Abstract
Journalism education in India is framed in the higher education system, comprising of programs in the universities, both government-supported and media-backed private institutions, as well as in-service and short-term courses offered by press associations and other organizations. They are offered at different levels from certificate to diploma to both undergraduates and postgraduates. Due to requirements of the media industry, there is a constant friction about the need to balance the academic and professional aspects in the curriculum. This has led to skepticism in the past about the relevance of formal journalism education. However, with globalization and growth of the media sector, there is an enhanced need for professionals. Many big media groups have launched journalism programs. Institutional and professional aspects of the programs in India and issues pertaining to curriculum, responses, and critique have been factored in this article.
History
The year 2016 marked the 75th anniversary of the launch of journalism education in India, if we take into account the launch of the program in Panjab University in an, as yet, undivided India. Systematic instruction in journalism in India was first started at the University of Panjab in 1941, when a 1-year postgraduate diploma in journalism education was established. About 30 students received diplomas each year until 1947, when India was partitioned (Singh, 1959). Subsequently, a new department of journalism was established in New Delhi affiliated to the (then) East Panjab University, now known as Panjab University. 1
This formal launch was preceded by other efforts. The first of these was in the early 1920s and was an initiative of Annie Besant, a theosophist and advocate of the Home Rule movement in India to counter the British colonial administration. Besant taught Indian journalists to write strong leading articles denouncing the action of the government, yet keeping within the letter of the law. The short-lived attempt in Aligarh, Tamil Nadu, was followed by the American College of Journalism in Bombay (now Mumbai), set up by Dr. J. B. Kumarappa in 1936. Similarly, an experiment in the training of journalists was initiated by Aligarh University. It was, however, terminated in 1940. It was Punjab University in Lahore (now in Pakistan) that introduced a course in the then undivided India in 1941 with a 1-year postgraduate diploma course. It later started the course in New Delhi in 1948 (CMS Academy, 2015). Eapen (1991) summarizes later developments: In free India, it was at Hislop Christian College, Nagpur University, that a full-fledged Journalism Department was organized, 1952-53. A Fulbright scholar, Dr. Roland E. Wolseley, was in charge, followed by Prof. Floyd Baskette, better known among American textbook writers of their times in reporting and editing respectively. Wolseley’s Journalism in Modern India of his Nagpur days and the Indian Reporter’s Guide (1962, by another American Professor at Hislop) still continue to be valued texts at many of the Indian programs. The U.S. thrust has continued into the 1990s. The Indian educational level has risen to graduate programs and Indian scholars settled in the States also now come under the Fulbright umbrella, with no radical departures from the Singh and Wolseley days. Even the Indian Institute of Mass Communication, New Delhi, established in 1965, was conceptualized by the Wilbur Schramm Team of American experts. Despite its 25 years, the Institute has not been able to enrich indigenous scholarship very much.
The Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC) now celebrating its 50th anniversary is on the verge of becoming a University of Journalism and Communication. This effort is intended to improve communication skills among the political cadres and bureaucracy.
Overview
Journalism education institutions in India can be grouped under (a) the university system, (b) private institutions not necessarily backed by media groups, and (c) media-owned and/or media-backed institutions. While universities focus on formal degrees at various levels—bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral—other institutions including those run by the media focus on postgraduate diplomas. It is to ensure that the first degree comes from a recognized university, thereby avoiding any inconvenience to the diploma holders who could become eligible for jobs that necessarily require a university degree. Media-backed journalism programs do not confer formal competence for government jobs; thus, it is the first degree received from a recognized institution which is valid.
An estimate made for a joint study with the UK India Education Research Initiative summarizes the situation: Today, there are over 300 media or journalism schools at the University and non-university systems.
2
All these journalism and media schools offer courses at Bachelor, Master and Postgraduate diploma and diploma levels encompassing all media including print, broadcast, and the internet. Only courses that fall under the University system are under the purview of the University Grants Commission (UGC) and or State Governments who both fund Universities and also lay guidelines on curriculum and systems (including faculty recruitment). Private Universities that have emerged in the last few years in India are also mandated to follow certain set [of] systems and procedures set by the MHRD. Other non-university institutes or courses do not fall under any legal authority or need to follow any set standards. (CMS Academy, 2015, p. 11)
The higher education system in India as in most other countries revolves around the university system supported by the State and the private sector. More than 750 universities offer programs in various disciplines. Based on information gleaned from the Association of Indian Universities handbook (Association of Indian Universities, 2014), journalism programs are offered by 113 universities.
