Addressing Domestic Violence as It Relates to Livelihoods in Rural Tajikistan

Abstract

This study investigates patterns of rural livelihoods in Khatlon Province, Tajikistan, as it relates to gender roles and responsibilities. This included a workshop in the train-the-trainer format for community workers to implement a violence participatory workshop among village-related women and men. Key informant interviews were performed to collect information about the perceptions of violence among village households followed by individual semistructured interviews with participants of the participatory workshops. Analysis included ethnographic content analysis using NVivo 12 software to extract salient themes. Results concluded that education and employment were essential in building empowerment among women in the villages.

Keywords

violence empowerment Tajikistan

Introduction

Gender equality and empowerment is an issue that should be central to all health, education, and development activities in Tajikistan. The country has strict laws in place for gender equality, including the Family Code, which was amended in 2010 to raise the marital age to 18 for both males and females. However, laws promoting equality frequently do not translate into the realities of many Tajik women who experience early marriages. This occurs when one spouse is under 18 years of age or become second wives under a religious marriage that has no legal status in Tajikistan thus depriving women and children of inheritance or alimony payments (Asian Development Bank, 2016). Many women and adolescent girls in rural Tajikistan have a limited ability to leave home and may have contact only with family members and neighbors, which negatively affects their psychological, social, and intellectual development (United Nations Population Fund [UNDP], 2014). They often face a disproportionate amount of household obligations including the triple burden of agricultural, domestic, and community-managing responsibilities as a result of male out-migration, which creates limited agency over the choices in their lives (Mukhamedova & Wegerich, 2018; Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 2015). Households are commonly multigenerational, with well-defined gender roles and responsibilities that are not equitable by sex or age. The oldest active male family member is the head of household, and male members have more ability to make both individual and family decisions. This plays an important role in household decision-making around choosing what food to eat, grow, or trade/sell (Asian Development Bank, 2016). Ultimately, agricultural extension agents and community health workers are better able to address food security and diversity, malnutrition, and economic empowerment of women if women hold more power and agency within the household.

Male out-migration to Russia has become one of the leading issues shaping the economy and social life in Tajikistan, especially in the Khatlon Province in the southern region of the country. Migration is a trend that began in Tajikistan after independence in 1991 followed by the outbreak of the civil war from 1992–1997, which dramatically increased unemployment, especially in rural areas (Kuddusov et al., 2010; Mukhamedova & Wegerich, 2018). Families across the country depend on remittances from male family members, which accounted for 48% of Tajikistan’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2013 (Agency on Statistics Under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, 2015). Estimates of the number of Tajik citizens who migrate annually vary from 370,000 to more than one million (Asian Development Bank, 2016; Azzarri & Zezza, 2011; World Bank, n.d.). Male out-migration has subsequently caused a gender imbalance within rural areas of Tajikistan, which has had positive and negative effects. This imbalance has caused women, primarily mothers-in-law, to become decision-makers at the household level, however; due to the lack of men, younger women are now even more likely to get married at 15 or 16 to ensure they have a husband (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 2015). In addition, young women are often being removed from school at early ages to attend to domestic chores or perform labor-intensive jobs on their household farms.

Domestic violence has been defined as the act of violence toward men and women causing physical, sexual, or psychological harm and, as is the case in Tajikistan, it is the result of and perpetuated by a patriarchal system (UN General Assembly, 1993). In addition to facing intimate partner violence (IPV), the intrahousehold gender dynamics bolster situations where young women are also victimized by their in-laws both physically and emotionally (Asian Development Bank, 2016). Violence against younger men by older family members is also common. Most men and women are conditioned to not seek help or report domestic violence and perceive this violence as acceptable for a “bad wife” or as a “life lesson” (Joshi & Childress, 2017). A troubling number of women in rural Tajikistan, specifically in Khatlon Province where this study takes place, believe that gender-based violence is deserved and warranted, especially women who have low education or marry at a young age (Joshi & Childress, 2017; Statistical Agency, Republic of Tajikistan, Ministry of Health, Republic of Tajikistan, 2017). According to the Demographic and Health Survey conducted in 2017, Khatlon Province experiences the highest rates of physical and sexual violence among women. This exposure to violence at a young age increases the risk of substance abuse, becoming a perpetrator in the future, or viewing domestic violence as acceptable (Interagency Gender Working Group, United States Agency for International Development [USAID], 2006). Witnessing acts of violence may also impair or delay childhood development biologically, cognitively, and/or emotionally (Cook et al., 2005).

