Abstract
This study explored the experience of economic vulnerability and its effect on girls’ future aspirations, relationships, and financial reliance on male partners, as well as risk for intimate partner violence (IPV) and related health consequences. Thirteen Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted among 122 female adolescents aged 15–19 years. Participants reported that lack of economic resources limits girls’ ability to be economically independent by reducing opportunities to receive education or enter into a trade. Economic vulnerability decreases girls’ ability to become economically independent, increasing financial reliance on male partners, and in turn, increasing risk for IPV, sexually transmitted infections, and unintended pregnancy.
Keywords
Introduction
In Africa, 422,000,000 people live below the poverty line, which translates to one in three Africans being poor (Hamel et al., 2019). Unfortunately, feminization of poverty is a feature of most low-income countries, with females accounting for as much as 70% of the poor (African Renewal, 2009). The incidence of poverty among women is particularly marked in sub-Saharan Africa (McFerson, 2010). The major cause of poverty among women in sub-Saharan Africa is rooted in the interaction of three major factors: weak governance, traditional restrictions on women's rights, and violence (McFerson, 2010; WHO, 2012a). These interactions have a severe negative impact on the status, condition, and welfare of women, especially adolescent girls in sub-Saharan Africa, including Nigeria (McFerson, 2010). The low status of women and girls restricts social and economic mobility, including girls’ ability to obtain education or vocational training, and in turn, negatively impacts health and well-being (Antai et al., 2014). Efforts to alleviate the intersection of gender inequity, poverty, and poor health among women and girls are increasingly focused on the economic empowerment of adolescent girls, with a focus on promoting girls’ education and economic opportunities (Jackson, 2009; Phillips & Mbizvo, 2016; UN, 2016).
Another factor stemming from girls’ low status which is experienced in high proportions among adolescent girls is intimate partner violence (IPV). IPV includes physical, sexual, or psychological harm, including acts of physical aggression, sexual and reproductive coercion (e.g., pressuring a partner to have sex, denying a partner effective use of birth control), psychological abuse, and controlling behaviors. IPV perpetrated against girls and women by male partners has been found to stem from gender inequitable norms that promote male dominance and control in these relationships (Reed et al., 2014; Reed et al., 2011). IPV increases risk for sexual and reproductive health concerns among girls, including sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and unintended pregnancy (WHO, 2012b).
Research has documented that young women in mid to late adolescence experience the highest per capita rates of IPV (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007; Wingood et al., 2001). A study conducted among low-income urban populations in Ibadan, Nigeria, documented that 21% of girls aged 15–24 years reported experience of IPV 12 months preceding the survey (Simons et al., 2014). Worldwide, almost one-third (30%) of all women who have been in a relationship have experienced physical and/or sexual violence by their intimate partners (WHO, 2013). IPV is widespread throughout most of sub-Saharan Africa and more women in Africa than women anywhere in the world are subjected to IPV with a lifetime prevalence of 36% (García-Moreno et al., 2013). Research across multiple regions has documented that the prevalence of IPV among Nigerian young women and girls ranges from 23% to 49% (Umana et al., 2014; UNHCR, 2011-October 2014). Given that adolescence is a time of rapid physical, psychological, and cognitive development (Roman & Frantz, 2013), negative experiences such as IPV can have long-lasting effects into adulthood (Sawyer et al., 2012; Temin & Levine, 2010).
The economic situation of a community/region influences women's risk of IPV (WHO, 2013). Despite the intense poverty, wide variation exists in the prevalence of IPV among women in different regions and communities in sub-Saharan Africa. These variations have been attributed to differences in some recognized risk factors--namely, women's socio-economic status and the societal norms/practices that promote gender discrimination. Studies have also documented poverty as a key risk factor for IPV (Jewkes, 2002; WHO, 2013). In addition, economic stress, low social and economic status of women, including low educational levels, increase women and girls’ likelihood of experiencing IPV (Abramsky et al., 2011; Heise et al., 2002; WHO, 2012b; WHO & LSHTM, 2010). Notably, IPV also further threatens girls’ ability to achieve education and economic independence (Fawole, 2008; Hess & Rosario, 2018; Staggs & Riger, 2005). However, the majority of research on economic vulnerability and risk for IPV has been conducted among adult women, and less is known regarding the specific scenarios underlying the ways in which economic vulnerability influences risk for IPV. In order to inform intervention efforts, including economic interventions to decrease risk for IPV among young populations of girls, more work is needed to understand the specific experiences of economic vulnerability in girls’ lives as well as how these experiences afford greater risk for IPV.
