The Co-Occurrence of Child Maltreatment and Intimate Partner Violence: A Commentary on the Special Issue

Abstract

Keywords

childhood maltreatment domestic/intimate partner violence exposure to domestic violence

Historically, child maltreatment and intimate partner violence (IPV) have been treated independently along separate trajectories with respect to research, policy, and service provision. These two forms of family violence, however, routinely overlap, with common risk factors, co-occurrence in the same family system or household, intergenerational effects, and common and compounding adverse effects across the lifespan (Guedes et al., 2016). Years of siloed research have resulted in specialized and narrowly focused areas in the field, where scholars and practitioners have honed in on the risks, effects, and prevention and intervention strategies for specific forms of violence. These efforts have moved the field forward in substantial ways but have somewhat constrained the ability to understand and synthesize the complex etiology of interpersonal violence and develop comprehensive prevention and intervention efforts. Increasingly over the past decade, scholars have called for greater integration of these separate lines of research toward a more comprehensive understanding of interpersonal violence (see Banyard, 2013; Hamby, 2011; Hamby & Grych, 2013; Kazdin, 2011). This will foster a new standard of integration (see Wilkins et al., 2014). The ten articles in this special issue are excellent examples of integration by scholars who are advancing the field through their research on the co-occurrence of child maltreatment and IPV, specifically in the areas of child welfare services, parenting and intergenerational transmission, health-related outcomes, and approaches to polyvictimization.

IPV and Child Welfare

Many children referred to child welfare systems have some exposure to IPV in their lifetime and would benefit from integrated services from child welfare and domestic violence service providers; however, tensions between these family serving systems may derail these efforts (Coulter & Mercado-Crespo, 2015; Fleck-Henderson, 2000; Fusco, 2013; Mennicke et al., 2019). In 1999, the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges (NCJFCJ) published recommendations for how child welfare agencies, domestic violence service providers, and dependency courts should respond to families experiencing child maltreatment and IPV. Ever since “the Greenbook” was published (NCJFCJ, 1999), systems have grappled with how to best meet the needs of individuals and families who experience co-occurring violence. Currently, approximately half of the states in the United States address children’s exposure to IPV in statute (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2021) and the child welfare system continues to evaluate and modify its approach to accounting for IPV in risk assessments and case determinations.

The authors of three articles in this issue address critical questions regarding policies and practices with respect to IPV and child welfare systems. Victor et al. reviewed child protective services manuals from 41 state-level child welfare systems and found that many states have adopted policies that align with recommendations from the Greenbook and the Safe and Together Institute, specifically promoting substantiation of exposure to IPV with a ‘harm’ or ‘threat of harm’ threshold and not sanctioning adult survivors of IPV victimization. However, the findings also accentuated a lack of operationalization of exposure to IPV within existing categories of maltreatment or as a separate type of maltreatment, along with a lack of policies for identifying the primary aggressor of IPV. Armstrong and Bosk highlighted the challenges of adhering to a supportive framework, especially when utilizing a structured decision-making tool, and why some child welfare practices continue to produce punitive outcomes for adults who experience IPV victimization. Related, Rebbe et al. examined how the presence of IPV influences child protective services decisions at the level of hotline calls and found that nearly all IPV-identified cases were screened in and investigated, which was substantially more than calls without evidence of IPV.

Findings from these three studies highlight the ongoing challenge of addressing IPV within child welfare systems. The authors emphasize how some child welfare practices continue to unduly punish caregivers who experience IPV victimization and how the dynamics of IPV may not be well integrated into risk assessment processes and appropriate referrals for children and adults. There is no nationally agreed upon practice guidance for responding to child maltreatment that involves IPV, and many child welfare workers lack training and education on effective responses in IPV cases (Fusco, 2013). Mothers who experience IPV victimization are often required by child welfare workers to engage in services that have limited evidence of effectiveness (Austin et al., 2019), while fathers are often neglected from child maltreatment and IPV prevention and intervention efforts despite the existence of programs that focus on the co-occurrence of child maltreatment and IPV with demonstrated attitudinal and behavioral changes among male offenders (e.g., Caring Dads: Crooks et al., 2006; McConnell et al., 2016; Fathers for Change: Stover, 2013; Stover et al., 2020; Strong Fathers: Pennell et al., 2014).