For women who come forward and receive help through various women’s resources and crisis centers, it is usually only after repeated acts of violence (Asian Development Bank, 2016). Furthermore, the resources and services currently available are not sufficient to meet the needs of many women survivors, especially if children are involved (Asian Development Bank, 2016). As a result, many community health workers and agriculture extension agents become aware of the abuse either directly from the women abused or indirectly through other women. However, they lack the appropriate training needed to properly address these issues with the required sensitivity as well as the knowledge of available resources for the abused.

The aims of this study were to understand patterns of rural livelihoods in Khatlon Province, gender roles and responsibilities, and the implications of male migration on domestic violence. Through the ecological framework, researchers examined how specific cultural narratives and local beliefs about violence determined whether it was recognized and/or if help was sought. Educational support was provided through training local in-country agriculture extension and community health partners who work with village women and men, specifically focusing on gender-transformative participatory approaches. In addition, this study looked to test an innovative new method in collecting sensitive information, specifically around violence and gender norms related to violence.

Materials and Method

Researchers obtained approval from the University of Florida (UF) Institutional Review Board, located in Gainesville, Florida, United States, prior to engaging in fieldwork. Researchers have worked in the region previously and have established in-country partners who have assisted with coordinating logistical support, as well as translation and facilitation for the workshops and interviews. The research facilitators had knowledge of Russian, Tajik, Uzbek, and English to ensure that each village was able to understand the workshop materials regardless of language. Fieldwork for this project was completed in April–July 2018. Funding for this project was received from the USAID’s Integrating Gender Within Extension and Advisory Services grant. In no way did the funding source dictate survey design, data collection methods, analysis, or results.

Community and Stakeholder Input

Prior to initiating the community workshops throughout Khatlon Province, the proposed activities were reviewed with in-country and local partners to ensure cultural competency and sensitivity given the subject matter. All changes to the workshop format, logistics, and specific content were done with community support prior to engaging with village participants.

Train-the-Trainer

UF researchers trained the in-country partners’ staff (male and female) on how to conduct the workshop using participatory approaches. This included a week of learning the materials, understanding the sensitivity of the topic, research and development ethics, and familiarizing themselves with how to prevent potential bias. Once the training was complete, the in-country partners facilitated the workshops among village men and women separately. The in-country partners, which included home economists and agriculture extension workers, conducted a pilot workshop to ensure quality before scaling up throughout the region.

Participatory Workshops in Priority Communities

Participatory workshops were carried out by the agricultural extension agents and community health workers once training from UF researchers had been completed. The workshops targeted men and women separately, in 12 villages throughout Khatlon Province that were targeted by USAID Feed the Future Programs. The 12 villages were chosen based on discussions with agricultural extension agents who have been working in the region for several years. Each workshop consisted of the same activities for both groups, addressing topics around empowerment, what constitutes violence, how gender-based violence is defined, whether or not violence (in any form) is prevalent in the community, and the effects of violence on an individual and household. These topics were presented through a short lecture, brief Tajik public service announcement videos related to violence, and community empowerment drawing (CED).