These programs are diverse and range from bachelor’s to PhD level as shown in Table 1. The enrollment figures in this table cover the duration of each program. In addition to universities, there are about 20 media-backed institutions that usually offer 1 or 2-year postgraduate diplomas. Their total enrollment is about 4,000 students.
Degrees of Journalism Education in Universities in India.
It can be estimated that in all these different degree programs, the total enrollment at any given time is about 30,000. The number of students who successfully completed these university programs is 16,543 in the reporting year of the survey (Ministry of Human Resource Development, 2016).
Obviously, one of the main employers of journalism graduates is the Indian media, comprising the mainstream media in print, radio, and television, and the new media that builds on mainstream media practices in conformity with technological changes. Other major sectors of employment are corporate, public relations, and civil society. The media scene is vibrant with a buoyant print media with a circulation of more than 350 million copies and more than 800 television channels. It is estimated that nearly 50,000 journalists work in the print media sector and around 20,000 journalists in the broadcasting sector. While in the past most journalists did not have a formal journalism degree, the new generation of media professionals typically has a degree or a diploma.
The focus of journalism education has by and large been on the editorial and reporting skills with elements in layout design and other support areas. Therefore, while the growth of the media sector is substantial, we need to separate them into news/current affairs and entertainment media. The discussion in many forums is on requirements in the news sector, while other industry bodies focus more on media and entertainment needs beyond news content.
In India, a series of transgressions of established reporting and editorial practices by the media has led to sharp debates among the public and intelligentsia including introspection by the media itself. It is in this context that the chairman of the Press Council of India (PCI), Justice Markandey Katju’s views on the need for minimum qualifications were not received well. Apart from advocating a broader Media Council, 3 he stated that it was time for the country to determine the minimum qualifications for a journalist. He also proceeded to set up a committee to determine these qualifications. The committee’s report, after examination by the Council, is expected to be sent to the Government for a decision as a basis for preparing appropriate legislation.
The PCI’s chairman drew a sharp reaction from a cross-section of stakeholders in Indian media. A successful editor of a leading magazine quoting his example stated that with very low academic qualifications he had done well. Another star anchor-media person of a media channel, who herself has a master’s degree in journalism, stated that the best training is to be had in the field. While it was true that journalism training standards were declining, the answer was not in more degrees. A media professional who is chairman of a foundation that runs a media school, Sasi Kumar, while endorsing the desirability of a degree or diploma, mentioned that some of the better investigative stories had come from the regional media by journalists who did not have master’s or doctoral degrees. The focus among professionals, despite their appreciation for a formal degree, was more on the practice of journalism and the need for reforms in the context of corporatization of the media: While in other countries, newspapers were a sunset industry and television was “plateauing,” India is an oasis for media, marking tremendous growth. It is financially laughing its way to the bank, while ethically and socially, it is wading through a crisis. The regional media was better off than the English media here. The growth of media here is at the cost of journalism. (Correspondent, 2013)
More recently, several issues have been raised concerning university and nonuniversity programs. The proliferation of studies in journalism and mass communication in both the university system and outside of it is significant. Journalism programs are considered as soft options and enjoy a greater popularity due to the glamor of TV and the perception that the media have power. This is also related to the career options, particularly in metropolitan and urban areas. In cities where the media presence is higher, journalists working for different media have an additional avenue of part-time teaching. Their experience is claimed to be more relevant than the theoretical emphasis in university programs.