This study sought to (1) describe economic vulnerabilities experienced by adolescent girls, including how it affects girls’ ability to be economically independent and obtain education and economic opportunities, and (2) how economic dependence on male partners affects girls’ relationships including experiences of IPV and other poor health outcomes. The current study analyzed data from focus groups among girls recruited from low-income communities in Ibadan, Nigeria.
Materials and Methods
Study Setting
This study was conducted in Ibadan, Oyo State, South West Nigeria. Oyo State has a population of about 5,580,894 inhabitants. The site selected for this study was the Ibadan metropolis which consists of five Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Oyo state. Ibadan metropolis has a total population of 1,343,147 based on the 2006 census. Persons aged 15 to 19 years constitute 273,638 of the population, and female adolescents constitute 10.3% of the population numbering approximately 137,680 (NPC & ICF International, 2019). The residents are mainly the Yoruba ethnic group who speak the Yoruba language. Women's literacy rate is estimated at 62.9%. Ibadan's economy is largely craft and trade, with trade being a primary activity among women. Nigeria's largest cities such as Ibadan have a considerable proportion of slums at the city outskirts, mostly created by squatters on illegally occupied land; however, in Ibadan, the oldest and largest low-income community is located within the city core, largely as a result of decay of existing structures. Low levels of financial literacy are among the factors that impede broad access to financial services, hindering economic growth and development in these communities (Kama & Adigun, 2013). Forty percent (83 million) of the Nigerians live below the country's poverty line of $381.75 (137,430 nairas) per year (World Bank, 2020). The majority of these people reside in low-income communities in urban slums and rural areas. These communities are characterized by a large proportion of adolescents/youths, who are confronted with a high unemployment rate, poor healthcare services, and lack of access to education (Kabiru et al., 2013).
Study Procedures
This qualitative study involved 13 Focus Groups Discussions (FGDs) (n = 13, 8–12 participants in each focus group, total 122 girls) with adolescents ages 15–19 years who reported being in a relationship or a previous relationship with a male partner that lasted at least 3 months. In order to ensure a diverse sample of females, participants in the focus groups were recruited at government-owned schools and worksites in low-income communities in Ibadan, Nigeria.
As necessary, to obtain diversity in females’ experiences, participants were purposively sampled to ensure that young females of various ages, school enrollment, as well as other social categories (e.g., religion and residence), were sampled. The participants in this study did not earn an income, and thus, it was not possible to sample based on this characteristic; however, all girls were recruited from low-income communities.
Data were collected between May and July 2019. Data were collected from girls in schools (n = 12) and work sites (n = 1) in Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. The list of schools in the core low-income communities in Ibadan municipality was obtained. Proportionate sampling was used to select between two and four schools per LGA (depending on the number of schools in the low-income communities). The communities the participants came from were taken into consideration and these cut across the five LGAs of Ibadan city; participants were from about 42 localities in total.
Twelve schools were randomly selected from the list of schools in the core low-income communities in the LGAs. In the selected school, the school Principal designated a teacher to work with the research team. The teacher introduced the research team and the study to the students in the Senior Secondary Classes who are usually between the ages 15 and 19 years, and encouraged them to volunteer to participate. The students were urged to approach the research team for the eligibility screening. Furthermore, worksites in low-income communities were purposively selected and visited by the research team, who introduced the study to the worksite trainers and their trainees/apprentices. The trainers encouraged their apprentices to volunteer and participate in the study.
