).
Berry’s (2008) study of Black boys provided insight into their experiences trying to gain access to gifted education spaces in elementary and middle school. In this study, some school administrators and teachers believed the boys were not prepared for the challenges of gifted education services and coursework. While most of the Black boys in Berry’s study were identified for gifted education by fourth grade, teachers and school administrators initially overlooked them. It took their families’ consistent advocacy for the boys to gain access, and the families believed race and gender played a role in the initial decisions to exclude them.
Black male students have varying experiences in gifted education and other mathematics classes. Black boys tend to achieve at high levels in gifted education mathematics courses (Berry & McClain, 2009; Berry, Thunder, & McClain, 2011; McGee & Pearman, 2014), and some Black males still perform at high levels and are successful even without access to gifted education mathematics courses (Davis, 2014). However, in most school and classroom settings, Black boys are not supported academically or mathematically and have the lowest chances of gaining access to gifted education without family support and advocacy (Berry, 2008; Bonner, 2003; Wright & Counsell, 2018). For example, some Black male students are provided with worksheet packets in gifted education as the primary source of learning which negatively impacts the quality of their education.
Researchers suggest many Black male students are denied access to advanced mathematics coursework because of low standardized test scores and course grades (Berry, 2008; Davis, 2014). Others are not allowed to enroll in algebra before ninth grade (Berry, 2008). This fact is relevant because students who take their first algebra course before ninth grade are more likely to gain access to advanced mathematics courses in high school (Lubienski, McGraw, & Strutchens, 2004; Strutchens & Silver, 2000). Many Black boys are denied access to advanced mathematics courses for subjective reasons such as teachers’ poor perceptions of their maturity levels and behavior.
Some teachers rank behavior above cognitive abilities in their assessments of student potential and readiness for advanced mathematics (Berry, 2008). This means Black boys who demonstrated the requisite cognitive ability were still denied access because of their teachers’ cultural misinterpretation and misunderstanding of appropriate behavior for gifted education mathematics. Given that Black male students experience the highest rate of disciplinary infractions in elementary and middle school (Berry, 2008; Davis, 2014; Wright & Counsell, 2018), this type of subjective assessment leaves them most vulnerable to being overlooked. Gifted Black male students who are bored and disengaged from instruction are more likely to be labeled as disruptive rather than challenged with advanced coursework (Berry, 2008; Davis, 2014).
Specialized Mathematics Courses in High School
Honors, AP, IB, and other specialized mathematics programs and courses are offered at the high school levels and seen as extensions of gifted education. Historically, AP courses across traditional core disciplines were provided as an opportunity for motivated students, not necessarily advanced students, to earn college credits in high school (Callahan, 2003). IB programs were initially developed for highly motivated students and gifted secondary students, but the gifted descriptor was later removed to focus solely on the highly motivated (Callahan, 2003). The goals of IB extended beyond content achievement to include a focus on providing students with values and opportunities to develop sound judgment, make good choices, and enhance creativity and global respect for others (Callahan, 2003).
Although official gifted designation is not required to participate in honors, AP, or IB programs and courses, students who have been identified as gifted are often steered toward these classes as their most viable academic options (Callahan, 2003). Both AP and IB mathematics courses require standardized exams to determine eligibility for credit. Unfortunately, reports of Black students’ scores reveal that most of them do not score high enough to receive college credit (Kyburg et al., 2007). The AP exam results also indicate that teachers are not receiving proper training, which have resulted in the courses lacking rigor for Black students.
Over the last 45 years, there has been steady growth in AP and IB participation, but race and gender inequities persist (Callahan, 2003). Race and gender are rarely included in discussions of Black male students’ participation in advanced mathematics programs and courses. Callahan (2003) stated,
Equity issues stem from concerns with access, preconceived notions of who will succeed in such programs, and the nature of the school. Gender inequities in achievement and enrollment in science and math AP Programs, and achievement in science and math courses in the IB Program have been documented. . . Systematic research on these issues is not available (p. ix).