CED

CED is an innovative tool that was developed by a UF researcher to capture sensitive information that may not be shared using traditional research methods such as interviews or surveys. This study utilized CEDs to acquire information related to violence and abuse, while also testing the instrument for future use. During the CED, participants were asked to draw an empowered woman and a disempowered woman side by side. This purposefully takes place after the short lecture so that participants have a better understanding of what empowerment means to them. Once the drawings were completed, the facilitators asked participants tailored questions about each drawing to form a more cohesive understanding. The questions were focused around family structure, spousal relationships, childhood experiences, community responsibilities, and violence. Finally, once the narrative was complete, the participants were asked to rank the traits of empowerment and disempowerment for each drawing. This was done to demonstrate what characteristics of empowerment were most prioritized within each population. Extensive notes were taken by the facilitator of the workshop to capture dialogue and the general views of each group.

Semistructured Interviews (SSIs)

Selected participants of the participatory workshop were recontacted to participate in one-on-one SSIs. The purpose of the SSI was to contextualize and triangulate the major themes found within the CEDs. A community health worker or agriculture extension agent who works in the region administered each interview. The questions were centered on empowerment, violence, and gender-based violence specifically. Each question was open-ended and semistructured to allow the participant to expand on any given question organically. While interviews were performed individually, the questions were largely trying to capture the interviewee’s perception and not their direct, personal experiences with violence.

Key Informant Interviews (KIIs)

KIIs were conducted in the respondent’s native language (Tajik, Uzbek, or Russian) by a native speaker. Interviews were semistructured, and content included perceptions of violence in the community. They were conducted with key stakeholders, such as local agencies and organizations that work with the priority population. These participants were approached based on their knowledge of violence within Tajikistan, specifically Khatlon Province, and their experiences with victims. Each interview was crafted to ensure sensitivity to the subject. The KIIs collected the perceived needs as indicated by key stakeholders regarding violence in rural villages.

Data Analyses

Ethnographic content analysis was used to discern data transcribed from the KIIs, SSIs, and in-depth facilitator notes from the participatory workshops (Altheide, 1987). Transcriptions of the interviews and workshop notes were translated into English for analysis. Two researchers transcribed the data independently using QSR International’s NVivo 12 software to code themes and subthemes iteratively in regard to manifest and latent content (Neuman, 2013). Inter-rater reliability was established through the Cohen’s kappa coefficient to ensure consistency among coders once pertinent themes were established. All of the workshop drawings were collated along with each drawings’ top three prioritized traits of empowerment and disempowerment. Drawings were analyzed based on what features were emphasized in the drawings and discussion, what characteristics were prioritized, and the differences among empowered versus disempowered women.

Results

There were 252 participants, male and female, who attended the village workshops. There was an even distribution of age ranges, with a slightly higher attendance from those 46 years and older. Females (55.6%) predominantly attended the workshops, and the majority of participants were of Tajik ethnicity, with two groups being entirely Uzbek and four groups being split between Uzbek and Tajik. Over half of all participants (73.8%) identify farming as their primary occupation (58.6% being females and 41.3% being males). Other occupations included school teacher, housewife, field laborer, and tractor driver. Figure 1 depicts the 12 villages where the participatory workshops took place. Researchers chose to display only the district locations rather than the more specific village or community name to ensure privacy. The majority of those who participated in the SSIs were female (56%), and all were of Tajik ethnicity. All but one of the Key Informants (KIs) were female, ranging in age between 26 and 46+ years (Table 1). KIs were identified from legal, advocacy, and crisis centers, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that provide women’s entrepreneurship programs, and educators from the region.

Figure 1.

Participatory workshop locations within Khatlon Province.

Table 1.

Demographic Characteristics.

Demographic characteristics	Seminar participants (n = 252)	Key informant interviews (n = 7)	Semistructured interviews (n = 9)
Demographic characteristics	n (%)	n (%)	n (%)
Age
18–25	57 (22.6)	0	0
26–35	60 (23.8)	1	2
36–45	60 (23.8)	1	2
46+	75 (29.7)	2	4
Sex
Male	112 (44.4)	1 (14.3)	4 (44)
Female	140 (55.6)	6 (85.7)	5 (56)

In analyzing the CEDs, there were seven salient themes that arose: Education, Economic Status, Decision-Making, Community Relations & Involvement, Substance Abuse, Mental Health, and Experience with Violence. While some themes, such as Education and Economic Status, were mentioned repeatedly as a top three priority for empowered and disempowered women, other themes arose from both the drawings and concurrent discussion.