Parental consent was waived because it was considered a minimal risk to girls and it could be a breach of confidentiality to inform the parent of the purpose of the study if they do not already know that their child has had romantic relationships.
The purpose of the research was explained to the girls; if girls stated that they were interested, written informed consent was obtained. Participants were given numbers as identifiers during the discussions. To select out-of-school participants, heads of trade unions and the instructors of different apprentice groups--namely, hairdresser, tailor, and trading--were approached. Even though many gave permission for the study, it was difficult to get all the apprentices together at an agreed venue for the discussion; hence, there was only one focus group with out-of-school girls.
Data collection was facilitated by four research assistants, who were trained by the investigators on securing and ensuring participant anonymity and confidentiality. The guide was administered in mixed languages, English and Yoruba (the local language), as the participants were more comfortable with the discussions in mixed languages, especially as some were more fluent in Yoruba. All study staff facilitating the focus group sessions were researchers with experience and training for working with this population as well as fluent in both English and Yoruba. Each focus group was made up of 8–12 adolescents, a moderator, a recorder who audio-recorded the sessions, and a note-taker who took detailed notes of both verbal responses and cues. The FGDs lasted for 60–90 min each and were held during a school break period in a private place, usually an empty classroom.
Measures
Participants’ socio-demographic information including age, relationship status, level of schooling, vocation, ethnicity, religion, and number of siblings was obtained before the discussion commenced using a one-page proforma (screener).
Thirteen Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted among the participants. The semi-structured FGD guide was adapted from authors’ previous research with this population of girls and included themes related to economic vulnerability, financial reliance on male partners, and financial decision-making in intimate relationships, as well as risk for IPV among girls (Reed et al., 2016; Reed et al., 2018). The semi-structured guide was piloted with the first three groups and refined based on participant feedback (e.g., adding specific probes) prior to implementation with the remaining 10 groups. The FGDs explored young adolescent girls' family economic situations, perceptions of their financial situation, sources of financial support (parents, guardians, and others), and financial challenges or vulnerabilities experienced. The FGDs also explored girls’ future aspirations and ability to go to school or receive vocational training. Financial reliance on male partnerships, financial decision-making control, and risk for IPV were also assessed. Girls were asked to discuss how male intimate relationships and IPV influenced girls’ lives. Questions were asked as these issues pertained to adolescent girls in general and not on the personal experience of the FGD participants. The FGD guide was translated to Yoruba for ease of communication and subsequently back-translated to English in order to maintain the original meanings before administration.
Data Analysis
Transcribed and de-identified interviews were analyzed using a blend of content analysis and grounded theory (Creswell & Creswell, 2013; Ryan & Weisner, 1996). The content analysis involved generating and applying codes to sections of text, then reviewing the text by various codes and “code families” to identify recurrent themes. Initially, the first five interviews were coded using an a priori code list created by the research team that was based on key domains of interest related to girls’ economic vulnerability. An expanded code list characterized by salient subtopics raised by participants emerging from these five interviews was then generated. Grounded theory was generated by the coding process and it provided the framework that helped to understand the concept of economic vulnerability and experience of IPV. Two independent members of the research team translated the FGD responses in Yoruba to English, and it was back-translated to Yoruba to ensure the original meaning was maintained, after which it was translated back to English for ease of analysis. All interviews were transcribed verbatim, and independently coded by two investigators, compared for agreement, and then the coding was finalized. Additions of new codes or changes in code definitions were determined via consensus among the research team. No new codes emerged after two-thirds of the interviews were coded, suggesting content saturation was achieved. Responses from in-school girls were coded FGDs_1 to FGDs_12, and those from out-of-school participants were coded as FGD_13. No difference was noted in responses or major themes reported by school enrollment status, and thus, final data analysis included data from all focus groups.
Ethical Considerations
Ethical approval was received from the University of Ibadan/University College Hospital Ethical Review Committee. All study staff completed relevant research ethics trainings. Participants were informed of their right to decline or withdraw from the study at any time without any consequences and they were assured of their confidentiality. The participants were also informed of the benefits and risks related to participating in the study. Verbal informed consent was obtained from each participant before the interview commenced.
