Police Response to Children Present at Domestic Violence Incidents

Abstract

Police response to domestic violence (DV) has continued to change and expand over the past several decades. Although DV was originally considered a private matter, it now represents one of the most common calls for service received by police agencies. While police response to DV incidents has improved substantially, intervention when children are present remains an undeveloped area of research and practice. The present study examined 345 police reports from an agency in the Northwestern United States to explore police response to DV incidents when children are present. Regression analyses indicated that child presence was a statistically significant predictor of victim-directed intervention, victim-directed follow-up, and arrest although in differing directions. While child presence increased the odds of victim-directed intervention and victim-directed follow-up, it decreased the odds of arrest. Findings further indicated that the frequency of police interaction with children present at DV incidents was minimal. Based on these findings, recommendations for policy and practice are discussed.

Keywords

child exposure to domestic violence child victims exposure to violence

Domestic violence (DV) has been an area of concern in the United States for decades (Cowan & Schwartz, 2004), and police response has changed dramatically since the 1970s, as violence between intimate partners became criminalized and incorporated into state and federal statutes. Despite persistent advances in response to DV, the criminal justice system has only recently begun to focus on interventions with children witnessing such incidents. In the United States alone, more than 17% of children report witnessing intimate partner violence (IPV) in their homes (Finkelhor, Turner, Shattuck, Hamby, & Kracke, 2015), equating to nearly 13 million children.¹ In addition to the notable frequency of childhood exposure to DV, there is an abundance of research confirming the array of negative consequences suffered by child(ren) exposed to DV, including physical, behavioral, psychological, and school-related problems (Cater, Miller, Howell, & Graham-Bermann, 2015; Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt & Kenny, 2003; Gordis, 2000; Holmes, Voith, & Gromoske, 2015; Huang, Vikse, Lu, & Yi, 2015).

While an abundance of research exists regarding the prevalence and significant impact of DV on children, much of this research relies on data gathered from convenience samples (typically from DV shelters), parents’ reports of childhood exposure, and retrospective data of victims’ experiences (Fantuzzo & Fusco, 2007). Additionally, there is little research that incorporates police response to children who are present in these cases. The present study seeks to build on previous research by incorporating a census design, using police reports to examine third-party viewpoints that include current observations rather than retrospective accounts and emphasizing police response to children who are exposed to DV. Specifically, the present study will identify (1) how often children are present at DV incidents, (2) how often, if at all, police officers speak directly with children who are present and what factors impact this decision, and (3) the impact of child presence on police response.

Literature Review

As mentioned previously, childhood exposure to DV is widespread. In 2010 alone, more than five million (6.6%) children were exposed to DV (Futures Without Violence, 2014; Hamby, Finkelhor, Turner, & Ormrod, 2011) and more than 28% of adolescents (aged 14–17) in the United States reported witnessing IPV in their lifetime (Finkelhor et al., 2015). Numerous studies have established that children are present at nearly half of all DV incidents (Burton, 2000; Edleson et al., 2007; Fantuzzo & Fusco, 2007), most of whom are directly exposed to the violent altercation (Fantuzzo & Fusco, 2007; Hamby et al., 2011) and under 6 years of age (Fantuzzo, Boruch, Beriama, Atkins, & Marcus, 1997; Fantuzzo & Fusco, 2007; Richardson-Foster, Stanley, Miller, & Thomson, 2012). Ultimately, whether direct or indirect, frequent exposure to DV in childhood can lead to a multitude of both short- and long-term consequences.

Effects of Childhood Exposure to DV

Research has consistently noted a correlation between childhood exposure to DV and a wide array of physical, behavioral, social, psychological, emotional, developmental (e.g., negative influences on peer relationships, social skills, and decreased interest in extracurricular activities), and school-related problems (Cater et al., 2015; Holmes et al., 2015; Hornor, 2005; Huang et al., 2015; Kitzmann et al., 2003; Kolbo, Blakely, & Engelman, 1996; Margolin & Gordis, 2000). One of the most concerning effects is the increased risk of engaging in aggressive behaviors (Bauer et al., 2006; Holmes et al., 2015; Jouriles et al., 1998; Lundy & Grossman, 2005). Huang, Vikse, Lu, and Yi (2015) noted a link between exposure to IPV and later participation in delinquent acts. Childhood exposure to DV may also increase the risk of perpetrating DV in adulthood, further contributing to the cycle of violence. Specifically, Eriksson and Mazerolle (2015) found that exposure to IPV during childhood increased the likelihood of IPV perpetration in adulthood by nearly 3 times; however, this association was limited to father-only violence, whereas mother-only violence was not predictive of IPV offending in adulthood.

