New Zealand Youth That Sexually Offend

Abstract

Māori youth are overrepresented in criminal justice statistics and youth forensic services. Māori youth that engage in sexual offending behaviors have a higher risk of dropping out of treatment than Pākehā¹ youth. Research into Māori mental health is important to inform ongoing service development and is essential to strive for equity in mental health outcomes and offending rates among Māori. In this study, the researchers investigated the coexisting emotional and behavioral problems and victimization histories of an age-matched sample of Māori (n = 75) and Pākehā (n = 75) youth who were referred to a community treatment program for sexual offending in Auckland between 1996 and 2008. The Child Behavior Checklist was used to investigate ethnic differences. After controlling for socioeconomic deprivation, Māori youth scored significantly higher than Pākehā youth on the Delinquent Behaviors syndrome scale. Māori youth were also more likely than Pākehā youth to have a background of physical abuse. Implications of these findings are discussed, with regard to the unique needs of Māori youth and appropriate interventions.

Keywords

sexual offending adolescent sexual offenders Māori youth youth offenders sexual offending treatment

Over the past 30 years, there has been a growing body of literature on youth who engage in sexual offending behaviors. This heightened attention has resulted from a rejection of the earlier belief that these offences were due to “pubescent experimentation” (Underwood, Robinson, Mosholder, & Warren, 2008), the recognition that adolescents are accountable for almost one quarter of all sexual offences in our communities (Anderson, Martin, Mullen, Romans, & Herbison, 1993), and the realization that adolescents are not just “miniature adults,” thus their risk factors and treatment needs are different from the adult sexual offender population (Rich, 2003). Considering the adverse impact sexual offending behavior has on individuals, their families, and the community, effective intervention is critical to address this problem (Rojas & Gretton, 2007).

Researchers have explored the individual, family, and offending characteristics of youth who sexually offend, and it is widely acknowledged that they are a heterogeneous population with a diverse range of offence variables, personality traits, and contributing etiological factors (Bourke & Donohue, 1996; Veneziano & Veneziano, 2002). In addition to their sexually harmful behaviors, some of these youth also exhibit various forms of nonsexual offending (e.g., aggressive and antisocial behavior) and exhibit a range of conduct problems such as fighting, disruptive classroom behavior, and truancy (Rysenbry, 2008; Seto & Lalumiere, 2010). Social skill deficits, social isolation, and poor peer relationships have also emerged as salient features of this population (Awad & Saunders, 1989; Carpenter, Peed, & Eastman, 1995; Rysenbry, 2008). Comorbid mental health issues are prevalent among youth who sexually offend (Veneziano & Veneziano, 2002). Depressive symptoms have been reported in up to 40% of cases (Newman, Negendank, Poortinga, & Benedek, 2009), and symptoms of attention deficit disorder have been found to range from between 30% and 60% of cases (Veneziano & Veneziano, 2002). Research on the coexisting emotional and behavioral problems of youth who sexually offend is important to increase our understanding of this harmful behavior and inform the development of appropriate treatment and preventative strategies. Although correlations between coexisting problems and sexual offending behaviors do not imply causation, the potentially adverse impact of these problems on an adolescent’s responsivity to treatment and subsequent treatment outcome must be considered (Lambie & Seymour, 2006). The relationship between adolescent sexual offending and victimization experiences has also been investigated in the literature. Typically, the sexual victimization rate for this group is reported to be around 40% (Cooper, Murphy, & Haynes, 1996; Hunter & Figueredo, 2000; Richardson, Kelly, Bhate, & Graham, 1997; Ryan, Miyoshi, Metzner, Krugman, & Fryer, 1996; Worling, 1995), but others have reported rates closer to 80% (Burton, Miller, & Shill, 2002; Hunter, Figueredo, Malamuth, & Becker, 2003). Physical victimization of this group has been reported at around 45% to 65% (Hunter et al., 2003; Richardson et al., 1997; Ryan et al., 1996). Reports of neglect histories have been inconsistent, with reported rates ranging from 25% to 60% (James & Neil, 1996; Ryan et al., 1996). A New Zealand (NZ) study found rates of physical abuse (57%) and sexual abuse (60%), which are comparable with international findings (Rysenbry, 2008).

