Understandings and Perceptions of Domestic Violence Among Newly Arrived Afghan Women in Australia

Abstract

Women’s perceptions of domestic violence vary across societies and cultures and might change by moving to a new society. This study aims to explore newly arrived Afghan women’s understandings and perceptions of domestic violence and whether they perceive this as acceptable. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 newly arrived Afghan women in Australia. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and analyzed inductively to generate and organize themes. The findings showed that informants had a sound knowledge and understanding of domestic violence, and many of them identified various forms of violence. Also, informants strongly rejected that violence against women be considered normal or acceptable.

Keywords

perception domestic violence migration Afghan women

Introduction

Women from different societies, cultures, and ethnicities interpret domestic violence in different ways (Fanslow et al., 2010). The World Health Organization (WHO) multi-country study (García-Moreno et al., 2005) found women’s attitudes toward violence to vary considerably by country. Acceptance of physical violence was higher among women who had experienced abuse than among those who had not. Flood and Pease (2009) also revealed multiple factors that affect people’s interpretations and attitudes toward domestic violence, including gender, one’s socialization, norms, culture, law, and society-wide factors.

Migrants’ perceptions and attitudes toward domestic violence vary and might be dissimilar to the host country (Rodriguez Martinez & Khalil, 2017). Some women may continue to perceive violence against women in a way that echoes their country of origin’s tradition and gender patterns (Gennari et al., 2017). Nevertheless, studies also showed that the migration process and post-migration factors influenced women’s attitudes toward domestic violence (Bhuyan & Senturia, 2005; El-Abani et al., 2020; Wallach et al., 2010). Those factors include egalitarian gender roles in the host country, the length of stay in the new country, access to higher education after migration, access to employment, settlement experiences, and women’s engagement in social networks in the host country.

The Australian National Community Attitudes towards Violence against Women Surveys (NCAS) found a significant difference between Australians and migrants from non-English-speaking countries regarding attitudes toward violence against women (Taylor & Mouzos, 2006; Webster et al., 2014, 2019). People from non-English-speaking countries were significantly less likely to view stalking or harassment by telephone or email as violence. Furthermore, Flood and Pease (2009) found that adults born in non-English-speaking countries considered domestic violence as a less serious issue than those born in Australia or other western English-speaking countries.

Domestic violence is multifaceted and complex, and therefore, migrants’ attitudes should be explored deeply to understand how they articulate this notion (Graca, 2017). This qualitative research focused on perceptions and understandings of domestic violence among Afghan women in Australia, as previous reports showed that up to 90% of Afghan women in Afghanistan accepted violent behavior (Aljazeera, 2015; Tran et al., 2016; United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2013). Despite a long history of Afghan people living in Australia (Department of Social Services, 2016), there has been no detailed investigation into how Afghan women perceive domestic violence. Hence, there were two main questions for this study: “How do Afghan women in Australia perceive and understand domestic violence?” and “To what extent do Afghan women in Australia view domestic violence as acceptable?”

Perception, Acceptance, and Justification of Domestic Violence

Women’s knowledge and perceptions of what constitutes domestic violence are important because these may influence women’s responses when confronted with experiences of violence in their own lives or the lives of others (Goodson & Hayes, 2021). The way in which people in one culture define violence can determine what constitutes an abusive act, and what is neglected and hence can be labeled as normal rather than abusive behavior (Gennari et al., 2017). Therefore, women’s perceptions and definitions can determine what they find acceptable.

Some studies have demonstrated that domestic violence is widely accepted and justified among Muslims, not only by men but also by some women (Abu-Ras, 2007; Childress, 2018; Echavez et al., 2016; Linos et al., 2012). Despite recent research conducted among Muslim communities on attitudes toward domestic violence (Boy & Kulczycki, 2008; El Abani & Pourmehdi, 2021; Gennari et al., 2017; Linos et al., 2012; Marshall & Furr, 2010; Vaughan et al., 2015; Yusof et al., 2018), further research is needed to explore Muslim communities’ perceptions and contributing factors. Boy and Kulczycki (2008) found that women who justified domestic violence suggested that violence was a reasonable punishment for women’s behavior or faults including burning the food, neglecting the children, arguing with husbands and disobeying them, refusing to have sex, and/or committing infidelity. Understanding domestic violence as something which women deserve as a consequence of their actions could lead women to blame themselves and hence tolerate domestic violence.