Given this limited research, Whiting and Ford (2009) noted a need to focus on the underrepresentation of Black students in AP classes. They stated, “Overall, patterns are apparent for Black students with AP underrepresentation greatest in the STEM areas—science, technology, engineering, and math” (Whiting & Ford, 2009, p. 24).
Scholars have argued that to understand the underrepresentation of Black students, researchers must consider the lack of advanced mathematics (and science) courses in predominantly Black schools across different income brackets and geographical locations (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Polite, 1999; Thompson & Lewis, 2005; Whiting & Ford, 2009). Consideration must also be given to the quality (e.g., teachers’ content knowledge, pedagogy, and assignments) of advanced mathematics courses that Black (male) students have access to and take in high school. Few Black (male) students have gained access to advanced or college preparatory mathematics courses during their high school years (Lubienski, 2002; Lubienski et al., 2004; Strutchens, Lubienski, McGraw, & Westbrook, 2004; Strutchens & Silver, 2000).
Research About Black Male Students in Advanced High School Mathematics Courses
There is a limited body of research focused on the barriers that impact Black male students’ participation in advanced mathematics courses (Polite, 1999; Thompson & Davis, 2013; Thompson & Lewis, 2005). Polite (1999) conducted a case study of a cohort of 115 lower-income and lower-middle class Black male students’ academic experiences in a suburban high school mathematics department. He reviewed the participants’ transcripts to learn about the mathematics courses they had taken. Overwhelmingly, Polite found that Black male students were the main recipients of lower-level mathematics instruction. Very few were the beneficiaries of traditional college preparatory and advanced-level mathematics courses (algebra, geometry, trigonometry, calculus). Polite reported that only 60 of the 115 students completed high school, and just 15 of those were college bound in their senior year. He interviewed 39 respondents from the cohort and found that most of them felt they had uncaring mathematics teachers and counselors who failed to advise and encourage them to take advanced mathematics courses. The majority of the students in the study were not apprised or knowledgeable of the school’s available advanced mathematics offerings, specific academic programs, and prerequisites for college and other career paths.
In a single case study, Thompson and Lewis (2005) chronicled the mathematical experiences of a Black male student named Malik in a low-income urban high school. Recognizing the need to get accepted into a competitive college, he petitioned his principal to offer precalculus and calculus courses. According to Malik, his school once offered advanced mathematics courses but discontinued this opportunity. Their investigation of Malik revealed three main factors that adversely affected Black students’ participation in advanced mathematics courses: low standards, scheduling conflicts, and fewer advanced course offerings. Thompson and Lewis’s retelling of Malik’s experiences in precalculus and calculus courses indicate that (a) he struggled to keep up in his calculus class, (b) his mathematics teachers lacked the content knowledge to teach calculus, and (c) the course had a heavy reliance on group work as the instructional approach. His mathematics teacher had not taught calculus in a long time and admittedly did not feel confident with the content. Despite the challenges, Malik’s deep-seated goal to be a military fighter pilot fueled his decision to pursue advanced mathematics courses. His principal and mathematics teachers played a central role in helping him gain access to advanced mathematics courses.
In another study, Thompson and Davis (2013) conducted a phenomenological investigation of six Black male students (five 11th graders and one 12th grader) in an urban high school. The results indicated that teacher and peer influence were the most important factors shaping the meaning students ascribed to mathematics. The Black male students were attuned to whether or not their teachers held high or low expectations of them. The researchers found that Black male teachers played a critical role in shaping students’ interest and learning. They also reported that like-minded Black male peers played a vital role in shaping their approach to learning, their mathematics identities, and their achievement. The lack of role models in mathematics shaped the meaning Black male students ascribed to the subject.