Understanding differences between ethnic groups in rates of sexual offending and related characteristics is important, especially if an ethnic group is overrepresented in criminal statistics (Rojas & Gretton, 2007). Māori,² the indigenous people of NZ, account for 15% of the total population and Pākehā (European New Zealanders), 68% of the population (Statistics New Zealand, 2006). Over the past 15 years, the Māori population has increased by 30% and is predicted to continue to grow in the future (Statistics New Zealand, 2008). The Māori population is also young, with more than half of the population aged below 23 years (Statistics New Zealand, 2007). Māori are overrepresented in the more deprived areas of NZ (White, Gunston, Salmond, Atkinson, & Crampton, 2008). This unequal distribution of material and social resources across Māori and Pākehā has given rise to profound health and social consequences for Māori (White et al., 2008), such as, prominent overrepresentation in criminal justice statistics (Department of Corrections, 2007, 2008). This overrepresentation of Māori in criminal justice statistics is likely due to a combination of factors, which include social disadvantage, physical and mental health issues, negative family experiences, low community support, educational underachievement, low levels of employment, substance use, and the youthfulness of the Māori population (Cunningham, Triggs, & Faisandier, 2009; Department of Corrections, 2007; Doone, 2000; Fletcher & Dywer, 2008; Reilly & Mayhew, 2009; Waldegrave & Waldegrave, 2009). Overrepresentation is also likely to be exacerbated by a justice system bias, in which Māori offenders with an identical self-reported offending history and social background are more likely to be convicted than non-Māori (Fergusson, 2003). The impacts of socioeconomic deprivation and inequality are important considerations as Māori and Pākehā frequently do not arrive as “equals” at treatment services. Such inequalities may influence their treatment outcomes.

A recent review of the NZ community treatment programs for youth that sexually offend highlighted that Māori youth had higher rates of treatment dropout (60%; n = 91) than non-Māori (40%; n = 234) (Lambie et al., 2007). This is concerning as adolescents who drop out of treatment also have higher rates of sexual and nonsexual recidivism than those that complete treatment (Lambie et al., 2007). Moreover, research on child sex offenders has found that a higher proportion of Māori (37%) committed their first sexual offence in adolescence, compared with 22% of non-Māori (Nathan, Wilson, & Hillman, 2003). Together, these findings suggest that Māori youth may be more likely to continue their offending trajectory into adulthood.

In light of the overrepresentation of Māori youth in criminal justice statistics, the population projections which estimate a rise in the general Māori population, and the higher rates of treatment dropout among Māori youth, concerns about providing services that are appropriate to the needs of Māori youth will become more pressing. Research with Māori youth can help identify factors that may be associated with unfavorable treatment outcomes and future offending behaviors. This knowledge may in turn help identify treatment targets and guide the development of effective intervention strategies for Māori youth and their whānau.³

The purpose of this study, then, was not to identify ethnic weaknesses or to demonstrate one ethnic group as more problematic than another but rather to strive to enhance programs by incorporating intervention that specifically addresses any unique factors. A focus on specific cultural needs is essential to ensure that services are appropriate and outcomes are equitable for Māori.

Specifically, the researchers aimed to investigate rates of emotional and behavioral problems in Māori and Pākehā youth. Another aim of the researchers was to determine the prevalence of victimization histories and investigate whether previous victimization was associated with increased emotional and behavioral problems. It was hoped that such information would ultimately lead to developments in treatment toward addressing specific needs.

Method

Sample

The sample was 150 out of 600 adolescent males, aged 11 to 18, who had been referred to SAFE Network between 1996 and 2008. SAFE Network provides community-based treatment for individuals who engage in sexually harmful behavior. Adolescents are referred to the adolescent program, with Māori adolescents attending a program designed for rangatahi⁴ Māori, and delivered by Māori clinicians. Upon referral, each adolescent undergoes a comprehensive individual and family assessment carried out by the SAFE clinicians. Official client files were the source of data for the present study.