Results
Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Participants
The mean age of the participants was 16.1 (SD 1.3) years. The majority, 105 (86.1%), of the participants were from the Yoruba tribe, which is the dominant tribe in the southwestern region of Nigeria. About 62.3% were Christians; the vast majority (92.6%) were students. Participants were recruited mainly from in-school sites 113 (92.6%). See Table 1 for additional details regarding participant characteristics.
Participant's Socio-Demographics Characteristics.
Economic Vulnerability among Adolescent Girls in Ibadan, Nigeria: Qualitative Findings
Overall, participants reported that most girls desire to be economically independent; however, gender-based inequities within family structures often result in the de-prioritization of household resources used for girls’ education and/or for their vocational training. Participants reported that lack of economic resources limits girls’ ability to be economically independent by reducing their ability to receive an education or enter into a trade. Girls reported that financial reliance on male partners can afford girls a way to acquire basic needs; however, it comes with many risks, including IPV and increased risk for STIs and unintended pregnancy. Participants also reported that young girls experience challenges to leave abusive relationships due to the economic dependence on these partners.
Economic Vulnerability and Girls’ Future Economic and Educational Opportunities
Participants reported that most girls would like to go to school, further their education, and secure good jobs thereafter. They also reported that some girls would like to learn a trade or go into business. Generally, participants reported that girls prefer financial independence and believe education and work could enable them to achieve this desire. For example: Girls are thinking of being well educated in the future and getting good jobs. They have goals to be more educated than their parents.
My expectation for my future is to further my education, work for a while and get married. Most girls after secondary education, plan to learn a trade.
Their future. They plan out their life, how to gain admission into the university, their career and the type of home they want to have.
Many girls expect their future to be bright. Many girls at this stage already are thinking of how they be financially independent of their husbands.
However, girls reported that economic vulnerability within their household limited young girls’ future aspirations as well as educational and economic opportunities. Participants said many parents are unable to afford to send their daughters to school, and some are placed in apprenticeship because their parents cannot afford the school fees: Money is a barrier to living a good life.
I personally wish to further my education but I know my parents don’t have the financial capacity. So, it is a worry to me that I may not be able to further my education.
Many girls are not going to school in my community because their parents cannot afford to send them to school.
Girls worry about finance. Some that come from poor background are worried that they may not be able to fulfil their aspiration because of lack of money.
Participants also reported that many parents are often unable to set their daughters up in a trade even after they had finished the apprenticeship: Girls are concerned about getting support and financial sponsorship to achieve their dreams. I am concerned that my parents may not be able to support me financially to set up my trade.
Money is a worry for many girls, including me. Like me, I am through with my apprenticeship but there is no money to start up my skills. It is a great concern for me.
In addition, participants believed some parents were more interested in educating the boy child rather than the girl child. Participants noted that many parents felt that girls will be homemakers and, therefore, do not need to be educated: Some parents don’t educate the girl child in my community because they believe girls will end up as homemakers.
There is a girl in my area, she is very brilliant but the father refused to send her to school because she is a girl who will end up in the kitchen and does not need education to do that. The father sends only his boys to school but they are not interested in schooling, they often go clubbing and hanging out with friends during school time.
Parental influence is important. There is a girl in my area that likes to be educated but said her mother cannot afford to send her to school … the mother said she would rather use the money for WAEC (final school leaving examination) to set her up in business. Now, the girl … has totally forgotten about schooling and education.
The poor economic situation in many homes was also reported to cause families to send girls to live with relatives (aunts and grandparents) because their parents could not afford to care for them. Unfortunately, girls reported that relatives are often also financially constrained and unable to send girls to school or take good care of them. They narrated situations where relatives denied girls their basic needs (such as food, clothing, shelter) and maltreated them: Some girls live with their grandmothers who are not capable of looking after them very well.
Some live with their mothers and aunties. Girls that live with their aunties are mostly maltreated—they are not given money, food; such girls often look for ways to get money.