A study that ranked 60 countries on acceptance of domestic violence found that, while some non-Muslim majority countries also showed high levels of acceptance, many Muslim countries ranked high on this index (McGee, 2017). For instance, a study conducted by Ali et al. (2014) in Pakistan found that 96% of women accepted male authority, and 99% of women labeled themselves as “good women” as long as they obeyed and followed their husband’s demands. Similarly, recent research revealed that nearly 90% of women in Afghanistan approved of domestic violence in some circumstances (Tran et al., 2016).

Muslim women, including Afghan women, are creating their interpretations in complex discourses to identify abusive actions (Mahmood, 2011; Rajan, 2018). However, interpretations of acceptance of domestic violence might be associated with women’s agency and capacity to leave an abusive relationship. Rajan (2018) found that women did not really accept being hit or beaten, but they labeled violence as acceptable only because they did not believe leaving their abusive relationships was a possibility.

Women’s identities and personal experiences might also lead to divergent beliefs about domestic violence in different contexts (Vaughan et al., 2015). Gender, age, level of education, acculturation, and acceptance of patriarchal beliefs are factors that affect Muslim community members’ perceptions of domestic violence (El Abani & Pourmehdi, 2021; Gennari et al., 2017; Marshall & Furr, 2010; Vaughan et al., 2015; Yusof et al., 2018). For instance, El Abani and Pourmehdi (2021) found that Muslim women’s educational level was an important factor in their perceptions of domestic violence in the United Kingdom. While less educated women viewed domestic violence as a family issue, well-educated women perceived domestic violence as a gender inequality and unequal power relations. Furthermore, in the study conducted by Marshall and Furr (2010), women’s literacy was an important factor, as female participants who pursued higher education were less likely to justify violent behavior against women in Turkey.

It is evident that Muslim societies are heterogeneous regarding interpretations and acceptance of domestic violence; Muslim immigrant women also differ from each other in this respect. This diversity was shown in a study conducted by Gennari et al. (2017) which found that Pakistani immigrant women in Italy were more likely to accept violence as normal than were Moroccan and Egyptian women in the same context. Having more gender egalitarian attitudes may contribute to a greater intolerance of violence (Bhanot & Senn, 2007; Hosseini-Sedehi, 2016; Rahmany, 2016; Yoshihama et al., 2014). Therefore, people from a violence-supportive society context could change by moving to live in a less violence-supportive society, as the acculturation process could develop women’s resistance to accepting domestic violence as normal. For instance, Rahmany (2016), who explored Afghan women’s attitudes toward domestic violence in the United States, found that transforming attitudes from traditional to egalitarian led to a lesser tendency among women to endorse and accept domestic violence.

Change is inevitable for many after immigration; however, migrants do not necessarily transform their values and attitudes in similar ways or at the same speed. Some researchers investigating the transformation of gender roles and attitudes toward violence found that migrant women were more likely than men to change as they moved away from stereotypes and traditional roles (DeBiaggi, 2002; Holtmann, 2016; Moghissi et al., 2009). Moghissi et al. (2009) found that women who integrated well into the host country were more likely to change in a host country that usually offered women more freedom and autonomy. Therefore, attitudes and values, ways of life, behavioral patterns, and gender stereotypes may change in the process of adjusting to the new environment (DeBiaggi, 2002). Moving to a new context such as Australia can be an opportunity for Afghan women to re-examine their interpretations of domestic violence.