According to participants, women who were perceived as empowered had diplomas higher than grade school, often with professional degrees such as medical. Disempowered women were uneducated and were perceived as having family, relatives, and friends that were also uneducated (again, with uneducated referring to only up to a high school degree). The second prominent theme, Economic status, referred to whether a woman (or her husband) had a permanent or temporary job, or no job at all. Financial violence is more prevalent when a household does not have a stable income according to participants. Disempowered women often had husbands who did not work, leaving the wife to manage the household and earn an income. Related to income, empowered women were perceived as having more decision-making power within the household in that decisions were either made jointly, between husband and wife, or the woman could manage her own income how she saw fit. Participants described this as having mutual respect between spouses. Disempowered women only controlled their income if the husband had migrated for work or if she were widowed; otherwise, participants believed the husband controlled the household income and decisions were not made jointly.

While participants discussed each drawing, they frequently referred to the woman’s social status within the community and how she was perceived by others. An empowered woman is well liked, has many friends, is sought after for advice, and invited to social functions. In some workshops, participants mentioned that an empowered woman gives back and helps her community, especially those who are disempowered. On the contrary, a disempowered woman has few friends, little family, she is not respected, and not invited to many social functions. However, in one case, a female group described the disempowered woman as respected, because she has to make up for the lack of work her unemployed husband does not do. They specified that while she is respected and invited to events, her husband is not.

Substance abuse and mental health referred regularly to the husband of the disempowered woman. In more than one workshop, from both men’s and women’s groups, husbands of disempowered women were described as alcoholics who were unemployed. This would often result in participants stating that the disempowered woman is depressed and unhappy because of her many duties in and outside the household. In Figure 2, the bottom right drawing shows an empowered woman on the left and a disempowered woman on the right. The woman on the right is shown caring for three children while the husband lies in bed with a bottle of alcohol. In several of the group drawings, disempowered women were shown with tears. In many of the participatory workshops, disempowered women frequently experienced some form of violence, whether it be financial, psychological, or physical, and in some cases all three were mentioned. There were specific references to husbands under the influence beating their wives and/or children, as well as disempowered women beating their children on a regular basis. Empowered women often did not experience violence, in the past or currently. Participants mentioned a mutual respect between family members.

Figure 2.

Community empowerment drawings.

The results from the SSIs revealed four major themes: Education, Employment, Empowerment, and Violence, which are represented with subthemes in Table 2. The themes and quotations from participants were captured to portray the major beliefs among those who were interviewed.

Table 2.

Semistructured interviews.

Theme	Content analysis	Ethnography
Education	Women without education are more susceptible to violence and being disempowered. Women that are empowered are educated and understand their rights.	“We can empower women through education” “Because our community is conservative and most of the women do not have education”
Employment	Empowered women have jobs and do not experience violence as much in the home. Providing jobs can serve to increase women’s empowerment.	“We can empower women through education and providing with jobs” “Majority of the women are disempowered due to economic condition and instability”
Empowerment	Empowerment is strongly associated with education and employment status. Women who are empowered are able to make joint decisions within the household, whereas women that are disempowered must listen to their husband, mother-in-law, or sister-in-law.	“Many women are disempowered as there are no opportunities to empower women” “Young women can make decisions but before we consult in the family what is better. But if woman depend on man then she cannot do any decisions.”
Methods of Increasing Empowerment	Community and nongovernmental organization (NGO) support, in addition to education and employment, were recommended as ways to increase empowerment among women in the villages.	“If they [women] work, they can get income and make better their economic condition of their household.” “I think if empowered women will support and help disempowered women they also can be empowered, as they would see empowered women as model/sample.”
Violence	Psychological and economic violence appear to be the two most common forms of violence in Khatlon Province. Physical violence often occurs when the perpetrator is intoxicated.	“Psychological violence is more common in our area. Some male use alcohol and beat their wives, but mostly psychological violence is common in the area.” “Psychological is more common in our community. When women do not know their rights, men use this opportunity to take control over them.”
Victims	Most victims of violence are younger women and children.	“Most victims are women and children.” “Majority uneducated women are the victims.” “Daughters-in-law are victims in the family as well.”
Perpetrators	While men are often the primary perpetrator of violence, women are sometimes viewed as perpetrators for causing undue stress when the husband is trying to find employment.	“The main perpetrators are men.” “I think perpetrators are both women and men. They should understand each other, respect each other and come to compromise.”