Internalizing behaviors, such as anxiety and depression, have also been documented among children who have witnessed DV (Pelcovitz, Kaplan, DeRosa, Mandel, & Salzinger, 2000). A study of Swedish young adults found an association between childhood exposure to IPV and a range of mental health consequences including posttraumatic stress, anxiety, depression, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, and self-harming behaviors (Cater et al., 2015). In fact, several studies have noted a link between exposure to DV and an increased risk of developing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Anderson & Bang, 2012; Carlson, 2000; Hornor, 2005).

Another potential consequence of childhood exposure to IPV is the heightened risk of suffering child abuse (Herrenkohl, Sousa, Tajima, Herrenkohl, & Moylan, 2008). A recent nationally representative survey of youth in the United States discovered that more than half of the youth who reported witnessing partner violence were also directly maltreated by a known adult (Hamby, Finkelhor, Turner, & Ormrod, 2010). In fact, youth who witnessed partner violence were 3–9 times more likely to experience maltreatment compared to youth who had not witnessed partner violence (Hamby et al., 2010). Although the overlap between exposure to DV and child physical abuse is highly concerning, the effects of secondary exposure alone should not be discounted. In fact, a meta-analysis of childhood exposure to DV identified similar outcomes for children who witnessed violence and children who were physically abused (Kitzmann et al., 2003).

Police Response to Children at DV Incidents

While the negative effects of childhood exposure to IPV are well researched and documented, information on the process and impact of police response is limited. However, the results of a few comprehensive studies highlight the importance of positive police response.

The far-reaching impact of childhood exposure to DV illustrates the need for justice and social system personnel to respond promptly and appropriately in order to mitigate negative effects and strengthen resiliency. As first responders, the actions of police officers are of primary importance. In fact, Richardson-Foster, Stanley, Miller, and Thomson (2012) determined that adequate police response to children has the potential to reduce the negative effects associated with witnessing DV and increase victim satisfaction (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012). Furthermore, researchers have recommended that future efforts to reduce the frequency and influence of children’s exposure to DV focus on methods that encourage law enforcement to identify children who have been exposed to the violence (Shields, 2008).

One of the most holistic empirical studies of police response to children present at DV incidents was conducted by Richardson-Foster and colleagues in 2012. Using a mixed methods approach, the researchers examined the prevalence and impact of police response to children present at DV incidents in the United Kingdom. In their study, Richardson-Foster et al. (2012) asserted that a police department is often the first public service agency contacted in regard to a DV situation, which presents an important opportunity for police officers to enhance the welfare and safety of the children who are present. Data from police and social service records found that 460 children were involved in the 251 incidents examined, of which 44% were under the age of 5 (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012). Results from five focus groups of young people exposed to violence indicated that children felt the need for police officers to include them in the process and desired explanations about what would happen moving forward (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012). This finding is supported by research emphasizing the need for children to be listened to and included in decisions impacting their lives (Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008). Furthermore, interacting with and involving children may have secondary benefits. Richardson-Foster et al. (2012) reported that children who were spoken to directly and offered support expressed more positive attitudes about their experience with the police.

Despite the need for children to be involved, interviews with 27 police officers illustrated rather limited interactions between the police and children in DV cases (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012). In fact, police officers expressed reservations about speaking with children due to a lack of confidence and training on the matter. Children at these incidents were often viewed as observers on the sidelines rather than primary or secondary victims of violence (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012). This is evidenced by a limited amount of interaction and service response. For example, a retrospective study analyzing PTSD and resilience among children exposed to DV discovered that 94.1% of the participants did not receive any services during childhood. Nearly 53% of participants also reported that police responded to the violence and therefore had the opportunity to refer the child and/or protective parent to a service provider (Anderson & Bang, 2012).