Identity development is an integral part of helping Black male students achieve at high levels in mathematics (Berry & McClain, 2009; Berry et al., 2011; McGee & Pearman, 2014). Thompson and Davis (2013) argue that distinctions should be made between racial and cultural identity development. Racial identity reflects the racial group one identifies with, but cultural identity is more complex, determined by country and region of origin, language, shared history, and common values and beliefs. In addition to healthy racial and cultural identity, Black male students need to develop healthy mathematics identities. Mathematics identities refer to
the dispositions and deeply held beliefs that students hold about their ability to perform and participate effectively in mathematical contexts and to use mathematics to change the conditions of their lives. A mathematics identity encompasses a person’s self-understanding of himself or herself and how they are seen by others in the context of doing mathematics. Therefore, a mathematics identity is expressed in narrative form as negotiated self, is always under construction, and results from negotiation of our own assertions and the external ascriptions of others. (Martin, 2007b, p. 41)
As stated by Martin, other identities students construct (e.g., racial, cultural, gender, etc.) do not develop in isolation from their mathematics identities.
Teachers, families, and peers play an integral role in helping Black male students develop positive identities. Berry and McClain (2009) and Hrabowski, Maton, and Greif (1998) found elementary and middle school Black male students’ families played an instrumental role in helping them develop healthy racial and mathematics identities. Berry et al. (2011) found that the development of computational fluency by third grade, extrinsic recognition of mathematical achievement, relational connections (i.e., teachers, families, peers), and positive mathematical engagement shaped Black male students’ racial and mathematics identities. These students were, then, better prepared to succeed and achieve at high levels in mathematics.
Needed Support Structures for Black Male Students in Advanced Mathematics Courses
Families, school administrators, teachers, and peers can play a major role in supporting Black male students in advanced mathematics programs and courses (Berry, 2008; Hrabowski et al., 1998; Maton, Hrabowski, & Greif, 1998; McGee & Pearman, 2014). Berry’s (2008) study of Black boys’ elementary and middle school mathematical experiences revealed that their families advocated for them to gain access to gifted education and advanced mathematics courses. Thompson and Lewis (2005) described how a school principal and mathematics teacher offered advanced mathematics courses at the request of a high-achieving Black male in a low-income urban community.
Once in gifted education and advanced mathematics courses, Black families (mothers, fathers, aunts, uncles, and cousins) provided support to Black males by teaching, tutoring, exposing, and/or assisting them in developing a deeper understanding of mathematical topics and concepts (Berry, 2008; Bonner, 2003; Davis, 2014; McGee & Spencer, 2015; Noble, 2011). Like-minded students have also played a key role in helping Black males form a support network of similar peers in advanced mathematics courses, academic cohorts, learning communities, and study groups (Hrabowski et al., 1998; Noble, 2011; Thompson & Davis, 2013). Researchers have also found that mathematics teachers play a major role in supporting Black male students in gaining access to and achieving in advanced mathematics courses by tutoring and teaching them before, during, and after school and providing encouragement and needed redirection (Thompson & Davis, 2013).
McGlamery and Mitchell’s (2000) research provided an even deeper insight into how a school intentionally focused on providing underrepresented Black male high school students with access to advanced mathematics courses. The researchers studied high school mathematics teachers’ efforts to recruit and retain 185 Black male students in advanced mathematics courses. The teachers actively recruited and encouraged Black males from the feeder middle school to consider a college-level mathematics track in high school. The teachers used a cohort model to intentionally recruit and support Black male students in a ninth-grade mathematics course. They designed a homework help center and hotline to assist struggling students. In addition to developing rapport, teachers provided summer research experiences in mathematics, emphasized careers in mathematics, and made curricular changes (e.g., group and project-based instruction, technology integration). These support structures helped Black male students to be successful in advanced mathematics classes.