The first major theme that manifested from the interviews was education. Lack of higher education was spoken about as a cause of violence, whereby increasing education was viewed as a potential method of increasing empowerment among women. Participants largely believed that a lack of education was linked to increased violence. It was perceived women cannot understand their rights and have less agency and decision-making abilities within the household when they lack higher education opportunities. A smaller number of people interviewed associated the degree of religious conservativeness of the village to the amount of education women received.

Employment was also found to be a common theme among those interviewed. Both employment and education were viewed as major factors that influenced empowerment. Employment was largely tied to economic violence in that if either husband or wife, or both, had a job, there was less likely to be violence within the household.

The third major theme, empowerment, has a subtheme—Methods of Increasing Empowerment. Women in the villages are seen as empowered if they are employed and educated, and there is joint decision-making within the household. Disempowered women are viewed as uneducated, unemployed, unliked, or unknown by the community, and are controlled by others in the household (husband, mother-in-law, or sister-in-law was mentioned). The participants listed several ways that women in the villages can become more empowered, with the main two options being education and employment as previously stated, but also through community and nongovernmental support.

While participants discussed physical violence, it was postulated that psychological and economic violence are more prevalent within the villages. Physical violence was associated with mercurial temperaments from husbands due to increased alcohol use. Psychological violence was often brought up because of women not being educated and knowing their rights, while economic violence was a result of unemployment. Two subthemes under Violence were Victims and Perpetrators. Victims were clearly identified as women, usually young and excluding mothers-in-law, and children. While perpetrators were viewed primarily as men, women were also included, as mothers-in-law were often considered perpetrators of violence.

KIs who were interviewed posited similar views on violence compared with the community members who participated in the SSIs. The KIIs generated five major themes: Violence, Types of Violence, Causes of Violence, Perpetrators, and Solutions (Table 3).

Table 3.

Key informant interviews.

Theme	Content analysis	Ethnography
Violence	There is consensus among all KIs that violence occurs often in Khatlon Province. In most cases, violence occurs against women, but sometimes children.	“Mainly daughter-in-law experience violence in Khatlon Province, it is very common. She is like a slave, when man goes to migration, mother-in law take control over the daughter-in-law. It is normal for the household that the family members have control over the daughter-in law.” “Violence exists and it applies towards children and women. This is a violation of children rights, as for women there is an existence of domestic violence in households.”
Types of Violence	The main types of violence mentioned were psychological, physical, and economic.	“Many women say it is better to be abused physically rather than psychologically. Physical violence is just one battering but mentally will continue for a long time making your more nervous and killing you slowly.” “Physical violence is more common and committed by husbands, mother-in- law, sister-in-law towards daughter-in-law due to not knowing about the law, not having education.”
Causes of Violence	Causes of violence largely stem from employment, education, cultural beliefs, and reputation within a community.	“It occurs because people do not have education, the economic situation of the households are very bad, and due to misunderstanding in the families.” “Men think that daughter-in-law should have a fear from mother-in law, father-in law and husband.” “The reason is not having education, not knowing about their rights, not having any support from family members or other relatives. Having no money, no reputation in the community.”
Perpetrators	There was consensus among KIs that perpetrators of violence can be anyone in the household.	“The majority perpetrators are men, but they are provoked mostly by mother-in law and sister-in law.” “Physical [violence] is spread in the family households; it is committed by husbands towards spouses, by brother towards sisters, by parents towards children.”
Solutions	All KIs recommended targeting populations (such as older women and men) in addition to women, for trainings and spreading awareness.	“We just work with women, but we should work with men as well, as the main perpetrators are men and mother-in law and other family members. We can address the issue of violence only when we are working with all family members to raise their awareness and provide training [on violence].” “Working with the men, if we explain to the men that it will affect positively for their family they will change their behavior slowly.” “We should work with all family members.”