A recent national study of police response to children exposed to family violence provided valuable information regarding police response in the United States (Finkelhor & Turner, 2015). Most notably, approximately 25% of youth who were present during the family violence incident reported that the police spoke to them directly. Most youth who interacted with police viewed the contact favorably, and in-person police response significantly reduced trauma symptoms among children present. Although a large percentage of incidents did not result in arrest, when an arrest occurred, nearly half of the youth reported witnessing it. Finally, children’s trauma symptoms were found to be highest when the victim left the home after the incident and lowest when the perpetrator left the home after the incident, illustrating the importance of properly identifying the primary aggressor in family violence incidents (Finkelhor & Turner, 2015). For example, if an officer misidentifies the victim as the primary aggressor, the victim, if arrested, would be removed from the home, which Finkelhor and Turner (2015) suggest may exacerbate the child’s trauma symptoms.

In addition to improving victim satisfaction and reducing trauma symptoms among children, positive police interaction with children at the scene may also serve as a powerful message to the protective parent that the situation is negatively influencing their children, subsequently increasing the likelihood that the victim will seek additional help (Meyer, 2010; Nitu, 2012). However, it is critical that police approach such encounters with an understanding of the consequences (e.g., reduced likelihood of future reporting) of directly or indirectly blaming the protective parent for the impact of the violence on the children. For example, use of “failure to protect” laws against victims of DV has been associated with several unintended consequences including increased risk to the victim and/or children, reduced likelihood of future reporting and/or service utilization, and separation of the child from the protective parent (Douglas & Walsh, 2010; Ewen, 2007; Kopels & Chesnut Sheridan, 2002). Conversely, appropriate police involvement with children at DV incidents has been shown to increase the likelihood of the victim contacting the police in the future (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012), thus providing further opportunities to connect victims and their children to community-based services.

Considering the prevalence and significant impact of DV on children, as well as the noticeable lack of research on police response to children specifically, the present study sought to expand current knowledge and understanding of police response to children using a solutions-based framework. Therefore, the three objectives of the present study included (1) determining the frequency of child presence, as well as level of exposure; (2) examining how often police officers speak directly with children who are present and what factors impact this decision; and (3) identifying the impact of child presence at DV incidents on police response. For the final objective, it was expected that child presence would increase the likelihood of police response.

Methodology

The present study examined a census of 345 DV police reports from a municipal police department in the Northwestern United States between July 1, 2013, and December 31, 2013. Two researchers collected data for this project. Using a coding sheet, each researcher examined a portion of the reports until all reports within the designated time frame had been examined. Both researchers coded the first 15 reports and compared results to ensure consistency. Inconsistencies were noted in two reports regarding level of child exposure to the incident. After discussion, definitions of exposure were clarified to ensure reliability. For the purposes of this study, DV was conceptualized using the classification provided in the state statute enforced in the study jurisdiction. Per the state statute, DV was defined as the assault or battery of a household member. Assault was defined as the intentional and unlawful attempt or threat to commit a violent injury to another person. Battery included the willful and unlawful touching, use of force, or infliction of bodily harm toward another person against their will. Within the study jurisdiction, household member was limited to individuals who are married, formerly married, have a child in common, or cohabitate; therefore, only incidents with these qualifying relationships were included in the census of cases.²

Measurement

All data were gathered from the narrative and DV Supplement form contained in the census of police reports. In the study jurisdiction, all officers are required to complete the DV Supplement form for every DV incident to which they respond. Due to the exploratory nature of the present study, multiple dependent, independent, and control variables were examined.

Dependent variables

In order to measure police response, a total of four dependent variables were analyzed. Victim-directed intervention was defined as any response on behalf of the victim or child present that addressed his or her needs or served to increase safety, healing, or victim satisfaction (i.e., referred to services, contacted a victim witness coordinator, provided information about civil protection orders, transported to a safe location, etc.). Victim-directed follow-up was marked affirmatively if the report contained a note to forward the case for further review (DV unit, persons unit, detective, etc.), or a follow-up report was included indicating that the victim was contacted following the initial police response for additional support (medical attention, services, interview, etc.). For cases in which follow-up was conducted, the detective’s follow-up report was examined to determine whether services were provided. If services were referred or received, a list of the specific services was documented. Arrest at initial incident was limited to offender arrests that occurred at the initial incident and police–child interaction was marked affirmatively if the officer spoke directly to one or more of the children present at the initial incident.

