Imitation as Flattery: How TV News Parody’s Media Criticism Can Influence Perceived News Media Importance and Media Trust

Perceptions of the News Media’s Trustworthiness

Trust in the press essentially relates to one’s perception of how well the news media will meet certain expectations relative to presenting and selecting news/public affairs information, and the motivations for doing so (Vanacker & Belmas, 2009). Kohring and Matthes (2007) argue that the press’s selectivity function in particular is commonly overlooked in empirical journalism research, eliding how the press is not simply a conduit of neutral information, merely mirroring the realities of the world. Instead, the press “construct reality” (Tuchman, 1978) by actively making choices about what to report (and not report) and how to report the information. Therefore, a comprehensive conceptualization of news media trust should encompass facets of faith in how and why news media both select and present information.

Notably “the news media” is often conceptualized as a generic construct, which makes it unclear who or what exactly citizens are trusting/distrusting when asked about their confidence in the news media (Daniller, Allen, Tallevi, & Mutz, 2017). Even so, scholars, politicians, and citizens alike commonly treat the news media as a concrete—albeit vaguely defined—institutional entity (Farhi, 2016; Swift, 2016). Accordingly, there is much to be gained by better understanding perceptions of the news media as a generic construct. Herein, media trust is investigated as principally pertaining to the three aspects of news work: faith in (a) the believability, (b) judgment, and (c) altruism of the news media. It should be acknowledged that this tripartite conception of media trust is neither exhaustive nor definitive. A researcher could, for example, consider trust in the news media in terms of being moral or patriotic (see Gaziano & McGrath, 1986). However, serving as a parsimonious framework, this study’s conceptualization of media trust provides a robust lens through which to explore several forms of faith in the press.

News Parody

Parody can be broadly defined as a form of discourse that on one level imitates a cultural object or practice, while—on another level—also distorts the traits/practices being parodied (Riewald, 1966). To qualify as parody, aspects of the parody target (e.g., a trait, behavior, or some convention) should be reworked, exaggerated, or inverted (Morson, 1989). The clashing of these competing dynamics within parody—what Bakhtin (1981) calls “double-voiced discourse”—ultimately renders a form of commentary about the parody object/target. Through imitation and difference, parody draws from a wide base of cultural knowledge and this complex web of meaning contextualizes how to make sense of the parody text’s principal target (Jones, 2010).

Although parody’s commentary can be embedded within an imitation of a particular object (e.g., a Saturday Night Live spoof of Donald Trump), parody can also comment on widespread cultural practices, conventions, forms, and styles of broader discourse genres (see Morson, 1989, p. 74). Hence, political comedy sources like The Daily Show, The Onion, and Last Week Tonight With John Oliver are often characterized as “news parody” (Baym & Jones, 2012). Situated within this latter vein of parody, this research enterprise focuses on parodies of the news media as a discourse genre.

The commentary presented by news parody like The Daily Show or Last Week Tonight can generally be understood as a form of media criticism, offering an analysis of news media in various forms (see also Borden & Tew, 2007; Jones, 2010; Morris & Baumgartner, 2008; Peters, 2013). By presenting “critical examination of both the information provided by the real news and the agendas that lie behind or beneath it” (Baym & Jones, 2012, p. 5), news parody invites audiences “to examine, evaluate, and re-situate the [news] genre and its practices” (Baym, 2005, p. 269). Research supports the premise that news parody can function as media criticism. For instance a Pew Research Center (2008) content analysis of select The Daily Show episodes in 2007 found that 8% of the program’s content consisted of segments explicitly about the press and news—more than double the mainstream press’s coverage of news media (see also Brewer & Marquardt, 2007; Littau & Stewart, 2015; Steinberg & Fox, 2014; Wise & Brewer, 2010). More anecdotally speaking, news parody outlets like Full Frontal With Samantha Bee, Last Week Tonight, The Onion, and others embrace a similar focus.