The pluralistic and diverse student enrollment allows for greater sensitivity and exposure to a range of issues. Although improving, a major charge leveled against the Indian media coverage and treatment of issues is that it is elitist and does not give the marginalized section adequate coverage. With a range of issues that affects considerable sections of society—employment, food security, gender, and caste discrimination, it is strongly believed a holistic understanding of Indian society and the issues surrounding it is needed, and universities with all their limitations have the capacity to offer that. Furthermore, the Indian media are not English language oriented, although their claim to advertising share is disproportionate to their reach. The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) assess the media and entertainment industry with regard to growth and revenue patterns through an annual exercise.
Their report (KPMG, 2017), although skewed more toward entertainment, examines the health of different media with regard to their revenue and so on. By their accounts, the English print media continued to be under pressure while regional media buoyed by the demand from smaller towns and rural areas continued to expand and grow. The Audit Bureau of Circulation (ABC) in India recently released data that showed that India had not buckled under the global trend of decline in newspaper growth.
ABC data from 2006 to 2016 show that it is regional language newspapers that have contributed the most to the growth story with Hindi, Telugu and Kannada being the top three language publications that grew at a CAGR of 8.76%, 8.28% and 6.40% respectively. English media publications grew at a CAGR of 2.87% in the same period. In terms of regions, the north zone including the Hindi heartland saw the highest growth at 7.83%, followed by the South (4.95%), west (2.81%) and East (2.63%). (Gupta, 2017)
It is a fact that the growth of the television sector in India has been in the regional languages. In addition, the commencement of rural audience measurement by Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC) has allowed for advertisers and broadcasters to recognize the rural viewers. The demographic and linguistic orientation of Indian media necessitates a considerable relook at the approach and contents of journalism education with these variables.
The training requirements of journalists for the regional media, apart from Hindi, are another gray area. Media-backed schools such as Manorama School of Communication and Eenadu Journalism School have journalism program to cater to the Malayalam and Telugu media needs, respectively. In the University system, mainly the programs are offered through the English medium. However, the students’ profile is mainly from the state. There is an additional challenge of training material being available mainly in English. Universities of journalism have started functioning with a focus on Hindi journalism.
Contemporary Problems
A professional assessment of the Indian journalism education system recently undertaken for the bilateral U.K.–India initiative included interviews with media experts. The professionals, while recognizing the technical skills of the media graduates, lamented their lack of depth and critical understanding. It has come full circle; in the past, the argument was that they lacked familiarity with changes in technology in the newsrooms and were more critical. The circular nature of expectations continues. The only expectation in news and current affairs is also changing the genre and format of content based on the range of content delivery that is possible including the skills of combining information and entertainment as in infotainment.
The professionals felt that while journalism students are good at technical skills, they lacked the required depth and understanding of issues and were dependent on the web. The teachers in journalism and mass communication institutions while focusing on traditional or conventional media required to unlearn a lot about the current practices in these media. While recognizing that the newer journalism institutions (particularly backed by media houses) had designed course content to meet the industry needs and thereby enhance their placement potential, university courses had not completely addressed this aspect. The linguistic abilities required for English language media was another gray area, and by extension, the professionals felt that the abilities were weak in Indian languages too. The industry expects focus on technological knowhow (CMS Academy, 2015).
The low level of satisfaction among media professionals may not exactly reflect the true situation. Developments in content generating technology have considerably reduced the cost and focus on multiskills. The cumulative emphasis on skills to some extent tips the balance toward vocational training as opposed to education with analytical and critical tools to address the diverse needs of the country. University system claims that it can address this need.
A major concern in India that runs parallel to the growth of the media industry is the postliberalization nexus between the policy and the corporatization of media. For example, the owners of one of the largest newspapers and media groups in India redefined media role as follows: Especially the Times of India is also a product of their content and the unorthodox philosophy behind it. Bennett Coleman Company Limited (B.C.C.L) is a family-owned business, run by Samir Jain, the vice-chairman, and his brother, Vineet Jain, the managing director. “Both of us think out of the box,” Vineet told me on a recent afternoon: “We don’t go by the traditional way of doing business.” His company’s dominance can be explained simply, he added, although its methods are not taught in most Western journalism schools. “We are not in the newspaper business; we are in the advertising business,” he said. With newspapers sold so cheaply and generating little circulation revenue, newspapers depend on more on ad revenue; he said, and, “if ninety percent of your revenues come from advertising, you’re in the advertising business.” (Auletta, 2012)
By default, the expectation from their journalists is revenue-maximizing content. The educationists and trainers to match these expectations are expected to provide suitable training—a case of industry leading the education and training efforts.