Black Male Teachers in Gifted Education and AP Mathematics Courses
Black male teachers represent less than 2% of the teacher workforce (Lewis & Toldson, 2013) and even less in gifted education and advanced mathematics programs and courses. They are rarely encouraged or exposed to these type of courses and programs in their teacher preparation programs. Black male teachers’ intellect, pedagogical skills, content knowledge, and ability to connect with Black male students are rarely considered or noticed. Thus, Bryan and Ford (2014) advocate for more Black male teachers in gifted education because they offer perspectives of Black students’ giftedness often overlooked by White teachers. They contend that
Black males may be a challenge to recognize as gifted by educators, most of whom are White and female; but it is not impossible to recognize the gifts and talents of Black males, and such issues must not be used as an excuse (or excuses) to not recruit and retain such males in gifted and AP classes. (Bryan & Ford, 2014, p. 157)
In addition, Bryan and Ford (2014), as well as other scholars (e.g., Brockenbrough, 2012) recognize that “Black males [teachers] may also have to negotiate their gendered power with White female colleagues who dominate the teaching profession and gifted classrooms” (p. 158). However, they contend that the benefits of having Black male teachers outweigh the drawbacks of the negative experiences Black teachers face.
Harris and Davis (2018) conducted collective case studies of three Black African males teaching mathematics courses in the United States. Two of the mathematics teachers taught advanced mathematics courses. The teachers provided insight into their experiences teaching courses such as precalculus and calculus. Notably, Harris and Davis found that the teachers felt most appreciated by students who looked like them. Conversely, one of the teachers reported experiences with White parents questioning their ability to teach AP calculus. The other teacher reported that White colleagues had a hard time viewing them as knowledgeable and did not make them feel comfortable or valued at the school. Furthermore, the researchers found that students, too, had a hard time believing that a Black man was qualified to teach advanced mathematics.
Professional Experiences in Gifted Education and Advanced Courses
Building on the scholarship of Black males teaching gifted education and AP mathematics courses, we share our professional mathematics and science teaching experiences. Although all of the authors have relevant teaching experiences, two have specific formal and informal teacher leadership experience in gifted and advanced education contexts. This specialization helps shed light on our advocacy for Black male students. Given that this type of experience is rarely documented in the literature, we find it necessary to briefly describe our professional reflections both as teachers and as advocates for Black male students.
Christian Anderson’s Professional Experiences
Anderson worked in gifted education as a mathematics teacher and teacher leader. As a Black male educator of more than 20 years, Anderson has taught gifted students, wrote and revised gifted curricula, provided professional development (PD) to teachers of gifted students, and been a school-based administrator. Unfortunately, Anderson has shared many of the same negative experiences as other Black male students and teachers in gifted education. For example, the culture of exclusion and nonacceptance transcends the classroom and reaches to the programmatic level. Anderson recalls on several occasions being questioned by parents about his qualifications to teach gifted children. His experiences support Harris and Davis’s (2018) findings that White parents question Black male teachers’ capabilities to teach in gifted education contexts.
As a mathematics specialist working in a district-level gifted and talented office, Anderson was often greeted with shock and sometimes awe when he arrived to conduct PD training. The idea of a 6′4″, 240-pound Black male as an instructional leader was surprising and initially problematic for some. In addition, as a curriculum writer, Anderson noticed the lack of Blacks in key positions to select and develop curricula for gifted education. He also noticed the absence of diversity at every level of planning and implementation in the curriculum development process.
Wil Parker’s Professional Experiences
During his almost 20 years of teaching, Wil Parker taught honors, AP, and IB science courses in middle school and high school. In most cases, he was the only Black male teaching in this capacity. Parker has served as the honors team lead, science department chair, and lead PD coach for the school district. He was the only non-White person in the PD department; the others were all White women, many of whom were shocked to see Parker facilitate PD. As documented in the literature (Brockenbrough, 2012; Bryan & Ford, 2014), Parker and Anderson had to navigate the White woman power structure in gifted and advanced education.