Scholars often posit that news parody negatively influences perceptions of and feelings about political institutions. For instance, Hart and Hartelius (2007) argue that political comedy like The Daily Show promotes cynicism about the political system. From a more empirical standpoint, Baumgartner and Morris’s (2006) investigation of The Daily Show’s influence demonstrated that exposure to the show in an experimental context resulted in a stronger likelihood of young viewers having a negative view of the electoral system and the news media’s ability to cover political events fairly and accurately. Similarly Holbert et al. (2007) found that exposure to The Daily Show prior to viewing traditional mainstream news coverage can negatively influence the self-reported gratifications obtained (e.g., using news media “to keep up with the main issues of the day”) from watching a conventional news outlet like CNN. Yet other research falls short of providing support for a conclusive negative influence, particularly in terms of influencing perceptions of the news media. For example, a field experiment conducted by Brewer, Young, and Jones (2013) demonstrated that being instructed to watch The Daily Show for several nights in a row predicts positive evaluations of the press as fair and unbiased. Such inconsistency should not be surprising given that scholars have long understood that most media effects are not direct and powerful; instead they are commonly indirect and nuanced (McLeod, Kosicki, & McLeod, 2009).

Parody as Implicit and Explicit Media Criticism

Drawing a distinction between the implicit versus explicit media criticism offered by news parody may provide one lens for explaining when and how parody exposure can influence perceptions like news media trust. Consider that parody-based media criticism/commentary is not always straightforward. As Lichter, Baumgartner, and Morris (2015) observe, “both overt and implicit media criticism are built into the DNA” of comedy programs in the vein of The Daily Show and the Colbert Report (p. 117). Explicit commentary about the press is defined here as pertaining to parody content highlighting the news media’s deviance from journalistic ideals. Explicit commentary typically comes in the form of interrogating particular moments or patterns of news media practices/behavior. This direct form of media criticism—as embedded in news parody—is common (Baym, 2005; Jones, 2010; Painter & Hodges, 2010; Young, 2008), yet it does not dominate news parody programming (Pew Research Center, 2008). News parody programming typically focuses on a variety of political and pop culture topics, wherein explicit media criticism may not be included. But when explicit media criticism is present, it typically offers an overt denouncement of a news media practice or entity in some way.

Meanwhile implicit commentary about the news media is always present in a news parody message. One can understand the implicit features of news parody in two respects. First, news parody functions as an imitation of news. It mimics the conventions and practices of news media programs/actors, such as sitting behind a news anchor desk and looking into the camera as if talking directly to viewers. News parody also commonly uses newsmaker sound bites, over-the-shoulder, lower-third, and full-screen graphics (Baym, 2005). Second, news parody generates implicit commentary by virtue of leveraging the credibility of news media content in the service of a given parody message’s rhetorical strategy. That is, news parody frequently relies on the epistemic authority (Ekström, 2002) of traditional news sources. This authority is rooted in the nature of how journalism has long enjoyed a special status in society by laying claims to being an authoritative source of knowledge and truth (Ekström, 2002). Thus, when news parody seeks to establish the credibility of an argument or point, it will often recycle existing news media content (e.g., a clip from CNN or MSNBC, or a New York Times article) to serve as an authoritative frame of reference. Through this rhetorical strategy, news parody can implicitly reinforce the legitimacy of news media actors—even if only a temporary characterization—as largely impartial, accurate, and reliable arbiters of truth (Borden & Tew, 2007; Druick, 2009). Thus, even as news parody’s implicit commentary does not overtly voice anything about the press, its intertextual nature (Gray, 2005) can grant credence to the notion that the press serve certain normative societal functions.

Considering news parody’s inherent capacity (as an imitation of news) to draw attention to the work of the press, it is plausible to anticipate that news parody’s implied commentary in particular can effectively remind viewers of how the basic work of the news media are valuable and important, serving as an endorsement of the press—even as the press may sometimes seem “unlovable” to many (Schudson, 2008). In contrast, it is anticipated that news parody’s explicitly negative media criticism (when present) will likely elicit unflattering notions about the news media by drawing attention to common critiques of the press—such as being sensationalistic, invasive, rude, and biased (Kosicki & McLeod, 1990).

Furthermore, when explicit media criticism is present in a parody message, one can anticipate it will undermine and suppress the dominance of any influence that parody’s implicit commentary may wield for two basic reasons. First, the influence of negative information tends to overpower the influence of positive information (Hodges, 1974; Rozin & Royzman, 2001; Skowronski & Carlston, 1989). Second, explicit information tends to be more comprehensible (Thistlethwaite, De Haan, & Kamenetzky, 1955) and more likely to affect attitudes (Fine, 1957; Hovland & Mandell, 1952) than indirect/implicit conclusions in a message. Importantly, making this implicit/explicit distinction is not to suggest that news parody’s implicit and explicit media commentary features are mutually exclusive. Indeed, given the “double-voiced” nature of parody, these modes of commentary are understood to coexist.