Parenting

Both mothers and their children may experience a variety of mental and physical health symptoms as a result of experiencing and witnessing IPV (Bonomi et al., 2009; Bosch et al., 2017; Carlson et al., 2019). The spillover effect asserts that emotions and mood generated in adult intimate relationships will flow into and negatively influence other significant (i.e., parent–child) relationships (Engfer, 1988; Erel & Burman, 1995; Krisknakumar & Buehler, 2000). Experiencing IPV may negatively affect a woman’s parenting (Ardelt & Eccles, 2001; Gibson et al., 2015; Jones & Prinz, 2005; Lapierre, 2009; Pels et al., 2015), which in turn may influence child behavior and outcomes (Gibson et al., 2015; Harding et al., 2013; Jones & Prinz, 2005; Samuelson et al., 2012; Vu et al., 2016). Childhood experiences of maltreatment and exposure to IPV may also negatively influence one’s later parenting behaviors (Greene et al., 2020), and both perpetrators and victims of IPV are at an increased risk for maltreating their children.

The authors of three articles in this issue focus on differing ways that IPV and child maltreatment influence parenting. Riggs et al. found that women’s experiences of IPV in childhood and adulthood each influenced their reports of their child’s social-emotional problems through different parenting pathways. Women’s exposure to IPV in childhood was associated with greater observed negative parenting behaviors, such as hostility and insensitivity, which led to increased perceptions of toddlers’ social-emotional problems. Women’s experiences of IPV in adulthood were associated with greater self-reported parenting problems, such as feelings of frustration and helplessness, which led to increased perceptions of toddlers’ social-emotional problems. Mothers exposed to IPV in childhood did not have significantly increased self-reported parenting problems and mothers who experienced IPV in adulthood did not display greater negative parenting behaviors. Pu and Rodriguez found partial support for spillover effects within the family system. Mothers’ parent–child aggression risk at 18 months predicted reports of IPV victimization and child behavior problems at 4 years, while fathers’ reports of IPV victimization at 18 months predicted parent–child aggression risk at 4 years. Focusing on the spillover between childhood and adulthood experiences, Coe et al. found that mothers who experienced IPV victimization reported greater prenatal depressive symptoms, along with problematic parent–child interactions at 12 months postpartum and decreased parental sensitivity; however, these indirect effects were moderated by mothers’ adverse childhood experiences (including child abuse, neglect, and exposure to physical violence). The association between IPV and prenatal depressive symptoms was only present among women who reported high levels of adverse experiences in childhood.

Research on violence often highlights the negative consequences of victimization and overlooks indicators of healthy functioning (Sabina & Banyard, 2015). Scholars should increase their focus on the connections between resilience, IPV, and well-being (Crann & Barata, 2016; Jose & Novaco, 2016), as there are numerous examples of strength, resilience, and protective factors among children and adults who experience family violence (Anderson et al., 2012; Carlson et al., 2019; Howell et al., 2018; Meng et al., 2018; Nixon et al., 2017), including documentation of how mothers actively use parenting strategies to promote resilience in their children (Fogarty et al., 2019). Researchers continue to call for more interventions that support the parent–child relationship and provide adults with strategies to listen and learn from their children in order to further understand their children’s experience of exposure to violence (Anderson & van Ee, 2018; Carlson et al., 2019); specifically, group work interventions to support the parent–child relationship by focusing on communication strategies (Insetta et al., 2015) increased understanding of children’s behavior and experience of IPV (Miranda et al., 2020), and positive parenting strategies (Herschell et al., 2017).

Polyvictimization

Interpersonal or crime-related victimization of any one type is associated with different types of subsequent victimization (Finkelhor et al., 2007). Experiences of polyvictimization in childhood are associated with an increased risk of later victimization and the field has been embracing more integrative, person-centered strategies of violence and victimization (Dierkhising et al., 2019; Grasso, Dierkhising et al., 2016; Grasso, Petitclerc et al., 2016; Wolfe, 2018). Polyvictimization is based on an individual’s lifetime or recent (e.g., past year) experiences. Researchers typically use one of three methods to operationalize polyvictimization (Ford & Delker, 2018), although the degree of agreement among these approaches is moderate (Segura et al., 2018).