In my own community, majority of young girls live with their grandmothers and their life is very bad. Some are pregnant, some drop out of school and roam the street.
Some girls have turned to prostitute even before age 18 because of no financial support from their family. There is a particular orphan girl in my community that lives with her aunty, she goes around with different boys to get money to feed herself because her aunty does not cater for her needs.
The respondents stated that many girls experience abuse at home, which further compromises girls’ pursuit of education and dampens their future expectations. Those that are living with guardians and are maltreated are not thinking about education.
Some girls are disproportionately affected by violence, discrimination and poverty around them which prevents them from going to school.
Some girls that see their mother being beaten and maltreated by their father worry about how their own husband will treat them in the future and what their family will be like.
Economic Hardships Experienced by Girls Restricts Their Ability to Obtain Basic Needs
Participants considered lack of financial support a source of concern for many girls. Participants reported that the poor economic background of girls often leaves them in constant search of how to meet their daily needs. Participants stated that it was common for girls to not be able to afford to buy basic needs like sanitary towels (i.e., menstrual pads). Many of them also reported that girls might go hungry to save money to buy these personal hygiene necessities. Some reported that girls steal money from their parents or other family members because they feel they were unfairly denied. Girls are thinking of making money to buy what they need like sanitary pads, clothes.
Some girls go hungry when saving towards buying something.
Some steal money from their parents when they refuse to give it to them.
Economic Vulnerability at Home Increases Girls’ Financial Dependence on Male Partners, Risk for Partner Violence, and Poor Sexual Health Outcomes
Participants stated that lack of financial support from parents or guardians often leaves girls vulnerable to rely financially on male partners. Participants reported that girls refer to the men who give them such financial support colloquially as “Maga,” which means “the man I date just for his money.” For example: Many parents now cannot take care of their children, so they depend on the boyfriends for financial support.
Some girls have partners they refer to as “ATM,” all they do with those ones is to collect money.
Girls are not satisfied with what their parents give them. They follow after boys they think have money.
Participants reported that when girls rely financially on male partners, there is an expectation that they will have sex with these partners: Girls depend on boyfriends and man-friend to be giving them money and food and some will have to have sex before they can get money to buy what they want.
By age of 14 years, girls in my community already have boyfriends because of the money they will get from the boyfriends and once they start collecting money from the boys, they will give in to having sex with such boys.
Some girls may want to keep their virginity but the moment they start to collect money from their boyfriend, he will put pressure on them for sex. Guys believe that the payback for the money they give their girlfriend is sex.
Participants reported that some girls have been forced into having sexual intercourse with their boyfriends: Some girls were raped by their boyfriend. After collecting money from their boyfriends and they don’t want to have sex, the guys result to raping.
Sometimes, the girl may be set up by her boyfriend if she has been refusing to have sex with him and was taking his money. He goes with his friends to beat her and may rape her.
When the girls are getting money from the boyfriends and he starts asking for sex, if she refuses the boy can threaten her to have sex.
Participants reported that some parents may encourage their daughters to seek relationships where they can be financially supported by males: Though they are parents, some parents that are not financially stable may encourage their daughters to date their friends so that she can be getting money.
Yes. The mothers tell their daughters to collect money from the men.
I know a man that introduced his daughter to his friend because of money. The father lost his job and his friend was helping him financially, when his friend visited him and saw the daughter the father couldn’t refuse his asking the daughter out because that was the source of money for his family.
Some mothers even encourage their daughters to have more than one boyfriend so they are getting money.
Participants stated that when girls are financially dependent on their male partners, they are at high risk of partner violence, including controlling behavior, maltreatment, and abuse. Participants reported that some girls may endure physical, emotional, and even sexual violence in order to obtain the basic necessities of life: Some girls don’t mind being beaten by their boyfriends so far there is money to buy clothes.
Some girls don’t mind any ill treatment from their boyfriend so far they are getting money.
Some girls believe money can solve all their problems, so they don’t mind whatever the man is doing to them.