Meaningful democratic outcomes are at stake relative to the nature of citizens’ trust in the news media (Tsfati & Ariely, 2014). Accordingly, it should be illuminating to examine how contrasting types of parody commentary (i.e., implicit versus explicit commentary) each have distinct effects on different facets of media trust. First, following the lead of research suggesting that news parody’s negative portrayals of the news media erode trust in the news media (e.g., Holbert et al., 2007; Littau & Stewart, 2015; Morris & Baumgartner, 2008), a basic prediction is offered:

In view of how research on the influence of news parody’s implicit commentary on trust assessments is largely unexplored, it would be overly speculative to predict how news parody devoid of explicit criticism will directly affect trust. Accordingly, a research question is posed:

Finally, it is appropriate to compare differences in media trust assessments between those exposed to (only) implicit versus explicit news parody commentaries. Again, given the underexplored nature of this message feature, a research question is posed to examine how the dominance of implicit media commentary—contrasted with news parody commentary that features both explicit media criticism—affects media trust.

PNMI

The concept of Perceived News Media Importance represents another type of perception of the news media that the implicit/explicit features of news parody may influence. Original to this research effort, PNMI can be defined as the subjective judgments of importance and personal relevance that individuals attribute to core functions of political/public affairs journalism. PNMI represents the degree to which one values their expectations of the press, with regard to news media fulfilling the normative functions of facilitating information, investigation, analysis, social empathy, a public forum, and mobilization (see Schudson, 2008).

Considering PNMI vis-à-vis news parody, it is worth reiterating that an assumption of the news media’s legitimacy is embedded within parody’s double-voiced discourse. Consistent with the notion of imitation representing a form of flattery, a news parody text implicitly endorses the idea that news media work has considerable significance, even without the parody message overtly saying anything about the press. Thus, it is reasonable to anticipate that news parody can promote positive views of the press via its implicit commentary. That is, when largely devoid of overtly negative media criticism, basic news parody content can foster more positive perceptions of the news media’s societal value and importance (i.e., PNMI).

PNMI and News Media Trust

It is posited here that PNMI correlates with media trust. At a fundamental level, a meaningful relationship between PNMI and media trust may be attributable to basic principles of attitude importance. For instance as highlighted by social judgment theory (Sherif, Sherif, & Nebergall, 1965), the degree to which an individual highly values (i.e., deems important) an attitude object can have a potent influence on the nature of one’s judgments about arguments or positions related to the attitude object (see also Krosnick, 1988). Social judgment theory addresses valuing an attitude object in terms of involvement—the degree to which an attitude object is connected to one’s self-concept or core values. The greater one’s involvement with a given attitude object, the stronger that person’s attitude about the object and the more difficult it is to change that attitude.

Furthermore, it is posited that PNMI has positive influence on media trust. This expectation is based on an understanding that PNMI is broadly aligned with journalism’s occupational ideology (Deuze, 2005). The normative functions undergirding the PNMI concept (Schudson, 2008) are broadly consistent with ideals espoused by most mainstream journalists (e.g., Weaver, Beam, Brownlee, Voakes, & Wilhoit, 2007). It stands to reason that the more strongly citizens attribute importance (on a personal level) to journalism’s normative value system, the more they will be inclined to have some level of faith in the news media—due to a recognition that journalists at least aspire to perform these functions (even if they may sometimes fail to perform them satisfactorily). That is, an alignment of the value systems of (a) an individual citizen and (b) the mainstream journalism industry is more likely than not to engender trust in the news media, even as it may not be resounding trust. In sum, the premise of a positive media trust-PNMI relationship suggests that attributing greater value/weight to the normative functions of the press (e.g., informing the public, conducting investigations, providing analysis, etc.) can affect how strongly one reports having trust in the press. In view of this reasoning, it is anticipated that positive change in PNMI will be associated with an increase in varying forms of trust.