The inclusion criteria for this study required clients to be male, identified in their files as Māori, Pākehā, or Māori/Pākehā, have engaged in a “hands on” offence type (an offence involving some degree of force, aggression, or coercion) and have a completed Child Behavior Checklist in their file (CBCL; Achenbach, 1991). From the 600 files, 216 met the inclusion criteria and from these files an age-matched sample of 150 files (75 Māori and 75 Pākehā) were selected for audit. For the purposes of this study, clients were allocated to a single ethnic group. Where individuals were identified in their files as Māori/Pākehā and Māori/other, they were classified as Māori. Similarly, where Pākehā were identified as Pākehā/other, they were classified as Pākehā. As this was an age-matched sample, for both Māori and Pākehā, the age of the youth ranged from 11 to 18 years on referral (M = 14.23, SD = 1.54). Each adolescent was assigned a subject number to ensure anonymity.

Procedure

Ethical approval for this study was granted by the University of Auckland Ethics Committee. Five trained graduate research assistants coded offence characteristics and backgrounds of the youth from file records. Data collection was supervised by a clinical psychologist with more than 20 years of experience in the field. Offence type and victim type for each adolescent was determined from information recorded at the initial assessment by the SAFE clinicians and was categorically stated in the files.

Offence type

The nature of the adolescent’s offence type was dichotomously classified as either (a) sexualized touching or oral offences or (b) attempted or completed vaginal or anal penetration offences (penile, digital, or object). If an adolescent had engaged in both types of offending, they were placed in the second group.

Victim type

Youth who had committed an offence against a child (4 or more years younger than the offending adolescent and below age 12) were classified as having child-aged victims. In all other cases, they were classified as having peer/adult victims. These dichotomous classification rules have been used by other researchers in studies of sexually offending youth (Benoit & Kennedy, 1992; Worling, 1995).

Victimization history

A “present” or “not present” response was recorded for the following victimization variables: physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, and neglect.

Unlike offence type and victim type which were categorically stated in the files and transferred to the database, the presence of the victimization variables was decided by the research assistants, after reading each file in its entirety. For this reason, and due to the degree of subjectivity in determining what information should be classified as abuse, interrater agreement was calculated for 22.6% of the sample for each victimization variable.

Parental status

This was recorded as 1 = married or 2 = divorced, separated, or one or both parents deceased.

Socioeconomic deprivation

A socioeconomic deprivation score (SED) was ascertained for each client by matching the adolescents’ home address (parental address or mother’s address if parents were separated) to the corresponding meshblock score of the 2006 NZ Index of Deprivation (Salmond, Crampton, & Atkinson, 2007). This index has an ordinal scale which ranges from 1 to 10, where a score of 10 indicates that the area is situated in the most deprived 10% of areas in NZ. It must be cautioned that these scores describe the general socioeconomic deprivation in an area and may not accurately describe the deprivation of an individual.

Measures

Child Behavior Checklist 4-18. Results from the CBCL (Achenbach, 1991) were also recorded. The 113-item CBCL assesses the emotional and behavioral problems of children between the ages of 4 and 18 in a standardized format, as reported by parents or primary caregivers. Parents rate to what degree each item describes their child on a 3-point rating scale: 0 (not true), 1 (somewhat true), and 2 (very true). The CBCL is an established and widely used measure with demonstrated content, construct, and criterion validity, as well as good reliability (mean r from .65 to .75 on interparent agreement of problem scales, mean r = .71 for test-retest reliability of problem scales over 2 years; Achenbach, 1991). The CBCL yields scores on three broadband scales and eight syndrome scales. The syndrome scales include Anxious/Depressed, Social Withdrawal and Somatic Complaints (which contribute to the Internalizing Problems broadband scale), and Delinquent Behavior and Aggressive Behavior (which contribute to the Externalizing Problems broadband scale). The Total Behavior Problems broadband scale is determined by adding all eight syndrome scale scores (the remaining of which include Social Problems, Thought Problems and Attention Problems; Dreman & Ronen-Eliav, 1997). There is also evidence that this instrument is applicable for children from a variety of ethnic backgrounds (De Groot, Koot, & Verhulst, 1994), which supports its use in the present study for examining cultural differences.