Independent variables

The primary independent variable in the present study was child presence, which was defined as a child who was within close proximity to the dwelling in which the DV incident occurred. This study considered close proximity as being within the room, house, or curtilage of the dwelling in which the incident occurred. Child was defined as anyone between the ages of birth and 17 years of age who was not directly involved in the DV incident, which is consistent with previous research (McDonald, Jouriles, Ramisetty-Mikler, Caetano, & Green, 2006).

Child presence was further expanded by examining the child’s level of exposure to the violent altercation, the age of the child(ren) present, and the number of children present. Specifically, exposure was defined as intervening, seeing, or hearing the incident occur, which is consistent with common types of exposure identified in previous research (Hamby et al., 2011; Holden, 2003). Exposure was subsequently categorized in accordance with definitions identified by Holden (2003) as intervened (attempted to verbally or physically stop the assault or was directly involved in the altercation), witnessed (directly observed the assault), overheard (heard, but did not see the assault), and other. If multiple children were present, the most direct form of exposure was documented. Age and number of children present were also examined by documenting the total number of children present and the specific age of each child.

Control variables

In order to account for external factors that may impact an officer’s decision to arrest, provide services to the victim, initiate follow-up, or speak directly with the child(ren), six control variables were included. Because sex of the offender and severity of injury have been shown in previous research to influence the decision-making of criminal justice system personnel (Reaves, 2017; Worrall, Ross, & McCord, 2006), female offender (yes/no) and level of offense (felony/misdemeanor) were analyzed in the present study. As a contextual measure of severity, the DV Supplement in the study jurisdiction incorporates a risk assessment to measure increasing dangerousness and lethality in future DV incidents. Specifically, the risk assessment uses evidence-based risk factors for dangerousness, such as prior history of DV and other offender behaviors, to measure risk of future violence. In addition to dangerousness, evidence-based lethality factors such as attempted strangulation and recent separation are used to measure risk of intimate partner homicide.³ In the present study, lethality factors (yes/no) were used to denote the level of risk because they indicate the potential for the highest severity of violence in a relationship. In addition to offender sex and incident severity, recent research has noted the impact of victim–offender relationship on arrest decisions (O’Neal, 2016; Reaves, 2017); therefore, the present study included victim–offender relationship as spouse or nonspouse (e.g., former spouse, cohabitants, etc.). If multiple relationships were indicated in the report, such as cohabiting and spouse, only the most intimate relationship was documented (i.e., spouse). Finally, as a supplementary measure of context and incident characteristics, location was analyzed as residence and nonresidence.

Analytic Procedure

Descriptive statistics were calculated for all variables discussed earlier, and additional analyses using binary logistic regression were conducted to examine predictors of the dependent variables. Each of the variables included in the binary logistic regressions was continuous, ordinal, or recoded into dichotomous categories with at least 15% of cases in each category. The one exception was victim-directed intervention, which yielded only 10% in the intervention category after being collapsed into a dichotomous variable. Despite this limitation, victim-directed intervention remained a crucial variable in the present study and was included in the analyses. Additionally, because the unit of analysis in the present study was DV incident, and police–child interaction was marked affirmatively if the officer spoke with any of the children present, the age of the oldest child present was used in regression analyses. Furthermore, exposure was collapsed into two categories for analyses: direct (intervened or witnessed) and indirect (overheard or other).

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Descriptive statistics for incident characteristics, frequency of child presence, and police response to children present are displayed in Table 1. The majority of incidents were misdemeanors (85%), occurred in a residence (85%), and involved zero lethality factors (76%). Most offenders were male (82%) and a nonspouse (56%). Similar to findings from previous research (Burton, 2000; Edleson et al., 2007; Fantuzzo & Fusco, 2007), a child was present in 47% of DV incidents examined. Of the cases in which the age of the child was indicated in the police report, 51% of the children present were under six years of age. Fifty percent of children were directly exposed to the altercation (i.e., intervened or witnessed); however, when excluding cases in which the level of exposure was not indicated, the proportion of children directly exposed to the violence increased to 68%.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics.

