Abstract
Political Communication in the Republic of Ireland is an apt reminder that we should not judge a book by its cover. Because of the title, U.S. academics are likely to dismiss it as too narrow and therefore of little interest or value to their students.
That would be a mistake.
Through a series of essays and case studies, almost all written by Irish academics, the book examines how Ireland has retained some of its traditional political communication strategies while blending new media and new technologies into campaign efforts. The potential to compare what happens when the Irish go to the polls to when Americans do could be a fascinating exercise for U.S. college students. Similarly, the ability to demonstrate why Ireland still believes in face-to-face contact between candidates and voters should resonate with young adults in the United States who might never hold a substantive conversation with a national political figure.
The need to remain visible to and respected by the local community is one of the more intriguing themes to this book. Donnacha Ó Beacháin, one of the book’s co-editors and a research director at Dublin City University, notes that in the early years of the Irish republic, the figures responsible for securing Irish independence were viewed as national heroes. But as these people faded from the political scene, Ireland’s new wave of politicians first had to secure consistent success at the local level before moving into a national position in Dail Eireann, the lower house of Parliament, or Senead, the upper house. In addition, these politicians had to work within the system to bring about change; the revolutionary ideas of the politicians before them have been replaced with a more moderate approach to governance.
This history of local success and connecting with the voters in the home district might explain why nationally televised debates, a staple of U.S. politics, have never been critical in Ireland. In fact, it was not until the 1980s that political debates began airing on Irish television. Saying that, it would be a mistake to assume that Ireland’s political parties do not reach out to the electorate on television. Party political broadcasts (PPBs) have been an integral part of the Irish political campaign for almost fifty years. Because of the country’s ban on paid political advertising, these programs allow a party’s leaders and candidates to promote their policies and plans for the nation while urging people to vote for them. Kevin Rafter, an associate professor of communications at Dublin City University, reports that there are two clear trends in these PPBs: increased attention to production values and a sharper focus on the politician. Much like the United States, in other words, Irish politics is becoming more media savvy and personality centered.
However, Irish politicians and their staff report that maintaining strong relations with the local media is essential. Sarah Kavanagh, a senior research officer for Fine Gael (one of Ireland’s leading political parties), notes that the political establishment believes local media “provided the most effective mechanism for communicating with their constituents.” These figures especially appreciate that press releases written by their staff often end up in a local newspaper or on a local radio station and often with little, if any, editing. Later, she adds that the local media provide a volume of coverage that cannot be matched by the national media. The contrast between Irish politicians skewing local while America’s politicians clamor for national media attention would be a fascinating conversation in U.S. college classrooms.
No study of political communications would be complete without examining spin and the men and women who practice it. Mark Byrne, a communications manager at University College Dublin, explores this phenomenon in Ireland. Recognizing the paramount position of local media to national media and the lack of real importance placed on televised debates, it should not be surprising that in Ireland spin is not as ubiquitous as it is in the United States. But students in the United States might find more valuable that in Ireland “the image of the spin-doctor as the all-powerful master of the political environment is at odds with the mundane realities of the role.”
The one addition this book needed for its international audiences was a short discussion on the major political parties in Ireland. Two of Ireland’s leading political parties—Fianna Fail and Fine Gael—are rooted more in history than politics. When Ireland fell into Civil War in the early 1920s, Fianna Fail formed after its supporters saw no reason to back a treaty with the United Kingdom that ended the War of Independence, while Fine Gael was formed around the idea of endorsing that treaty. Today, each is center-right. The other well-known party is Sinn Fein, which over the past three decades has been linked to ridding Northern Ireland of British rule and is solidly on the left. Labour is another recognized party in Ireland, though it is closer to the middle of the political spectrum than its name might imply. Other smaller parties are not included in this discussion.
In summation, Political Communication in the Republic of Ireland is an intriguing work that, at minimum, ought to be read by anyone interested in the democratic political process and especially by those who have a research or other interest in Ireland.