News Parody’s Indirect Influence

The means through which news parody’s commentary can affect media trust is likewise important to examine, as communication scholarship is deeply interested in mechanisms and processes of influence (Hayes, Preacher, & Myers, 2011). The proposed trust-PNMI relationship implies that as one is exposed to evidence of the news media fulfilling normative expectations, an increased sense of the press’s importance (i.e., PNMI) should engender greater trust. That is, a news parody message that showcases the value of journalistic content in some way can (a) serve as a reminder of the press’s importance and heighten one’s expectations of the press, thereby promoting PNMI, which in turn (b) fosters greater trust in the news media by virtue of the news parody message providing implicit evidence that these weighted expectations of the press are being met on some level.

As previously noted, it is unclear whether to expect that news parody’s implicit media commentary will directly affect media trust (see RQ2a-RQ2c). Yet in light of the proposed relationships between news parody commentary and PNMI (H2) on one hand and PNMI and media trust (H3a-H3c) on the other, there is firm grounding for anticipating that the dominance of news parody’s implicit commentary will indirectly affect perceptions of the media’s trustworthiness, as mediated by PNMI (see Figure 1 for overview). Accordingly, a final hypothesis is offered.

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Figure 1.

Conceptual overview of study analyses predicting news parody commentary’s effects on media trust as mediated by PNMI.

Method

Analyses

Several of this study’s analyses are examined with t tests. In view of the study’s focus on mediation-based processes, key hypotheses and research questions are also addressed with structural equation modeling (SEM), a recommended approach for assessing mediation (Preacher & Hayes, 2004). The SEM-based mediation analyses were conducted using a bootstrapping technique, which allows for a single test of an indirect effect rather than a “causal steps” approach (cf., Baron & Kenny, 1986) comprised of multiple tests. The bootstrapping technique generates a confidence interval (CI; for example, 95%) for an assessment of the indirect effect (labeled herein as “ab,” representing the product of [a] the parody effect on PNMI by [b] the PNMI effect on trust), based on a user-defined number of bootstrap samples.

The independent variable of this study’s model is represented by a dummy variable indicating the study’s key experimental manipulation conditions (0 = explicitly negative criticism, 1 = implicit commentary). Difference scores were constructed to represent change in the model’s latent mediator variable (i.e., PNMI) and each of its 12 lower order indicators (i.e., Time 2-Time 1 scores for each PNMI item) and change in the model’s criterion variables (i.e., Time 2-Time 1 scores for each indicator of the three trust variables). Due to the similarities of the three types of media trust operationalized in this project, the residuals of the distinct latent trust variables were covaried (see Figure 2). Covarying the trust variables serves as an acknowledgment that these latent constructs are strongly related to one another, while allowing for a unique assessment of news parody’s indirect effect on each type of trust. Ultimately, the bootstrapping technique used to test this mediation model examines whether an estimate of parody commentary’s indirect effect on change in each type of trust—mediated by change in PNMI—is different from zero.

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Figure 2.

Results of structural model testing the effects of news parody commentary on media trust as mediated by PNMI.

Results

The hypothesis that exposure to explicitly negative parody-based media criticism will have a negative influence on media trust (H1a-H1c) does not find support in this study. Paired t tests within the explicit criticism condition (n = 165) reveals no change in news judgment trust from Time 1 (M = 4.47, SD = 1.28) to Time 2 (M = 4.36, SD = 1.26), t(164) = 1.45, p = .15. There is also no change from Time 1 (M = 3.93, SD = 1.36) to Time 2 (M = 3.95, SD = 1.34) within the scope of believability-based trust, t(164) = 0.28, p = .78. Finally, the data demonstrate no change in altruistic motives-based trust from the pretest (M = 3.97, SD = 1.40) to posttest time frames within the explicit criticism condition (M = 3.93, SD = 1.39), t(164) = −0.43, p = .67.

However, there is partial evidence of a positive news parody influence when examining the research question of whether the implicit commentary feature of news parody influences change in media trust (RQ1a-RQ1c). A paired t test within the implicit commentary condition (n = 166) demonstrates an increase in news judgment trust from Time 1 (M = 4.25, SD = 1.39) to Time 2 (M = 4.51, SD = 1.32), t(165) = −3.91, p < .001. Likewise, there is an increase in believability-based trust from Time 1 (M = 3.57, SD = 1.48) to Time 2 (M = 3.71, SD = 1.44), t(165) = −2.26, p = .03. Yet there in no significant change in altruism-based trust from the pretest (M = 3.73, SD = 1.39) to posttest (M = 3.85, SD = 1.47) time frames, t(165) = −1.66, p = .10