Parker’s students were primarily White, although he heavily recruited Black students to enroll in his anatomy and physiology courses. Often, Parker’s Black students did not score in the top percentiles on standardized tests, but their curiosity and zeal for learning were ignited. Like Anderson, Parker often faced White parents who were concerned about his teaching; he always wondered whether their concerns were because of his race.
Parker often led a team of teachers and administrators to authorize and evaluate international IB programs in North and South America and Canada for both anglophone and francophone programs. He often asked why there were not more efforts to recruit diverse students into IB programs. In most cases, he was the only Black male evaluator, which indicates the need for more Black evaluators.
Recommendations for Increasing Black Male Students’ Participation in Advanced Mathematics Courses
In this section, we offer recommendations to increase the number of Black male participants in advanced mathematics programs and courses. We draw on the extant literature and our professional experiences to not only provide recommendations, but also to advance the position that Black male mathematics learners must use their knowledge for the benefit of the collective Black community.
Recommendation 1: Increase Recruitment of Black Males Into Advanced Mathematics Courses by Changing Requirements
The first recommendation is to create or increase recruitment of Black males into advanced programs and courses. Because Black males’ scores and grades are not always an accurate reflections of their intelligence and potential, we call for a moratorium on the participation requirements of teacher referral and minimum standardized test scores and course grades. Instead, we recommend teachers follow the methods used in McGlamery and Mitchell’s (2000) study: actively recruiting and supporting Black males. Their study reports how five high school mathematics teachers created a plan to recruit Black males into college-track mathematics courses. They did so by actively recruiting and encouraging students at feeder middle schools to later take college-track mathematics classes in high school. They used a cohort model for recruitment to reduce the chances of students suffering from social isolation and a lack of peer support.
Recommendation 2: Increase Support Structures Provided to Black Males in Mathematics
The second recommendation is to put structures in place to support Black male students in advanced mathematics courses. Successful Black male students often receive support from their families, teachers, administrators, and/or peers. These varying supports help them develop their Black male identity and achieve at high levels. Contrary to reports in the literature and popular media, Black families have been the backbone of support for successful male students (Berry, 2008; Berry & McClain, 2009; Berry et al., 2011; Hrabowski et al., 1998; McGee & Spencer, 2015). Family advocacy is critical to Black males’ academic success. Both extended and nuclear family members understand how race and gender impact Black boys academically. This suggests that Black families need race- and gender-based knowledge on academic advocacy. Offering family workshops on how to support and advocate for Black male students would empower more black families to better serve their male students.
Unbeknownst to many, Black fathers have been actively involved in their sons’ lives, playing significant roles in their academic development and serving as role models of high achievement and success (Berry, 2008; Maton et al., 1998; McGee & Pearman, 2014). Many Black boys believe they obtain their mathematical knowledge from parents or other family members (Berry, 2008; Davis, 2014). This finding supports the assertion that Black families have been instrumental in setting the academic and mathematics standard, establishing a clear presence in their child’s school and mathematics classrooms, and advocating for them to gain access to advanced courses.
Typically, successful Black male students have had their family members as their first teachers. Mothers, fathers, and others have assessed their sons’ mathematical abilities and ensured that they participated in study halls or tutoring as needed. Black families have also extended learning opportunities beyond school contexts to such activities as grocery shopping, home repair, and personal finance (McGee & Pearman, 2014).
Teachers, too, should operate as supports for Black male students. Teacher-led advanced mathematics reform has proven to be effective and supported by administrators. For example, the mathematics teachers in McGlamery and Mitchell’s (2000) study supported students by creating a homework help center and hotline, offering STEM-themed summer research opportunities, changing pedagogical strategies to make them more effective (e.g., project-based instruction, building rapport and relationships with students), altering curricular content (e.g., problem-solving, critical thinking tasks, and labs), and building a welcoming classroom environment (e.g., relevant classroom décor, self-selected groups).