Participants reported that if the male partner is the main source of financial support, girls will not be able to leave the abusive relationship. All the participants stated that money is the main reason for not leaving unhealthy relationships: If the girl is from a poor background and she only get money from the guy, it will be very difficult to leave such relationship.
When the girl is surviving on the money the guy is giving her, she may not want to leave the relationship, even though the boyfriend is maltreating her.
Money, because the girl will think she can’t get money if she leaves the boy.
Money/pregnancy makes it difficult for a girl to leave an unhealthy relationship.
Participants reported that relying financially on male partners can create expectations for sex from these partners, increasing girls’ risk for STIs and unwanted pregnancies: Looking for money sometimes, push them to have boyfriends that will demand sex from them and in the process, they get pregnant and start their family that way.
This financially relying on male partners puts girls at risk of STIs.
Girls in relationships with male partners who provide them with money can have unwanted pregnancy and risk of contracting STIs.
Discussion
This article reports the many economic vulnerabilities among young girls aged 15–19 years recruited within low-income communities in Ibadan, Nigeria. Findings highlight adolescent girls’ financial challenges, including limitations in educational and vocational training for girls, and how these experiences promote economic dependence on male partners, often to obtain basic necessities. Findings also suggest that economic dependence on male partnerships increases girls’ vulnerability for IPV and related health effects (STIs and unintended pregnancy), partly by decreasing their ability to leave abusive relationships. Our findings build upon previous work by describing the specific scenarios of economic vulnerability faced by adolescent girls as well as the ways in which these experiences of economic vulnerability influence girls’ risk for IPV and related health outcomes.
Our study found that young girls were severely economically deprived and disproportionately affected by limited household resources, where funds were not prioritized for girls’ education or other training. Participants in our study reported that they wished to break the poverty cycle by going to school or setting up a business. However, they lacked the resources and the opportunities for training to do so, not only as a result of household poverty but also because of their low status as girls. In Africa and across the world, women and girls are disproportionately affected by poverty (McFerson, 2010) as a result of traditional norms that limit women's opportunities for education and in the workforce (WHO, 2017). Studies in Nigeria have also documented similar reports that 60% of 14 million out-of-school children are girls as a result of gender inequities and poverty (British Council, 2012; Gberevbie & Udofia, 2019; Nmadu et al., 2010).
Our study found that girls who sought male partnerships as a means for financial stability experienced reduced sexual decision-making power and, in turn, greater risk for STIs and unintended pregnancy from these relationships; these findings are corroborated by studies in other African countries, which have shown that girls who rely on boyfriends/partners for money or personal things have decreased decision-making power in these relationships, including sexual and reproductive decisions (e.g., when to have sex, whether to use birth control or condoms) (Baird et al., 2010). Moreover, studies among adult women have shown that financial reliance on male partnerships is associated with increased risk for unintended pregnancy and STIs as a result of decreased decision-making power in these relationships (Babcock & Deprince, 2013; Dhungel et al., 2017; Save the Children, 2017). Our study builds on this previous work by describing the scenarios in which economic vulnerability and financial reliance on male partners can increase girls’ risks for poor sexual/reproductive health outcomes, such as unintended pregnancy and STIs. For example, our findings suggest that girls who financially rely on male partners may be experiencing pressure or coercion to have sex with these partners in exchange for such financial resources.
Our findings indicated that the experience of IPV was common, particularly among girls who were economically depending on a male partner. These findings are supported by a limited body of research suggesting that young girls experiencing economic challenges are more likely to depend financially on male partners, heightening risks for IPV, as well as other forms of abuse and exploitation (Silverman et al., 2016). Furthermore, it has been well-documented that girls experiencing IPV are also at risk of STIs and unintended pregnancy (Decker et al., 2014; Ellsberg et al., 2008). Thus, our findings corroborate previous study findings and build upon this work by documenting the specific ways in which economic vulnerability and financial dependence on male partners intersect to increase girls’ risk for IPV and poor reproductive and sexual health outcomes. Future quantitative research is needed to continue to gain knowledge regarding the intersection of economic vulnerability, financial reliance on male partners, IPV, and reproductive/sexual health outcomes among girls in Nigeria.