While research on Afghan women’s attitudes and perceptions of domestic violence is limited, reports have demonstrated that domestic violence is widely acceptable among Afghan women (Aljazeera, 2015; Tran et al., 2016; UNICEF, 2013). However, women’s rights and freedoms are severely restricted by conservative and traditional norms in Afghanistan (Luccaro & Gaston, 2014). Hence, Afghan women might not have the opportunity to express their attitudes toward domestic violence freely, and those reports might not entirely reflect Afghan women’s perspectives. So, while there is an assumption that domestic violence is widely accepted in Afghanistan (Tran et al., 2016), whether this also applies among the Afghan diaspora, particularly in countries that offer more freedom for women, is unknown. The present study aimed to qualitatively explore Afghan women’s perceptions and understandings of domestic violence, the extent to which domestic violence is acceptable to them, and whether they have changed since arriving in Australia.

Method

This research used semi-structured interviews to obtain data on Afghan women’s perceptions and understandings of domestic violence. By using a qualitative methodology, the complexity of Afghan women’s lives and different opinions could be explored without a priori knowledge as to their likely responses to the interview questions (Vaismoradi et al., 2016). The study population was Afghan women living in Australia from 6 months to 10 years. The study used two forms of nonprobability sampling: purposive sampling and snowballing (Minichiello et al., 2008). The snowballing strategy (Braun & Clarke, 2013) was employed to reach additional potential informants, using word of mouth. Snowballing is an ideal method to access hard-to-reach population groups including women experiencing domestic violence.

This study was undertaken according to the requirements of the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research and the Australian Code for the Responsible Conduct of Research and approved by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (approval number 2017-062).

The research was advertised via flyers that were prepared in Farsi (Persian) and English and were distributed physically in various places in Melbourne and via online social media platforms across Australia. Study information, purposes, and process were explained in plain language statements in both languages (English and Farsi). Semi-structured interviews were conducted in the informants’ preferred language, English or Farsi, giving them the opportunity to describe domestic violence and express their opinions in their preferred language (Liamputtong, 2013). Those who volunteered to take part in the research had the choice of being interviewed face-to-face, by telephone, or by email. Participants also could give their consent either in writing or orally.

The first contact was always initiated by the participant. Details about the research, the safety of the contact number for telephone interviews, the place for face-to-face interviews, and their preferred time were discussed and the interview was arranged. At the beginning of the interview, each participant was informed when recording started. They could request that the recording be stopped at any time. At the end of the interview, the informant was advised to keep the research materials in a safe place if she wanted to keep them.

Interview questions were as follows: How do you define and perceive domestic violence, and do you think your definition has been changed over time? What are different acts of domestic violence? Is domestic violence acceptable among Afghan community? and What is your personal perspective? Inductive thematic analysis was used to explore the data (Hardwick & Worsley, 2010). All interviews were transcribed verbatim and read several times to achieve data immersion.

Coding was conducted by the first author and these were subsequently reviewed by the co-authors. The findings reported reflect our shared understanding of the data. Phrases and words were highlighted, and a code word assigned to depict the data segment. Then, similar concepts and themes were grouped to generate overarching themes. Themes were revised and reorganized several times to illustrate main themes clearly, as well as their relationships to each other. The qualitative analysis software package NVivo (version 11) was used to manage and code the data throughout the analysis process.

When depth and breadth of information are reached, samples are adequate and saturation occurs (Morse, 2015; O’Reilly & Parker, 2012). A total of 21 informants participated in this study and provided data that were analyzed. At that point, the richness of the data became evident for the researcher, and saturation was achieved.

Various strategies were used to ensure the study’s validity, including adequate engagement in data collection, reflexivity and the researcher’s position, rich and deep descriptions of data, and regular debriefings (Hardwick & Worsley, 2010; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

Research Informants

The informants were recruited for the study between June and December 2017. A total of 21 informants were recruited during this period and interviews were between 30 and 75 min long, with the average length of 50 min. Eleven interviews were conducted face to face, seven via telephone, and three by email. Table 1 summarizes the informants’ demographic information. Most informants had been in Australia for 6–10 years. The informants’ age groups were between 19 and 42; most were aged in the 25–34 range.

Table 1.

Demographic Characteristics of Informants.