The specter of paid news obliterating the distinction between news and advertisement (as in paid for) was perhaps a culmination of redrawing the definition and business understanding of what a newspaper is. This was sensational in the history of the Indian media as it exposed the corrupt practices. The PCI and the Election Commission of India have institutionally taken note of this in a report (Sub-Committee of the Press Council, 2010). It details and exposes a pattern of the process and method. Paranjoy Guha Thakurta whose report to the PCI reflects the menace has observed: It seems the Election Commission of India is the only body in the country that is seriously trying to combat the pernicious practice of “paid news.” If other organizations, including organizations that claim to represent the interests of journalists and other media professionals, played a more proactive role in curbing this corrupt practice, the phenomenon of masquerading advertisements as news could be curtailed to some extent. This is unfortunately not happening at a significant pace. (Thakurta, 2013)
Although paid news raised an outcry among different sections of the society including professionals, there are journalistic practices that are of daily concern. In the past, state and central government practices of providing housing and other incentives were critiqued. The so-called competition for both eyeballs and share of the advertising pie has brought in a culture of breaking news at the expense of verification and in many cases has reflected insensitivity with regard to assault and rape cases. In a comprehensive assessment, a consultation paper for the law commission of India stated, “Recent events related to the news media, such as the proliferation and subsequent curbing of social media, the paid news phenomenon, fake sting operations, trial by media, breach of privacy, etc. pose a set of anxieties.” Insensitivity, particularly with regard to gender, has been highlighted (Law Commission, 2014).
The issue, more than elaboration, does indeed bring to the fore the manifest corporatization of media and a host of issues that surround the dynamics of media economics in India. It also exposes to some extent the fragile nature of democracy and exposes the tall ambitious claims of media that they protect society to make informed choices. Ethics rooted in the moralistic framework can address this to some extent. Incorporation of ethics as a key curriculum component in the programs and sensitization through in-service programs for journalists may improve the professional standards.
The dynamics of ownership in the Indian media are equally a cause for concern. As a consultation paper has noted that proliferation of media in India has not necessarily expanded the public sphere due to media concentration (Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, 2013). With these developments, how far ethics can be factored into the curriculum is a difficult question despite its need. The Leveson reports and studies in the United Kingdom raised a query: The press provides an essential check on all aspects of public life. That is why any failure within the media affects all of us. At the heart of this Inquiry, therefore, may be one simple question: who guards the guardians? The details of this inquiry are not pertinent to this paper as much as the fact it raised the importance of media ethics. (Greenslade, 2013)
Such questions equally ought to confound and worry us, particularly in the university system that remains a bastion of the liberal and free expression of ideas including concerns of access, equity, and participation, particularly in the Indian context. A colleague holistically referred to this as academia arguing that their job is not to “create cookie-cutter media workers, but reflective and critical practitioners of the journalistic craft” (Usha, 2015). How the teachers are recruited in university departments is also an area of reflection.
The University Grants Commission (UGC) is a statutory body that regulates all aspects of higher education in India, including journalism and mass communication. In the past, it stipulated either a master’s degree or professional experience for eligibility or both. The UGC that prescribes the minimum eligibility requirements for faculty positions in all Indian universities makes the entry of professionals into regular teaching positions difficult. They now need to have a master’s degree in the subject along with qualifying in the National Eligibility Test (NET) for teaching and research. The NET exam has a syllabus, and the candidate has to prepare for subjects ranging from introduction to specific writing and editing techniques (UGC, 2016).
With the media industry facing a so-called crunch, a large pool of senior media practitioners wants to drift into teaching in universities as the terms and conditions of service, including salary, are steady. However, the existing regulations privilege the academically qualified to be the core faculty. The professional inputs will therefore have to come only through short workshops and lectures that allow for experiential inputs into the programs.
The shift from mass media–generated content to user-generated content necessitates a completely new approach to recognizing and using the new media as tools for both mining content and also delivery through multimedia capabilities.