Turning to SEM to address the remaining research question and hypotheses, the proposed model (see Figure 2) fits the data as indicated by the following fit statistics calculated by Mplus 7 (Muthen & Muthen, 2012) statistical software ² : root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) = .03 (90% CI = [.02, .04]), standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) = .04, and comparative fit index (CFI) = .93. For purposes of model comparison, χ²(413, 330) = 528.00, p < .001. ³ Mixed findings emerge when probing the research question of whether implicit news parody commentary promotes greater change in media trust (from Time 1 to Time 2) compared with explicit media commentary (RQ2a-RQ2c). Although the implicit/explicit contrast is a significant direct predictor of news judgment trust (b = .43, p = .02), the contrast does not significantly predict believability-based trust (b = .14, p = .38) or altruism-based trust (b = .19, p = .27)

Examining the prediction that implicit parody commentary promotes greater change in PNMI compared with news parody featuring explicit media criticism (H2), the model’s unstandardized maximum likelihood estimates indicate that even when controlling for age, education, income, ideology, political interest, and frequency of viewing The Daily Show and Last Week Tonight, the parody exposure factor is a significant predictor of PNMI (b = .19, p = .05). This indicates a significant difference in the effects of the experimental parody exposure conditions on change in PNMI. Paired t tests within each experimental condition further elucidate how each parody exposure condition affects change in the 12-item composite PNMI measure. PNMI in the implicit commentary condition (n = 166) significantly increases from the pretest (M = 5.25, SD = 0.78) to posttest (M = 5.37, SD = 0.76) time frames, t(165) = −2.37, p = .02. However within the explicit criticism condition (n = 165), there is no significant change in PNMI from pretest (M = 5.32, SD = 0.81) to posttest (M = 5.35, SD = 0.73), t(164) = −0.64, p = .54. Therefore, only the implicit commentary of news parody demonstrates an ability to promote greater PNMI.

Turning to consideration PNMI’s influence on media trust, the data provide support for the hypothesis that PNMI promotes positive change in different facets of media trust (H3a-H3c). Change in PNMI is a significant predictor of change in believability-based trust (b = .34, p = .02), news judgment trust (b = .35, p = .04), and altruism-based trust (b = .35, p = .05).

Finally, the data showcase PNMI’s ability to function as a mediator between news parody’s implicit commentaries about the press and media trust (H4a-H4c). SEM-based tests of indirect effects consistently demonstrate PNMI’s capacity to function as a mediator. Based on a 95% bootstrap CI using 10,000 bootstrap samples, an indirect parody effect (ab) is evident relative to believability-based trust (ab = .07, 95% CI = [.01, .19]), news judgment trust (ab = .07, 95% CI = [.01, .20]), and altruism-based trust (ab = .07, 95% CI = [.01, .20]). Notably, each CI does not include zero.

Post Hoc Analysis

In view of PNMI demonstrating a causal effect on different facets of media trust, it is worthwhile briefly investigating the alternative explanation that media trust may function as an antecedent to PNMI, thereby mediating the relationship between parody exposure and PNMI. Although not hypothesized, tests of media trust’s mediating influence were also examined. SEM was used to test the alternative causal order (i.e., Parody → Trust → PNMI) both in terms of the total indirect effect and the specific indirect effect (see Holbert & Stephenson, 2003; Preacher & Hayes, 2008) of each trust type examined in this study. Consistent with the H4a-H4c analyses, the same covariates were used and the three trust types were covaried. The model exhibited the same model fit as reported above. Again using 10,000 bootstrap samples, the total indirect effect of parody commentary (as simultaneously mediated by each of the covaried media trust types) is not significant (parameter estimate = .09, 95% CI = [−.20, .38]). Furthermore, examining the specific indirect effect of each trust type, the data again lack support for the alternative causal order. The specific indirect effect estimate of news judgment trust (ab = .09, 95%CI = [−.30, .48]), believability-based trust (ab = −.00, 95% CI = [−.12, .12]), and altruistic motives trust (ab = .01, 95% CI = [−.05, .07]) are all nonsignificant on the terms of a 95% CI. Although this post hoc analysis does not necessarily rule out the possibility of media trust having a causal influence on PNMI, the nonsignificant total indirect effect and specific indirect effects do cast doubt on the alternative explanation that increased trust is primarily driving increased PNMI.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to examine potential contributors to and mechanisms of influence in shaping perceptions of the news media’s trustworthiness, relative to news parody’s commentary and PNMI. In overview, this research highlights the complexity of news parody’s influence on perceptions about the news media. First, the study demonstrated that news parody’s implicit content—animated by imitations of journalistic conventions and bona fide news content (and devoid of explicit news media commentary)—can have a positive influence on media trust, particularly in terms of believability- and news judgment-based trust. Conversely, perceptions of the media’s trustworthiness did not change among those exposed to news parody that featured explicit criticism of the press. In short, when news parody is not explicitly criticizing the press, its implicit features exhibit a capacity to enhance trust.