Group		Informants (n = 21)
Age group	18–24	6
	25–34	13
	35 and over	2
Mean age	27.3
Years in Australia	Up to 3	4
	4–5	7
	6–10	10
Marital status	Never married	4
	Married	11
	Separated	3
	Divorced	2
	Widow	1
Religion	Islam	18
Religion	No religion	3
Education	Elementary education	2
	Secondary education	5
	Bachelor’s qualification	10
	Postgraduate qualification	4
Disclosed experience of abuse	No	13
Disclosed experience of abuse	Yes	8

Most had attended higher education, having enrolled in and/or completed an undergraduate and some a postgraduate degree in Australia. The majority of informants identified themselves as Muslim; only three informants described themselves as non-religious. Fifteen informants decided to be interviewed in Farsi compared with six informants who chose English. The quotes from Farsi interviews have been translated by the researcher for whom Farsi is her first language, and quotes from English interviews are referred to as “(Interview in English).” Pseudonyms were assigned to all informants and are used in the remainder of the article.

Study Findings

Three main themes appeared from the data, as presented in Table 2. Each will be discussed in turn.

Table 2.

Study Themes and Subthemes.

Themes	Subthemes
Afghan women’s understandings of domestic violence	- The nature of domestic violence- Domestic violence acts identified by women- Factors that impacted women’s definitions
Changes in understandings after settling in Australia	- How have women’s understatings changed?- Factors that impacted women to change their definitions
Accepting and normalizing domestic violence	- Women’s attitudes on justification and normalizing domestic violence- How did women view acceptance of domestic violence among the Afghan community?

Afghan Women’s Understandings of Domestic Violence

When informants were asked to define domestic violence in their own words, they provided a range of ideas, varying in part due to their own circumstances and characteristics. Individual factors that contributed to this range of perceptions and definitions included their educational levels, English-language proficiency, personal experience of domestic violence, and years of living in Australia.

While some informants described the nature of abusive behavior against women, others tended to talk about different acts and types of domestic violence, to distinguish what constituted domestic violence. In defining the nature of domestic violence, they believed it constituted any inappropriate behavior or act that hurt women. For instance, Rose, in her early 20s, who has lived in Australia for 3 years, defined domestic violence in a short sentence as “abusive behaviour of a family member towards you.” Likewise, Samaneh, in her mid-20s and resident in Australia for 5 years, defined domestic violence as occurring “if a husband does not treat his wife properly.” Sahar, in her late 20s and with 7 years in Australia, contrasted her definition of domestic violence to her understanding of other Afghan people’s perspectives:

Afghan women define domestic violence as physical violence or physical assault that is violence; for me, violence against women can be verbal abuse, emotional abuse, can be controlling women, can be anything against women’s choice. (Interview in English)

The majority of women recognized different forms of domestic violence, with most mentioning physical, psychological, and verbal forms of abuse. Hitting and beating were the frequent forms of physical violence that women described. While many spoke about various forms of physical violence, several also remarked that other forms of violence should be taken seriously and that defining domestic violence as only physical oversimplified a wide range of abusive acts that occur against women. For example, there were suggestions that domestic violence needed to be defined in a way that encompassed the various forms of abuse experienced by women including emotional and psychological abuse, verbal abuse, financial abuse, controlling behaviors, denying access to material requirements, sexual abuse, social abuse including restricting women’s ability to leave the house and meet others, polygamy, and forcing women to wear hijab. Those who had lived in Australia for a longer period tended to highlight a variety of abusive acts, which might reflect their participation in educational programs or Australian higher education.

The way in which women used the language to describe and articulate domestic violence was also significant. Some of the informants who were interviewed in Farsi nevertheless spoke about violent acts in English. This was particularly so during Angela and Yas’s interviews. Yas, in her late 20s, has studied for a Bachelor-level degree in Australia and worked as a caseworker and interpreter; she defined violence in English while being interviewed in Farsi. She stated, “Domestic violence means physical, verbal and sexual violence.”

Furthermore, informants who were interviewed in English tended to define domestic violence in more detail compared with those who chose to do their interviews in Farsi. For example, Diana, in her mid-20s, who moved to Australia 10 years before and had been educated at an Australian university, tended to define and describe domestic violence inclusively, to cover many forms of violence committed by different family members against women.