The authors of three articles in this issue focus on polyvictimization using person-centered methods. Brown et al. explored externalizing behaviors associated with exposure to IPV, neglect, physical abuse, and psychological aggression at three stages of development: early childhood, middle childhood, and adolescence. Three latent classes (high family violence, low family violence, and child physical abuse and psychological aggression) were found at all three stages. At the early childhood stage, a fourth class (partner and child physical abuse and child psychological aggression) was found. Similarly, Free et al. explored mental health outcomes among women who experienced unique combinations of childhood abuse (physical and sexual) and IPV in adulthood (physical, sexual, and psychological). The findings revealed that women with histories of both childhood abuse and adult IPV had greater mental health impairments compared to women who experienced multiple types of IPV in adulthood and women who experienced psychological IPV in adulthood only. Handley et al. found that childhood experiences of chronic and multiple subtypes of maltreatment (e.g., physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional maltreatment, and neglect) and childhood experiences of neglect alone were associated with childhood physical aggression, which increased the risk for conflict, criticism, and antagonism in romantic relationships in emerging adulthood.

Findings from these studies underscore how the effects of child maltreatment and IPV vary by combination of victimization types and developmental stage. Some cumulative impact approaches assume that various types of victimization have an equal effect on outcomes, although experiences with distinct combinations of multiple types of violence are likely associated with unique effects. The results of these studies support the evidence base for a dose-response to violence and also demonstrate that unique combinations of victimization may be differentially associated with health and well-being-related outcomes. These studies highlight the need for child and family service providers, mental health professionals, and researchers to account for the whole spectrum of multiple victimization experiences in intervention and prevention efforts.

Conclusion

Family violence research has a relatively short history with an incredible amount of high-quality output. Over the past several decades, countless scholars have contributed to significantly advancing knowledge of risk and protective factors at various socioecological levels and identifying a plethora of mental health, physical health, cognitive, economic, and socioemotional effects associated with various types of child maltreatment and IPV victimization and perpetration among diverse populations. Substantial gains have been made in advancing theoretical and conceptual frameworks (e.g., Bell & Naugle, 2008; Carlson et al., 2019; Chesworth, 2018; De Coster & Heimer, 2021; Guedes & Mikton, 2013; Sijtsema et al., 2020), critically evaluating measurement strategies (e.g., Fallon et al., 2010; Follingstad & Bush, 2014; Grych & Hamby, 2014; Haselschwerdt et al., 2019; Latzman et al., 2017), evaluating prevention and intervention programs (see reviews and meta-analyses focused on child maltreatment: van der Put et al., 2018; IPV prevention: Whitaker et al., 2013; IPV among females: Ogbe et al., 2020; Trabold et al., 2020); IPV among males: Eckhardt et al., 2013; Murphy & Ting, 2010; Stephens-Lewis et al., 2019; Tarzia et al., 2020; children exposed to IPV: Romano et al., 2019; and women and children exposed to IPV: Anderson & van Ee, 2018), and enhancing prevention efforts (Fortson et al., 2016; Niolon et al., 2017). Still, however, not all empirical investigations and intervention efforts account for co-occurring child maltreatment and IPV within and across individuals and families.

Along with continued advancements in research, theory, policy, and practice efforts with respect to child maltreatment and IPV, separately, the call remains for scholars and practitioners to prioritize efforts that address the complexity of co-occurring forms of violence and the overlapping risk pathways. Advancing the research agenda will require stronger collaborations among child welfare workers, IPV advocates, and research institutions to explore the impact of IPV-related policies on outcomes among children and families involved in child welfare systems. Research that integrates both person-centered and variable-centered methods over time could identify causal mechanisms toward developing a better understanding of polyvictimization and the influence of developmental timing. Focusing on understudied topics, such as the corollary victims of intimate partner homicide (see Lyons et al. in this issue), could yield novel findings that strengthen partnerships among child welfare, IPV, law enforcement, medical, and mental health professionals. Further, expanding IPV research efforts that engage multiple family members can better elucidate the influence of family dynamics on child outcomes. The research in this special issue continues to move the field forward on topics related to child maltreatment and IPV, providing further evidence into the varied and intricate ways that these forms of family violence co-occur. The authors in this special issue provide compelling rationales for the ongoing need to investigate co-occurring forms of violence, within individuals and family systems, and to translate these findings into improved policies and practices.

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

I was honored and humbled by the invitation from Drs. Whitaker, Stover, and Grasso to write this commentary. For the past 15 years, I have focused my research on IPV, child maltreatment, and co-occurring forms and types of family and interpersonal violence; and, I hope each study has advanced the field in a meaningful way. I am in awe of the editors and authors who contributed to this special issue and admire their efforts to engage in research that contributes to the goal of creating a more integrated and comprehensive understanding of family violence. I learned so much from these scholars through this process.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Lynette M. Renner

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