Note. KI = Key Informant.

According to the KIs, acts of violence occur regularly within Khatlon Province as compared to urban areas such as the capital, Dushanbe. Analogous to the participants of the SSIs, women and children are often viewed as the victims. Many KIs elaborated on the unfortunate situations of young women with husbands who have migrated, usually to Russia for work, and ultimately stop sending remittances after establishing a new family abroad. The types of violence range from psychological to physical to economic, and there is not consensus over which is most prevalent among the KIs. One quote that is particularly disturbing (included in Table 3) illustrates how women prefer physical violence to psychological due to the long-term nature of psychological violence. The causes of violence are again similar to what was stated among the SSIs, specifically around lack of education and unemployment; however, cultural beliefs and one’s reputation within the community were mentioned. Unlike the SSIs, KIs viewed anyone within the household a potential perpetrator, including younger women, which is likely why they recommended targeting everyone in the household for trainings surrounding violence and empowerment.

Discussion

This study investigated the perceptions and potential prevalence of violence in Khatlon Province as it relates to gender and empowerment. The underpinnings of empowerment, from a community and stakeholder perspective in Khatlon Province, are employment and education above others. The preponderance of participants who stated education and employment were clear indicators of an empowered woman suggests that more academic and economic opportunities should be the focus of local partners. Upon visual inspection and analysis, the pictorial representations of the empowered and disempowered women present the juxtaposition of a stylish, usually young woman who is revealing her hair and has Western clothes next to an older woman, in worn traditional Tajik clothes with a head scarf. Aside from education and employment being commonly discussed, fashion between the two types of women was contrasted in almost all drawings. While it was not specifically investigated or probed, this may be due to the additional agency and decision-making abilities, as well as financial resources, an empowered woman has over a disempowered woman.

Education and Employment

The post–Soviet Union left many Central Asian countries economically unstable; therefore, the push toward women’s liberation was halted and the resurgence of familial values, with men as the head of household and women encompassing the maternal, childbearing role, became more prominent (Cleuziou & Direnberger, 2016; Kandiyoti, 2007; Mukhamedova & Wegerich, 2018). While policies were made throughout the mid to late 1990s (after the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995), many were not enforced. Many gender-mainstreaming attempts were met with resistance, while others were just ignored. Eventually, the drive for women’s empowerment stagnated and had to soon contend with other important issues in the region, such as malnutrition and poor water infrastructure (Shakirova, 2007). Through promoting women’s empowerment, women’s agency in and outside the household has expanded opportunities in health, education, and individual utility—thereby increasing bargaining power (Agarwal, 1997; Wong, 2012). Therefore, the findings of this study correspond with recent literature that supports increasing education (university level in this case) and employment, through which women will have increased empowerment (Dasgupta, 2000; Kabeer, 1999).

Involving Men

While women in many parts of the world still bear the brunt of HIV/AIDS rates, labor, household responsibilities, and under-education, there are many areas where men suffer equally or to a higher degree. A prominent theme among the KIs was to engage men specifically so that there is a better understanding of violence and empowerment from decision-makers within the household. Engaging men in gender-related issues is not new—historically men have been labeled the father, brother, and head of household—but only more recently have we been able to engage men, as men, with gender-specific needs (Deere & Twyman, 2012; Flood, 2015). This study reinforces that to improve women’s empowerment, we must engage men as well and also address any underlying issues (such as substance abuse) that may be the cause of perpetual violence in the home.