Domestic violence is not only the husband beating his wife. It is more than that. Sexual violence, physical violence, emotional, psychological and social violence, financial abuse. Moreover, it is not only from the husband—it is the woman’s relatives, woman’s mother or anyone from the family basically. (Interview in English)

Similarly, Shy, who did her interview is Farsi, defined domestic violence as “For some, domestic violence is just beating. For me, [it] is that how men look at you or talk to you.”

Tara, in her early 20s and educated at an Australian university, argued that women should be respected and loved; otherwise, they were being subjected to violence:

Violence is anything that hurts a woman physically or mentally. Physical violence is women being beaten by men, and verbal abuse is yelling and offensive language against women and using inappropriate language. Also, sometimes, stopping women from self-improvement can also be violence, and controlling women. Making women desperate for love and kindness is also violence, even worse than physical violence.

Many informants considered that domestic violence is not be limited to physical violence, and they often emphasized other non-physical forms of violence. Samaneh, in her mid-20s, who had the experience of working to reduce domestic violence in the Afghan community, attempted to define domestic violence in a comprehensive way that included all women’s experiences of abuse: “I told my community that violence is not just beating; it can also be verbal or restricting you from going out. Unfortunately, in our community, they do not think these acts are violence.” As can be seen, Samaneh, while criticizing others for defining domestic violence as merely physical, considered numerous acts to be domestic violence including forcing women to wear hijab, a challenge that many Afghan women may face.

Afghan women who had only recently moved to Australia defined domestic violence in a slightly different way to those who had lived in Australia for a number of years. Those who had lived longer in Australia and were involved in the educational system and social services described various specific acts compatible with Australian definitions of domestic violence, including non-physical forms of violence. For example, Angela, in her mid-30s, who has been in Australia for 10 years, said: “Violence is comprehensive and can be in different forms including mentally, physically, financially, and materially.” In comparison, those who had only recently arrived tended to see violence as impeding opportunities for a good life. Maryam, for instance, in her early 20s, had lived in Australia for only a short time and mentioned that she had not had any training or educational sessions in Australia; she stated that “not being kind to a wife can be violence. I think being unkind can be the worst act of domestic violence.”

Defining domestic violence as physical abuse alone can oversimplify a complex and broad scope of consequences for those who have experienced abusive acts. Some informants tended to note various abusive acts in relation to their own lives and as more applicable to them, particularly those who had experienced domestic violence; they provided definitions that fit their own experiences and highlighted the acts and consequences they had experienced personally. Having experienced domestic violence and the devastating consequences associated with it led these women to be more concerned about actions that might be ignored by others, particularly non-physical forms of violence. As some argued, to ignore these non-physical forms of domestic violence might result in society normalizing and accepting them, and women might not get the support and assistance they need. Leila, who has been in an abusive relationship with a controlling husband for almost 9 years, described it thus:

For many, domestic violence means beating a person [woman]; for me, control and psychological abuse and forcing women to stay home can be an act of violence because I had this experience. My husband had imprisoned me in my home. The consequences of mental abuse are deeper than physical violence because when somebody beats you, it is painful at the time but you may forget [it] later on, while mental abuse and its consequences and damages will remain for so many years.

Similarly, Somi stated:

The scope of domestic violence is broad [and] includes anything, even somebody taking my rights is violence, let alone beating me [. . .] When male members of the family say you should do this or should not do other things, it is violence. For example, if they say you should cook, it is violence.

Changes in Understandings After Settling in Australia

Some informants remarked that their perceptions and definitions of domestic violence changed after settling in Australia. Connecting with the wider Australian society, particularly through involvement in education and training, were key factors in this. As noted earlier, those who had lived in Australia for some time tended to provide definitions of domestic violence consistent with widely held understandings in Australia, and some described how their perspectives have developed. Tara, for instance, in her early 20s, who has studied at an Australian university, strongly believed that her understanding of abuse had changed since settling in Australia.