Participants reported that financial dependence on male partners makes it difficult to leave unhealthy relationships. Such findings are well-aligned with previous studies among adult women (Silverman et al., 2004; Silverman et al., 2001; Umana et al., 2014; WHO, 2005). Our result corroborates findings from other studies across the globe that have identified poverty and economic dependence as major barriers to addressing IPV among young girls (Abramsky et al., 2011; Stöckl et al., 2014). Findings also have implications for the health and safety of children of young women in relationships characterized by IPV, as children may be at risk for abuse as well (Wathen & Macmillan, 2013). Financial barriers to leave abusive relationships may impede not only the health and well-being of young girls in these relationships, but also likely affect future generations as well.
Young girls need opportunities for economic empowerment to end the cycle of gender-based poverty and violence. Our findings underscore the intersection between girls’ experiences of economic vulnerability, seeking financial support via relationships with male partners, and girls’ risk for IPV. Findings suggest that girls face a cycle of poverty, lack of opportunity, and violence that are all linked to their status as females. Notably, most of the participants reported that girls would like to be educated, while some would like to set up small businesses. Girls stated that they wanted to achieve economic independence so that they would not be vulnerable to control and abuse within male partnerships (Antai et al., 2014). Our findings support the need for economic empowerment interventions for girls that also address the intersecting issues of economic vulnerability, financial reliance on male partners, IPV, and poor sexual/reproductive health outcomes. A limited, but expanding number of studies conducted in sub-Saharan Africa have documented economic empowerment to be a promising strategy for improving girls’ health, safety, and wellbeing (Bandiera et al., 2020; Gibbs et al., 2017; Phillips & Mbizvo, 2016). Coinciding with our study findings regarding the intersection of girls’ social and economic status in influencing risk for IPV, interventions that have included a focus on both social and economic risks appear to be most promising (Gibbs et al., 2017).
A few limitations should be noted. Our sample consisted of girls recruited from urban contexts with high rates of economic vulnerability. In addition, the majority of participants in the current study reported they were attending school, despite our efforts to recruit participants from both worksites and schools. Thus, findings may be most generalizable to the population of in-school girls. Future studies are needed that focus on other populations of girls experiencing economic vulnerability, including girls who are not currently in school. In addition, girls may not be aware of or have not previously focused their attention on the connection between economic vulnerability and financial reliance on male partners, and how these intersecting factors may increase girls’ risk for IPV, and thus, do not always make these connections directly in their responses. Future quantitative studies are needed, including longitudinal studies to determine causality, to assess the associations between economic vulnerability, financial reliance on male partnerships, and risks for IPV and poor sexual/reproductive health outcomes across broader populations of adolescent girls in these communities and elsewhere in Nigeria.
Conclusion
Economic vulnerability is a common phenomenon among adolescent girls from low-income communities in Southwest Nigeria. Findings suggest that economic vulnerability decreases girls’ financial independence, and in turn, increases girls’ financial dependence on male partners, risk for IPV, and risk for poor sexual and reproductive health. Interventions to support girls to achieve financial independence may help alleviate risks associated with economic vulnerability experienced by young girls.
Supplemental Material
sj-pdf-1-vaw-10.1177_10778012211058223 - Supplemental material for Money, Power, and Relationships: Economic Vulnerability in Girls’ Lives and Risk for Partner Violence Among Girls in Ibadan, Nigeria
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-vaw-10.1177_10778012211058223 for Money, Power, and Relationships: Economic Vulnerability in Girls’ Lives and Risk for Partner Violence Among Girls in Ibadan, Nigeria by Mobolaji M. Salawu, Omowumi O. Okedare, Elizabeth Reed, Susan M. Kiene and Olufunmilayo I. Fawole in Violence Against Women
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors express their gratitude to the study participants.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declare no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article
Funding
The authors received financial support for the research from Wellspring Philanthropic, USA (grant #13528).
Supplemental Material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
Author Biographies
References
Supplementary Material
Please find the following supplemental material available below.
For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.
For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.