Variables	N	%	Mean (SD)	Range
Independent measures
Level of offense^a
Felony	52	15
Misdemeanor	287	85
Location (residence)	293	85
Victim–offender relationship (married)^b	151	44
Sex of the offender (female)	62	18
Lethality factors (yes)^c	66	24
Child present (yes)	162	47
Level of exposure to DV incident^d
Direct	81	68
Indirect	38	32
Age of children present^e			6.6 (5.3)	0–17
Number of children present			1.8 (1.1)	1–7
Dependent measures
Victim-directed intervention (yes)	36	10
Victim-directed follow-up (yes)	102	30
Arrest at initial incident (yes)	137	40
Police–child interaction (yes)	46	29

Note. DV = domestic violence.

^aSix information reports were excluded.

^bNot indicated in N = 2.

^cNot indicated in N = 74.

^dNot indicated in N = 43.

^eNot indicated in N = 20.

Although the police reports indicated that children were present in 47% of the cases examined, only 21% of incidents included the charge enhancement of domestic assault or battery in the presence of a child. In these cases, officers documented that a child was present but categorized the charge as “domestic assault or battery” instead of “domestic assault or battery in the presence of a child” which carries additional punishment.⁴ A small portion of this disparity is due to differences in definitions (i.e., the study jurisdiction defines child as under 16 years of age; in the present study, child included individuals up to 17 years of age) and the use of a hierarchy rule when classifying offenses.⁵ However, even when taking these factors into consideration, there is still a notable discrepancy between the number of cases in which a child was present and the number that were charged with the enhancement. When considering only cases involving children under the age of 16 and accounting for the hierarchy rule, the enhancement was utilized in 52% of cases with a child present. Of the cases in which the enhancement was not charged and the level of exposure was indicated, 57% of the children were directly exposed to the violence.

In regard to the dependent variables, police reported a victim-directed intervention in 10% of cases including referred for services (3%), contacted a victim witness coordinator (2%), referred for services and contacted a victim witness coordinator (1%), and other response/intervention (4%). Additionally, police arrested the offender at the initial incident in 40% of cases. It is important to note that this number may be slightly lower than the total number of cases ultimately resulting in arrest considering the present study only included arrests that occurred at the initial incident. For example, if the offender was not present when police arrived and was subsequently arrested several days after the altercation, it was not included as an arrest at the initial incident. Of the cases in which a child was present, police officers reported speaking directly to at least one of the children present in 29% of incidents. Although officers did not speak to the child(ren) in 71% of cases, this may be partially due to the percentage of cases with children present who may not have been verbally proficient due to their age. In 39% of cases all of the children present were under the age of 4, and police–child interaction was documented in 2% of these cases. Conversely, police–child interaction was documented in 51% of cases with a child present who was 4 years or older. These descriptive analyses indicate that, while age is a contributing factor, it is not the only factor influencing police–child interaction.

Logistic Regression Analyses

In order to evaluate significant predictors of police response to children present at DV incidents, the four dependent variables were analyzed using a binary logistic regression. Because exposure, age, and number of children present were only documented if a child was present, the inclusion of those variables excluded an unnecessarily high number of cases. As a result, these variables were only included in the regression analysis for police–child interaction, which was already subject to a smaller sample size due to the nature of the variable. The only other variable in the analysis of police–child interaction was level of offense, which was deemed to be the best measure of incident severity.

Victim-directed intervention

In the regression analyses, child presence was a statistically significant predictor of victim-directed intervention in the form of referrals, contacting a victim witness coordinator, or other response/intervention. If a child was present, the odds of victim-directed intervention increased by 532% (B = 1.844, p < .05). Therefore, although victim-directed intervention only occurred in 10% of cases examined, child presence significantly increased the odds of some type of victim-directed response (see Table 2).

Table 2.

Binary Logistic Regressions.

Independent Variables	B	SE	OR
Victim-directed intervention^a
Child present	1.844	.503	6.320*
Victim–offender relationship	0.418	.442	1.519
Lethality factors	0.130	.532	1.139
Location	0.710	.595	2.035
Level of offense	0.988	.567	2.687
Female offender	−0.732	.668	0.481
Victim-directed follow-up^b
Child present	0.782	.303	2.185*
Victim–offender relationship	0.359	.302	1.432
Lethality factors	0.755	.352	2.128*
Location	0.334	.429	1.396
Level of offense	1.140	.409	3.127*
Female offender	−1.241	.516	0.289*
Arrest^c
Child present	−0.689	.270	0.502*
Victim–offender relationship	−0.291	.267	0.748
Lethality factors	−0.705	.367	0.494
Location	0.391	.378	1.478
Level of offense	1.179	.424	3.251*
Female offender	1.150	.362	3.159*
Police–child interaction^d
Level of exposure to DV incident	1.189	.666	3.284
Age of oldest child present	0.404	.073	1.498*
Number of children present	−0.119	.297	0.888
Level of offense	0.178	.850	1.194

Note. OR = odds ratio; DV = domestic violence. ^a N = 268; −2Log likelihood = 157.143; R ² = 0.164.