When I was in Afghanistan, I thought violence was just physical and verbal. Also, I thought violence happened only in the less developed and patriarchal societies [. . .], when I came to Australia, I realised that coercive control and not respecting women’s demands could also be violence. Also, I know that violence can happen anywhere, anytime, even in a modern society like Australia.

Tara’s perspective on the breadth of possible forms of domestic violence as well as the groups of women who were at risk of domestic violence had been changed by moving to Australia. She now saw all women irrespective of their backgrounds and circumstances to be at risk of violence. Fati, in her mid-20s and in Australia for 9 years, also said her understanding of domestic violence had changed:

After I was educated and informed about different parts of violence, as I have done my Bachelor [degree] in Australia and being here for 9 years, so [I define] anything that disturbs the person as violence, and something disturb them psychologically like depression and stress and anxiety are considered violence. (Interview in English)

Fati said living in Australia as well as her involvement in the Australian educational system had improved her knowledge and understanding of what should be considered as violence. Likewise, Sahar described how in her first few years of living in Australia she did not realize domestic violence could include non-physical acts. However, as she read books and accessed various sources of information, her understanding broadened.

Settling in Australia, a non-Muslim majority country where most women, including many Afghan women, do not wear hijab, gave some women the opportunity to choose their dress. Others, however, encountered strong expectations that they continue to wear hijab; choosing not to do so could lead to domestic violence. Hence, in describing the varying forms of domestic violence, many women tended to include forcing hijab, reflecting their beliefs that any decision to wear hijab should be autonomous. Many women had had disagreements about wearing hijab and some had faced violence and control over their desire to wear what they wanted. Unsurprisingly, therefore, the majority of informants emphasized that forcing women to wear hijab should be recognized as domestic violence among the Afghan community in Australia. For example, Fati said:

When I go to my parents’ neighbourhood, I do [wear hijab]. We wear scarf there, and most of the women, the youngest they are not happy with hijab, but the social forces them to do. Forcing to wear hijab is a form of violence, it is something I do not want to. (Interview in English)

Accepting and Normalizing Domestic Violence

Some informants believed that Afghan women without a sound knowledge of domestic violence might perceive violence as normal. The important barriers to acquiring knowledge in Australia, according to participants, were low command of the English language and cultural differences. Afghan women, therefore, might not be able to improve their knowledge without their involvement and integration into their new society. Diana, for instance, mentioned that the lack of understanding about domestic violence might result in it being tolerated within the Afghan community. Yas also remarked that not many people spoke openly about the subject:

Domestic violence is the hidden problem in Afghan society because they do not want to put their family reputation in danger. If a woman experiences domestic violence, it is normal in Afghanistan, but if a woman speaks up about violence, that is unusual.

Furthermore, some informants said that non-physical forms of domestic violence might not obviously be considered serious and would therefore be perceived as normal. For example, Diana said:

Because you do not see the bruise on her face, you think she is all right, but she is not. Domestic violence, it is happening a lot in the community, and sadly it has been normalised in the community. In Afghanistan, people do not know about domestic violence, so they normalise it, so for many after coming to Australia and not knowing the language and the culture, this definition has not been changed. (Interview in English)

Limited knowledge about various forms of domestic violence might therefore lead to normalizing some acts in both Australia and Afghanistan. Consequently, many informants said that training and education would improve Afghan women’s understanding and knowledge about domestic violence after migrating to Australia. As domestic violence education and training were not commonly available or accessible to Afghan women before migration, several informants commented that Afghan women had limited knowledge and understanding. They argued that long-term and consistent education was required for the Afghan community, with training delivered in collaboration with community figures. Furthermore, they proposed that educational sessions should be offered by trusted and reliable bodies to encourage more community members to attend and should be provided in the Afghan people’s native languages to improve their understanding of the issues.

Discussion

Domestic violence is a multilayered subject with many individual and structural factors and therefore cannot be defined in a simplistic way (Graca, 2017). Pournaghash-Tehrani (2011) argued that defining domestic violence in Muslim societies was more challenging than in non-Muslim societies due to cultural factors that determine domestic violence as a sensitive issue to be discussed publicly.