The literature is permeated with examples of how teachers have supported Black male students in learning and achieving in mathematics. They have tutored students at lunch and before and after school as well as provided encouragement and support during challenging times (Hrabowski et al., 1998; Thompson & Davis, 2013). In Thompson and Lewis’s (2005) study, the school administrators ensured that advanced mathematics courses were offered and also supported teachers and students in creating successful classroom experiences.
Peers have also played a major role in providing support for Black males in advanced mathematics courses. The cohort model in McGlamery and Mitchell’s (2000) study provided a naturally supportive peer group, which helped them succeed in advanced mathematics courses. This strategy is consistent with extant research and recommendations to provide Black male students with learning communities, networks, and cohorts (Hrabowski et al., 1998; Jett, Stinson, & Williams, 2015; McGlamery & Mitchell, 2000; Thompson & Davis, 2013). These environments provide Black male students with the necessary academic, mathematical, and social supports while also developing their identities, personal agency, and motivation.
Recommendation 3: Teachers Must Help Develop Black Male Students’ Identities
The third recommendation is for teachers to become more involved in helping students develop their racial, cultural, mathematics, scholar, and masculine identities (Berry, 2008; Berry & McClain, 2009; Berry et al., 2011; Henfield, 2012; Martin, 2007a; McGee & Martin, 2011b; McGee & Pearman, 2014; Thompson & Davis, 2013; Whiting & Ford, 2009). Whiting and Ford (2009) call for educators to help Black male students develop a scholar identity. We build on their call by requesting that teachers and mathematics educators become knowledgeable of the scholar identity theory and help develop it in Black male students, specifically around mathematics. Educators should actively use the scholar identity components in mathematics spaces: self-efficacy, future-oriented, willingness to make sacrifices, internal locus of control, aspirations, self-awareness, strong need for achievement, academic self-confidence, masculinity, and race pride. The components of this theoretical lens provide the necessary tools for Black males to be successful and achieve at high levels.
The inclusion of masculinity is especially important. Henfield (2012) argues that the development of Black male students’ masculine identity should be taken seriously. Educators must stop prioritizing race over masculinity and refrain from treating Black male students as a monolithic group. Their uniqueness as Black males must be taken into account. Following Henfield’s recommendation for teachers to incorporate famous Black male figures into the curriculum, we urge teachers to conduct research of and incorporate successful historical and contemporary Black men and boys into the mathematics curriculum. Henfield argues that educators should work to teach Black male students the tradition of excellence and human agency to help instill a sense of pride in the young men. Mathematics teachers of Black male adolescents must all work to expose them to the tradition of excellence and human agency in mathematics. Utilizing this recommendation can help Black male students develop multiple (e.g., mathematics, racial, cultural, masculine, and gender) identities.
Recommendation 4: Prepare Teachers to Teach Black Male Students
This recommendation is the linchpin that ties together the previous recommendations. Because teachers spend the most instructional time with Black boys, they must be informed on the techniques and strategies that help them succeed in the mathematics classroom. Davis, Goings, and Allen (2019) argue that mathematics teacher educators must work to examine, address, and reframe pre- and in-service mathematics teachers’ deficit-oriented thinking about Black students’ ability to effectively achieve. Mathematics teacher education programs must prepare teachers to nurture the brilliance of Black boys and see the strengths they bring to the classroom. Programs and faculty members must also provide all preservice teachers with opportunities to spend time with Black males and their families to get to know them in nonacademic spaces. Pre- and in-service teachers’ conceptualization, thinking, and understanding of assessments must be expanded to understand the history of standardized testing and its links to intelligence testing, eugenics, and scientific racism that was used to justify claims of Black intellectual inferiority (Davis & Martin, 2008). This process is needed to help teachers critique assessments in terms of objectivity, bias, and culture-fairness and understand how these tools may or may not provide an accurate portrayal of students’ mathematical ability (Davis, 2018).