^b N = 269; −2Log likelihood = 284.125; R ² = 0.181.

^c N = 269; −2Log likelihood = 336.269; R ² = 0.132.

^d N = 107; −2Log likelihood = 74.791; R ² = 0.651.

*p < .05.

Victim-directed follow-up

As illustrated in Table 2, there were several statistically significant predictors of police recommended and/or completed victim-directed follow-up (see Table 2). If a child was present at the DV incident, the odds of follow-up increased by 119% (B = 0.782, p < .05). The presence of lethality factors also increased the odds of follow-up by 113% (B = 0.755, p < .05), and by 213% for those cases with a felony charge (B = 1.140, p <.05). Conversely, the odds of follow-up were reduced by 71% in cases involving a female offender.

Arrest

Similarly, regression analyses identified three statistically significant predictors of arrest. The presence of a child significantly decreased the odds of arrest by 50% (B = −0.689, p < .05). In addition, level of offense and female offender were found to be statistically significant predictors of arrest. A felony charge increased the odds of arrest by 225% (B = 1.179, p < .05), and being a female offender increased the odds of arrest by 216% (B = 1.150, p < .05).

Police–child interaction

In order to further examine police–child interaction, several binary logistic regression models were tested. A statistically significant relationship between age of the oldest child present and police–child interaction was identified, even after controlling for three other relevant variables (see Table 2). For every 1-unit increase in age of the oldest child present, the odds of an officer speaking to the child(ren) directly increased by 50% (B = 0.404, p <.05). The Nagelkerke’s R ² value (.651) also suggested that the independent variables included in the regression analysis were responsible for the majority of the variance in police–child interaction.

Discussion

In order to provide a comprehensive understanding of police response to children present at DV incidents, the present study sought to (1) determine the frequency of child presence, including level of exposure; (2) ascertain how often police officers speak directly with children who are present at DV incidents and what factors impact this decision; and (3) examine the impact of child presence at DV incidents on police response. In regard to the first objective, similar to findings from previous research, children were present at nearly half of all DV incidents with 51% under 6 years of age, and, in a majority of cases where level of exposure was indicated, at least one of the children present was directly exposed to the violence. Considering the well-documented negative effects of childhood exposure to DV, the frequency of child presence and level of exposure noted in the present study are concerning. These findings highlight the need for effective, trauma-informed services to address the short- and long-term needs of children exposed to DV.

In regard to how police respond to children, officers reported speaking directly to the child(ren) in less than one third of incidents in which a child was present, partially due to the proportion of cases involving children who may not have been verbally proficient due to their age. It is evident in existing research that children have the desire to be included, and officers speaking directly to children present and providing them with the opportunity to voice their concerns is critical to children’s perceptions of law enforcement and overall satisfaction with the encounter (Richardson-Foster et al., 2012). Unfortunately, findings in the present study suggest that officers were reluctant to speak with children present at DV incidents. As a result, children were rarely afforded the opportunity to voice their concerns and participate in the process that directly impacted their life.

In reference to the third objective, several factors were found to be statistically significant predictors of the four measures of police response. Logistic regression analyses indicated that child presence was a statistically significant predictor of arrest, victim-directed intervention, and victim-directed follow-up. In fact, the presence of a child increased the odds of victim-directed intervention by 532% and victim-directed follow-up by 119%. This may be due to officers recognizing the additional harm when children are present, officers’ desire to protect the children, and/or more victim interest in services. Research suggests that victims frequently report high concerns regarding the impact of the abuse on their children, which has been shown to increase help-seeking behaviors in some situations (Rhodes, Cerulli, Dichter, Kothari, & Barg, 2010). Contrary to the impact of child presence on victim-directed intervention and victim-directed follow-up, the relationship between arrest and child presence was in the opposite direction than anticipated with child presence decreasing the odds of arrest, which may be due to officer discretion. For example, it is possible that officers may choose not to arrest the offender while the children are present in an effort to avoid further trauma. However, as noted above, research suggests that children’s trauma symptoms are lowest when offenders are required to leave after incidents (Finkelhor & Turner, 2015). Further research is necessary to provide a more comprehensive understanding of officer decision-making in these cases.