Most informants in this study understood and defined domestic violence in wide-ranging and comprehensive ways. Typically, their understandings went beyond physical violence, and many attempted to reflect established Australian and international definitions that took this broader approach (Council of Australian Governments [COAG], 2011; García-Moreno et al., 2005). They criticized other Afghan people for defining domestic violence merely as physical and being ignorant of non-physical forms. These findings were similar to those in a study by Erez et al. (2009) among immigrants in the United States, who criticized people in their countries of origin for oversimplifying domestic violence.

Women’s descriptions of personal histories of domestic violence, particularly for those who had experienced psychological violence, emphasized non-physical forms as they had not been protected from such forms of abuse. They criticized others for ignoring psychological violence. Follingstad (2007) said that conceptualizing some behaviors as psychological violence was difficult and women might not include it when defining domestic violence. Women feel devastated when experiencing non-physical violence (Madhani et al., 2017); at the same time, they may not get the support they expect from their family if they experience unrecognized forms of domestic violence. Thus, when talking about their experiences, informants significantly highlighted these forms of violence.

The qualitative method employed by this study provided the opportunity to explore the language used by informants to conceptualize domestic violence. Interestingly, those interviewed in Farsi tended to describe domestic violence using English words despite the existence of Persian vocabulary to describe this. As perceptions and understandings about domestic violence are shaped through social interaction as well as training and education, informants’ preference for English may indicate unfamiliarity with the Persian terms and, more importantly, that those views may have been achieved through the process of settlement, training, acculturation, and integration into Australian society. Similarly, those who had lived in Australia for a longer period elaborated on the concept of domestic violence in more detail than did newly arrived women. These findings are consistent with an earlier study that found that migrant women tended to describe domestic violence in more detail the longer they lived in Canada (Ahmad et al., 2004).

Those who had been enrolled in Australian educational institutions had a stronger understanding of domestic violence and were more likely to distinguish between different kinds of abuse. This is unsurprising, as the Australian Government has funded various programs to improve knowledge and awareness of domestic violence and abusive behavior among children and young people (COAG, 2011; Mitchell, 2011). Hence, Afghan women attending Australian schools and universities have had the opportunity to acquire and improve their knowledge about domestic violence. Follingstad (2007) argued that education is an important factor to construct women’s interpretations of violent behaviors. Therefore, obtaining relevant knowledge and information might have been an important factor to articulate domestic violence and resistance in accepting violent acts. Indeed, previous studies conducted among Muslim women have found that those who were less educated had less knowledge about domestic violence and were therefore less likely to resist violence (Boy & Kulczycki, 2008; Echavez et al., 2016; Joshi & Childress, 2017; Linos et al., 2012; Marshall & Furr, 2010). For instance, Ali et al. (2014) found that higher education was an important factor in women’s autonomy and participation in decision making, which was why the society restricted their access to education to maintain male domination and control of women. Accessing and attending higher education in Australia might help Afghan women express their views freely and refuse violent acts as normal or acceptable.

Informants also emphasized some forms of domestic violence that related particularly to Afghan women, such as obtaining a second wife or forcing women to wear hijab. Likewise, a study conducted by Meguid and Bakry (2006) found that although Arab Muslim women’s definitions of domestic violence were similar to those of other women in the United States, they also discussed particular issues of the culture which was central to their lives.

However, while many informants viewed enforced wearing of hijab as an act of domestic violence, few raised the issue of sexual abuse or forced marriage. In addition to some cultural barriers to speaking about sexual issues among Afghans (Shayegan, 2014), informants may have been selective in relating abusive acts, based on their perspectives and information. Moreover, men from the Australian culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) community who participated in the survey conducted by Taylor and Mouzos (2006) were less likely to view stalking and harassment by phone or email as violence; these were similarly not described as acts of domestic violence by our informants. Furthermore, a study conducted among Muslim women in Indonesia found that they did not consider social control and isolation to be domestic violence (Bennett et al., 2011).