It is notable that the contrast in trust effects between implicit and explicit parody exposure conditions (RQ2a-RQ2c) only significantly predicts positive change in news judgment trust. This finding suggests that the direct influence of implicit news parody’s dominance is most consequential in terms of perceptions about the judgment of news media actors. This effect is rather strong, indicating that judgment-based trust is especially worthy of further investigation relative to news parody effects. Yet the implicit/explicit contrast is less illuminating for understanding how news parody commentary directly affects perceptions of the news media’s motivations (i.e., altruism-based trust) and perceptions of media bias (one aspect of believability-based trust). Indeed, media bias is a deeply entrenched critique of the news media (Lee, 2005), which may help to explain why implicit endorsements of the press did not directly alter perceptions related to media bias.

Importantly, this study also sheds light on how news parody can foster faith in the news media. A mediation-based conception of PNMI highlights a mechanism through which news parody may contribute to shaping perceptions of the journalism industry’s trustworthiness, as propelled by (parody-based) evidence that news media actors are fulfilling some normative functions. The data support the prediction that when isolated, news parody’s implicit commentary activates and/or reinforces conceptions of the news media as important, which in turn fosters greater trust across three types of media trust. In sum, this research suggests that the more dominant a news parody message’s implicit commentary about the press (i.e., when not competing with explicitly negative criticism of press in a given parody message), the greater the news parody message’s potential to affect PNMI and, subsequently, trust in the press.

It is worth underscoring that the explicit (negative) media criticism feature of news parody does not demonstrate an effect on either PNMI or any element of media trust. Instead, the data suggest that news parody is more successful in strengthening perceptions of the news media’s importance than eroding faith in the fourth estate. This runs contrary to previous research demonstrating a negative news parody influence (e.g., Holbert et al., 2007; Morris & Baumgartner, 2008). Perhaps the null findings with the explicit criticism are attributable to how humor message are often discounted (see Nabi, Moyer-Gusé, & Byrne, 2007). To the extent that an explicit critique is given any thought, an audience member may reason that it’s “just a joke” and not consciously take the critique seriously. Although we need not assume that explicit media critiques play no role in news parody’s influence on trust, it may often be difficult to pinpoint an effect on trust because this discounting dynamic is commonly at work.

This research also sheds light on the nature of the relationship between PNMI and media trust. More specifically, this experimental investigation provides evidence of a dominant direction of causal influence, such that PNMI is demonstrated to play a role in undergirding media trust. These findings support the idea that attributing greater weight/import to the aspirational functions of the news media can contribute to a positive influence on one’s faith in the news media to meet normative expectations, particularly as one is exposed to evidence of the news media actually fulfilling some normative functions—in this case, as embedded in implicit news parody commentary. In short, news parody exhibits a capacity to promote the democratic ideals of the fourth estate, even as its double-voiced discourse sometimes mounts critiques against the press.

Furthermore, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the news parody genre. The implicit/explicit media commentary distinction serves as a useful lens for understanding when and how news parody highlights the significance of journalists and their work. The intertextual feature of news parody—linked to textual knowledge beyond the immediate context of the parody message—is particularly notable (Gray, 2005). This research suggests that by humorously imitating familiar journalistic practices and by reinscribing actual news content from traditional journalistic sources, news parody implicitly reaffirms the cultural, “epistemic authority” (Ekström, 2002) of the news media.

It is also important to reiterate that the concepts of implicit and explicit commentary are not mutually exclusive. As a form of double-voiced discourse, parody can articulate cross-cutting commentary. This message feature can make it challenging to untangle the processes of news parody’s complex influence. Although not always a clear-cut binary, the implicit/explicit distinction nonetheless helps to clarify news parody’s influence and offers a plausible reason for the inconsistency of previous research.