As a result of socioeconomic and spatial trends, women throughout Latin America have been able to improve health, education, and employment indicators; however, the overall condition of men in the region has worsened (Paulson, 2016). By acknowledging the needs of men directly, through engagement and designing gender-transformative interventions and projects, we can alter the prevailing gender norms that are promulgating these poor indicators. In addition, by addressing both men and women in the household, we are better suited to understand the magnitude of an intervention that targets intra-household decision-making and whether it has had a positive or negative effect on women’s and men’s empowerment (Barker et al., n.d.; Kafle, 2017). As the duty-bearers in many societies, men play an important role in changing and evolving gender-norms. While the fundamental themes previously discussed were agreed upon across groups and genders, there were nuanced differences in perceptions shared by men. Specifically, men were more willing to discuss how disempowered women are more likely to be exposed to violence due to either a husband’s or father’s alcoholism. Therefore, by engaging men and including them in interventions, there is no longer a zero-sum game whereby creating more empowered women we are disempowering men. Many theorize that empowerment of both men and women can create a positive-sum game (Kafle, 2017; Paulson, 2016). Furthermore, whether men are targeted directly for gender-related issues or they are being included as duty-bearers to improve women’s empowerment and/or agency, the argument to engage them appears to yield better, gender-equitable outcomes.

This study has limitations that should be considered and addressed in future research. One important limitation was selection of the villages. As previously mentioned, selection of the villages was based on in-country knowledge of what areas were considered safe at the time; therefore, the findings in this study may not be fully representative of the entire province, especially because violence in the “unsafe” villages may be higher. Another potential limitation to this study is that the religious ideology between villages was not captured, though it was considered during the study design. Despite all villages being Muslim, there were different degrees of practice in daily life. For example, in one village women had significantly less exposure to urban areas as a result of pressure from conservative Muslims in the area who relied heavily on gossip to control social norms. This tactic used to control and generate social conformity has been documented in Tajikistan as well as many totalitarian states (Harris, 2004). Their drawings reflected this by having both empowered and disempowered women wearing traditional Tajik head coverings and clothes, whereas less conservative villages almost always portrayed the empowered woman without a head scarf. Therefore, researchers chose not to gather this information for this study as it was deemed impossible to objectively and categorically capture the degree of religious practices.

This study examines the causes, types, and solutions to gender-based violence, while also indirectly gauging prevalence. This study uses innovative, new methods to elicit sensitive information from a priority population to better provide them with targeted solutions. It is recommended that future interventions consider including men to deter and prevent the use of violence in the household. Future research should also measure the effectiveness of these interventions to determine if they have any effect on preventing violence. Finally, the use of the CEDs was found to be highly successful, especially in more conservative areas—which was initially a potential concern; therefore, researchers highly recommend the use of this tool.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors thank the Feed the Future Tajikistan Agriculture and Water Activity project that provided facilitators and logistical support.

Authors’ Note

This research was produced as part of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and U.S. Government Feed the Future project, “Integrating Gender and Nutrition Within Extension and Advisory Services” (INGENAES) under the Leader With Associates Cooperative Agreement No. AID-OAA-LA-14-00008. The USAID is the leading American government agency building social and economic prosperity together with the government and people of Tajikistan. The University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign is the prime awardee, and partners with the University of California–Davis, the University of Florida, and Cultural Practice, LLC ().

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The research was made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the USAID or the U.S. government.

ORCID iD

Elizabeth A. Wood

Author Biographies

Elizabeth A. Wood’s applied research focuses on global health nutrition, gender equity, and trauma with significant experience in project design, implementation, training facilitation, and monitoring and evaluation.

Nargiza Ludgate has conducted research and capacity development programs focused around women’s empowerment, women’s social capital, collective action, and the role of community-based organizations on women’s leadership potential in patriarchal societies.

Camila Mamadnazarova has served as the gender advisor for the United States Agency for International Development in Tajikistan for several years, where she has worked to promote gender equity.

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