Informants in this study unanimously believed that domestic violence was not normal or acceptable and should therefore be addressed and stopped. They vigorously opposed any normalization of domestic violence and criticized those who viewed it as normal, particularly other Afghan women in the community. This was in stark contrast to some previous studies of Afghan women, which reported that up to 90% accepted violent behavior (Aljazeera, 2015; Tran et al., 2016; UNICEF, 2013). It was also in marked contrast to studies among other Muslim communities that found domestic violence to be viewed as accepted and justifiable (Childress, 2013, 2018; Echavez et al., 2016; Linos et al., 2012; Shankar et al., 2013). One difference between those studies and this study is that this study was conducted in a non-Muslim majority country whereas many of the studies that found domestic violence to be seemingly acceptable were conducted among women in Muslim majority countries. Consequently, the findings may indicate the transformation of women’s perspectives and perceptions, as indeed some informants specifically remarked. Particularly compared with Afghan women in Afghanistan, informants were highly educated and had attended Australian educational institutions.

While many emphasized the importance of education to migrants—reflecting earlier findings among immigrant women (Colucci et al., 2013; Ingram et al., 2010; Kulwicki et al., 2010)—informants noted that education or training might be perceived as a threat to men’s power over the household and that men might not tolerate sudden changes and therefore be suspicious of what was discussed in training sessions. So, as Lockhart and Danis (2010) emphasized that diverse communities’ values should be considered in domestic violence education, informants remarked that Afghan community members might be selective in trusting people involved in domestic violence education. According to informants, collaborative approaches involving Afghan community leaders and outside experts would be the best way to deliver domestic violence education and support, which was also recommended in earlier studies (Ayyub, 2000; Femi-Ajao, 2016; Kulwicki et al., 2010; Milani, 2016; Raj & Silverman, 2002). Those considered outsiders to the community would be seen as not understanding the culture and values; similarly, Afghan people who were labeled as westernized, who did not conform to culture, lifestyle, and tradition, might also struggle to gain community trust despite their heritage.

Informants’ understandings and perceptions of domestic violence varied given their differing circumstances, life experiences, family, and community. The dominant knowledge and perceptions in Australia on what constitutes domestic violence, however, reflect an interpretation of domestic violence acts through a western lens (Nipperess & Williams, 2019). This might lead to ignoring women’s diverse perceptions and experiences of different abusive acts to which they have been subjected. Inclusive definitions of domestic violence rather than only perceiving this through a western lens would help to recognize, confront, and address domestic violence across different communities.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

This paper has been developed from the first author’s PhD thesis supported by Deakin University.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Rojan Afrouz

Author Biographies

Rojan Afrouz is a lecturer in social work at Deakin University. She completed her BSW and MSW in Tehran, where she worked as a social worker for several years prior to migrating to Australia. She worked with disadvantaged communities and was actively involved in social work policy promotion and strategies to support women and children in Tehran. She completed her PhD in 2019, which focused on Afghan women’s perceptions and understanding of domestic violence and their barriers to seeking help in Australia. Apart from her ongoing interest in researching domestic violence, she is working on new approaches to social work practice, research, and education.

Beth R. Crisp is professor and discipline leader of social work in the School of Health and Social Development, Faculty of Health, Deakin University. She has been actively involved in health and human services research for the last 30 years, initially in program development and evaluation in the areas of substance misuse, HIV/AIDS, and health promotion. More recently, her research efforts have been in the areas of professional development and the transfer of professional knowledge, promoting social inclusion, addressing violence and abuse, and the interface of religion, spirituality, and social work practice. An ongoing interest which underpins Beth’s work is the need to establish measures and methodologies which form appropriate measures of evidence for the evaluation of complex programs in the human services.

Ann Taket is an honorary professor in the School of Health and Social Development, Faculty of Health, Deakin University. She retired from the Centre for Health through Action on Social Exclusion. She has over 40 years of experience as lead investigator on a wide variety of research studies in the field of public health. Her main research interests are the complex interactions between social exclusion and health; the design and evaluation of interventions to reduce health inequities and prevention; prevention and intervention in domestic abuse and violence; and the use of rights-based approached in public health.

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