The use of social media disruption in journalistic practices is another aspect of emerging need of journalism education. Its disruption and consequences are yet to be fully factored although streams such as new media recognize the need to incorporate the skills and the larger societal issues.
Conclusion
The complex task of addressing the nature of journalism education in India is compounded by the diversity and plurality of the country including the varied institutional mechanisms that cater to the education and training needs. The media sector’s growth is contrary to trends elsewhere. Therefore, the requirement of human resources is significant and has to come from journalism institutions. While skill sets for the profession have always been the expectation from the industry, the larger debate about education is also flagged. The reforms in the media sector have raised questions of media ownership and its impact on professionalism. India has reeled under a plethora of media-related issues that have masked issues pertaining to employment as well.
The spread and use of social media in India is buoyed by the spread of telecom and Internet access. Despite concerns expressed through the digital divide argument, there is an inherent acceptance of the fact that India is concerned about the impact of user-generated content via the social media. The government has concerns about rumor mongering, trolls, and hate communication that disturbs and affects the diverse and mosaic social fabric. Equally, how the media uses such content is another concern in the context of the present status of media in India. There are challenges recognized by journalism educators, and the consensus seems to be that rendering content onto different platforms is required as a skill. Critical inputs with regard to the aberrations in the use of social media as reported or analyzed by concerned groups, professionals, are in the realm of ethics. Moreover, their concerns wherever applicable are incorporated into the media law component. However, the full incorporation of social media (disruption) aspects into journalism by profession is higher than its incorporation into journalism education at this stage.
Journalism education in India, although mushrooming, is perhaps overvalued, particularly in the private sector. Salaries and career graphs are not commensurate with the hype or the fee structure. In public universities, the tuition fees are relatively low and graduates have the option to pursue careers in many other sectors. The media industry appreciates journalism degrees or diplomas at the entry level. The industry recognizes that the journalism degree and diploma holders have some basic exposure that can be adapted in the workplace during the probation period. Furthermore, many of the media-backed schools offer diplomas that also need to be validated as a prerequisite for the job.
Despite 75 years of formal education in the university system and later training efforts through many institutional frameworks, journalism education has yet to reach the same level of professional acceptance prevailing in other areas such as law, medicine, or commerce. India has adopted an Anglo-American democratic framework for media.
Seminars and discussions within India do discuss the challenges and inadequacies of journalism education. Although the axis of such discussions revolves around mismatch between programs and industry/professional expectations, formal training and programs are not rejected as many programs are now offered through the private sector and media backing. In a way, training is another revenue stream.
In 2001, UGC, the regulatory agency proposed a model curriculum for journalism education in India (UGC, 2001). It had proposed a four-semester 20-course structure. However, universities were reluctant to accept this due to the imposing nature of the communication. Nevertheless, the components of their recommendations are evident in the curricula.
While this was a national effort, international effort for a model curriculum came from France: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO): [T]he explosive growth of global journalism education has also attracted private sector involvement. In many regions worldwide, and especially in developing countries, commercial entities have entered the fray, although this emerging type of journalism education has sometimes been susceptible to criticism based on quality issues and the possible exploitation of students. In the 1980s, the Asian media boom and its corresponding increase in private media created increased demand for formal journalism education in many countries in the region. Indeed, in China and India, journalism education programs continue to proliferate at a mind-numbing rate. (Banda, 2013, p. 8)
The media in India, albeit in a robust growth mode, has been affected by the global push for reforms. Competition in the past in the print sector led to circulation wars and influenced the content leading to trivialization and tabloidization. In television, where the trends are visible and tangible, competition among the news and current affairs channels has raised concerns about both ethical practices and the resultant growing trust deficit. Convergence and the rise and spread of social media have disrupted the profession, and user-generated content is frequently discussed for its potential to spread rumors and hate in a diverse and plural social context. Journalism educators while seized of these developments and issues are yet to formally respond with a contemporary curriculum framework. Their liberal and critical inputs in theory and practical classes allow for some recognition of the issues and concerns including occasional interaction with the professionals who share their experience along with the dilemmas they face in the industry.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.