Recommendation 5: Increase the Number of Black Male Teachers in Advanced Mathematics Courses
The fifth recommendation is to increase the number of Black male teachers in advanced mathematics courses. Our professional experiences and the extant literature (Bryan & Ford, 2014; Davis et al., 2019; Harris & Davis, 2018) show the need to increase the number of Black male teachers in advanced mathematics courses. Research reveals that Black male teachers have played a significant role in helping Black male students learn mathematics and feel validated in the classroom (Lattimore, 2005b; Thompson & Davis, 2013). These teachers provide a unique perspective of Black male students and understand what it is like to be in their position. Black male teachers also possess the unique perspectives of Black male students that are needed to help identify and support them in advanced mathematics courses. They serve as mathematically competent role models who look like them and share similar racial and cultural characteristics and interests. Therefore, teacher education programs and schools must provide pre- and in-service Black male teachers with opportunities to teach in advanced mathematics classrooms.
Recommendation 6: Prepare Black Boys to Use Mathematics to Support the Black Community
The last recommendation is to teach Black male students to use their mathematical knowledge to build institutions and systems that benefit the collective Black community globally. The goal is to create economic, political, social, and cultural liberation for Black people in America, Africa, and the Diaspora. Fortunately, there has been a paradigm shift in mathematics education focused on advancing liberatory (Martin, 2010; Martin & McGee, 2009), social justice (Terry, 2010, 2011), and racial justice (Gutstein, 2004; Larnell, Bullock, & Jett, 2016) for Black (male) students. This shift is built on a long history of scholars illustrating the social and political dimensions of mathematics and mathematics education by challenging the notions of Eurocentric origins, approaches, and perceptions of mathematics (Davis, 2018; Pitts Bannister, Davis, Mutegi, Thompson, & Lewis, 2017). For example, Terry (2011) reported that social justice–oriented mathematics lessons (e.g., Black male prison and college population, homicide rates, statistics, graphs, data analysis) transformed high school-aged Black male students lives and mathematical understanding in a participatory action research study. More teachers of advanced mathematics must assume responsibility for teaching Black male students about how to use mathematics to address important issues in their life and community.
Davis (2018) asserts that Black students in mathematics have to develop a liberatory mind-set anchored in their history, culture, and interests. He argues that Black students should use their mathematical knowledge to build institutions and systems to support cooperative economics, collective work and responsibility to benefit themselves, family, and the global Black community. For example, Gutstein (2004) engaged Black students in mathematical exercises that illustrated how buying a house and the housing and mortgage crisis affected the economic well-being of Black and Brown communities. He wanted to help students use mathematics as an analytical tool to understand racism and complex social phenomenon.
Supporting Black male students’ acquisition of advanced mathematical knowledge must be about the collective upliftment of the global Black community. Efforts to increase representation in advanced mathematics courses cannot simply be about gaining access to White institutional spaces such as colleges and high-paying jobs. Black students must be prepared to use their mathematical knowledge to make social change. Teachers, too, must be prepared to discard their preconceived notions about Black male students and walk into the classroom prepared to teach them advanced mathematics. Black male students need opportunities to develop advanced mathematical competencies that will help to transform their lives and community.
Footnotes
Conflict of Interest
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Bios
Julius Davis, EdD, is an associate professor of mathematics education and coordinator of the Master of Arts in Teaching Program in the Department of Teaching, Learning, and Professional Development in the College of Education at Bowie State University in Bowie, MD. His research focuses on Black male students’ experiences, representation, and achievement in mathematics.
Christian Anderson, EdD, is an assistant professor of mathematics education in the Department of Teacher Professional Development in the School of Education and Urban Studies at Morgan State University in Baltimore, MD. His research focuses on teacher supervision and beliefs in urban mathematics classrooms.
Wil Parker, EdD, is an assistant professor of educational leadership and chairperson of the Department of Educational Studies and Leadership in the College of Education at Bowie State University in Bowie, MD. His research focuses on school and teacher leadership development in urban schools and Black male teachers.