This investigation suggests that news parody’s influence on media trust is not uniform and all-encompassing. By considering three distinct aspects of trust in the press, this research affords more pinpointed claims pertaining to what types of perceptions are subject to news parody’s and PNMI’s influence. For example, the RQ1a-RQ1c findings suggest that news parody’s implicit features can affect trust in terms of the news media reliably providing truthful, accurate, fair, and unbiased information (i.e., believability-based trust; Gaziano & McGrath, 1986). This finding is meaningful, as variations of believability-based trust seem to be the most common approach to scholarly investigations of media trust. Similarly, implicit news parody commentary also demonstrates a capacity to influence news judgment-based trust—in terms of focusing on important information, covering issues with adequate frequency, and offering well-reasoned commentary (see Kohring & Matthes, 2007). However, faith in the altruistic motives of the news media was not shown to change when exposed to implicit commentary, suggesting that news parody is less prone to affect notions about news media motivations. Of course these conclusions are tentative; more research on the relationship between news parody and media perceptions are needed to further clarify these comedy effects.

A strength of this study is its capacity to generalize the effects of news parody beyond the context of a single news parody source (e.g., The Daily Show) by virtue of employing a stimulus sampling approach (Wells & Windschitl, 1999). However, it is important to acknowledge the limitations of the stimuli used in this study. Notably, the explicit media critiques offered in the video stimuli principally reference news media sources like MSNBC, CNN, and Fox News. That is, cable news outlets are mainly featured as evidence of news media failings in the study stimuli. This is fitting, as shows like The Daily Show and Last Week Tonight are television-based programs that most directly parody the cable news genre. Yet it is possible that news parody criticism’s null effect on media trust in this study is attributable to the stimuli collectively targeting mostly a handful of TV news outlets and the fact that media trust was operationalized as related to trusting the news media in general. Given news parody’s affiliation with TV news in this regard, future work should examine more object-specific evaluations of media trust (e.g., trust in cable news or specific trust in CNN, Fox News, MSNBC, etc.). Nonetheless, this study offers a useful foundation on which to further build an understanding of how news parody can affect media trust.

It should also be acknowledged that the time frame in which this project was carried out coincided with major transitions within the news parody landscape. After an 11-season run, Stephen Colbert brought his Colbert Report program to an end in late 2014. Just a few months later, Jon Stewart announced that he was stepping down as host of The Daily Show. Yes even as two of the comedians featured in this project’s experimental design are no longer producing news parody programs, they still serve as appropriate exemplars of the news parody genre analyzed in this study. While Stewart and Colbert were perhaps the most prominent examples of news parody, it is important to remember that they did not invent news parody (e.g., see Day & Thompson, 2012; Jones, 2010). Undoubtedly they innovatively experimented with and promoted the genre, yet they did so within a broader, longstanding tradition. Thus, while the news parody genre will surely evolve, it is unlikely that the public’s interest in news parody will substantially recede with Stewart and Colbert’s departures. Accordingly, research on the mechanisms and processes of news parody’s influence bears strong relevance to today’s media landscape.

Whether imitating or highlighting the actual the work of the news media, news parody evinces an ability to underscore the importance of the press, arguably functioning as a media literacy educator (Peters, 2013). This effect is not inconsequential. As this study demonstrates, PNMI can play a role in promoting media trust. From a practical standpoint, the news parody-PNMI-trust process of influence illuminates a potential leverage point for promoting and reinforcing media trust (particularly when distrust is perhaps excessive). The act of imitating/featuring solid journalistic practices and reminding people of the news media’s importance can serve as a means to promote trust. To be sure, a case can be made that news parody often grossly simplifies complex issues and circumstances for the sake of a laugh; in so doing, perhaps at times it promotes cynicism about political institutions (Hart & Hartelius, 2007). Such concerns are not unwarranted. Yet, as J. C. Meyer (2000) reminds us, humor can be a “double-edged sword,” functioning to both unite and divide. On a similar note, augmenting existing political entertainment scholarship that showcases a deleterious new parody effect on faith in news media, this research effort suggests that news parody also has the capacity to enhance public perceptions of the news media through its flattering imitations.