Using an exploratory framework, the present study reviewed reports from one police department in a relatively homogenous jurisdiction. Future research would benefit from a larger, more representative sample of cases as well as a mixed methods approach to better identify contextual factors that are often not included in police reports. Additionally, as with any methodology using analysis of existing records, the information included in the reports cannot be altered or made more complete. For example, level of exposure and age of children present were often not indicated in the report, resulting in a fair amount of missing data for those variables. Additionally, some types of relevant interventions may not be documented by officers in reports. While there is a specific section in the report and/or DV Supplement for referrals and arrests, researchers relied on the narrative section of the report to measure contact with victim witness coordinators, other responses/interventions, and police–child interaction, which may not be documented as consistently in the narrative section. Measurement of arrest was also limited to cases in which the offender was arrested at the initial incident; therefore, situations in which the offender was arrested after the initial police response were not included. While it is important to consider these limitations when interpreting the significance of the findings, the present study provides valuable insight into a scarcely researched topic that has important implications.

Overall, the findings of this study suggest that childhood exposure to DV is widespread and victim-directed police response is minimal. Although child presence was a significant predictor of three of the four dependent variables examined, police response to children and protective parents appears to be relatively rare. Officers demonstrate a reluctance to respond to children, especially young children, as well as a lack of focus on resources and support for the protective parent. These findings highlight the importance of examining practical implications to improve response to children exposed to DV.

Implications for Policy and Practice

Despite limited police response to victims and children noted in the present study, a recent report published through a joint effort between the International Association of Chiefs of Police, Yale Medicine Child Study Center, and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention highlights that when police officers deliver trauma-informed responses to children exposed to violence, they have the opportunity to (1) reestablish a sense of safety, (2) facilitate the healing process, and (3) improve children’s attitudes toward the police (Marans & Hahn, 2017). Considering the limited frequency of police–child interaction evidenced in the present study and apparent benefits of positive responses, additional training on strategies and best practices is needed to improve officers’ comfort, willingness, and ability to speak with children present at DV incidents. Best practices identified in existing research include identifying and documenting any children in the home and their level of exposure to the incident; speaking with children at eye level about what happened and what is going to happen next; validating children’s emotional responses; assisting the protective parent with comforting the child; coordination of services; and understanding the impact of DV on children (Berkman & Esserman, 2004; Centre for Children and Families in the Justice System of the London Family Court Clinic, 2004; Marans & Hahn, 2017). However, considering the limited role of police officers, collaboration is a key component of effective and comprehensive response to children exposed to violence. A combination of positive police response and availability of continuing support for children and protective parents through police-community partnerships is critical to the provision of an effective and holistic response.

In addition to improved training and collaboration, there is also a need for further research to expand upon some of the findings of the present study. Qualitative interviews with police officers would provide important information regarding the factors taken into consideration when responding to children present at DV incidents. For example, a qualitative approach may help explain why officers are less likely to arrest when children are present, their reluctance to speak with children, and what steps could be taken to reduce their concerns. Because policing is only one piece of a systemic response to childhood exposure to violence, and referrals and partnerships depend on the availability of community-based services, further research is also needed to identify the availability and effectiveness of services for children exposed to violence.

It is essential for the criminal justice system to recognize the effects of DV on children and respond appropriately. It is evident in previous research, and supported by the present study, that children are frequently present at DV incidents and are often directly exposed to the altercation. Although police officers are more likely to provide a victim-directed response when a child is present, these responses remain rare. Furthermore, findings indicate that the odds of arrest decrease when a child is present, despite statutory confirmation of the enhanced severity. In order to facilitate positive police response to children exposed to DV, plausible improvements can be implemented including additional training and utilization of best practices. However, given the limited role of police officers, further research is needed to examine best policies and practices for a holistic response to children exposed to DV, especially children under the age of 6.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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