Analysis

Data were analyzed quantitatively, using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences version 17, and the R software package (version 2.12.2). Preliminary testing revealed that the data met the assumptions for parametric testing. An alpha level of .05 was used to test the significance of each comparison.

A series of multivariate analyses of covariance (MANCOVA) were used to test if there were any emotional and behavioral differences between the Māori and Pākehā youth. The dependent variables used were the eight syndrome scales of the CBCL and the independent variable was ethnicity. Covariates included in this model were socioeconomic deprivation, as well as the presence of physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect. A MANCOVA was run on the overall sample, and further MANCOVAs were run to analyze the data in subgroups according to offence type and victim type, as arbitrary combination of subgroups may conceal potential differences between the groups (Worling, 1995). If the MANCOVA produced a significant effect for ethnicity, a subsequent analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was carried out on each of CBCL syndrome scales, with the same covariates as in the previous MANCOVAs.

A series of logistic regressions were used to explore the relationship between the ethnic groups, victimization histories, and CBCL scores in the borderline or clinical range. Socioeconomic deprivation was included as a covariate throughout these analyses.

Results

Table 1 shows the interrater agreement for a random selection of cases using the percentage of observed total agreement (P_o) and Cohen’s Kappa (κ) statistic (Cohen, 1960) for the victimization variables.

Table 1.

Interrater Agreement for the Victimization Variables

Variable	n (%)	P _o	κ
Physical abuse	34 (22.6%)	94.1	0.88
Emotional abuse	34 (22.6%)	85.3	0.70
Sexual abuse	34 (22.6%)	91.2	0.82
Neglect	34 (22.6%)	91.2	0.82

Note: n represents the number of cases coded for reliability (% of the total number of cases); P_o is the percentage of observed total agreement, κ represents the Cohen’s Kappa statistic. Kappa values of 0.60-0.74 = good agreement and ≥0.75 = excellent agreement (Cicchetti et al., 2006).

Sample characteristics are presented in Table 2. Māori youth were significantly overrepresented living in areas of higher socioeconomic deprivation (χ² = 17.84, df = 1, p < .001). Offence types were remarkably similar for the two groups, with the same proportion of Māori and Pākehā engaging in either sexualized touching/oral offences (55%) or penetration offences (45%). Victim type was comparable, with both Māori and Pākehā youth more likely to target child-aged victims than peer/adult victims. Table 3 displays the victimization histories across Māori and Pākehā youth. Māori experienced higher rates of physical abuse, emotional abuse, and neglect than Pākehā youth. Māori and Pākehā youth experienced the same rates of sexual abuse. The statistical significance of these differences was investigated in a series of logistic regressions, to allow adjustment for socioeconomic deprivation. These results are presented in the Victimization Histories section.

Table 2.

Frequencies and Chi-Square Statistics of SED scores, Parental Status, Offence Type, and Victim Type Across Māori and Pākehā Youth

	Māori		Pākehā
Variable	n	%	n	%	χ²	p
SED score					17.84***	<.001
1 to 5	7	9.6	29	39.7
6 to 10	66	90.4	44	60.3
Total	73	100	73	100
Parental status					2.7	.10
Married	12	16.2	20	27.4
Separated/divorced or deceased	62	83.8	53	72.6
Total	74	100	73	100
Offence type					0	1.00
Sexualized touch/oral	41	54.6	41	54.6
Penetration offences	34	45.4	34	45.4
Total	75	100	75	100
Victim type					0.87	.35
Child-aged	53	70.7	58	77.3
Peer/adult	22	29.3	17	22.7
Total	75	100	75	100

Note: SED = socioeconomic deprivation.

***

p < .001.

Table 3.

Victimization Rates Across Māori and Pākehā Youth

	Māori		Pākehā
Victimization type	n	%	n	%
Physical abuse	46.0	61.3	27.0	36.0
Emotional abuse	40.0	53.3	27.0	36.0
Sexual abuse	30.0	40.0	30.0	40.0
Neglect	39.0	52.0	25.0	33.3

The proportions of Māori and Pākehā scoring in the borderline or clinical range (BCR) on the CBCL subscales are detailed in Table 4. A chi-square analysis revealed that the proportion of Māori youth scoring in the BCR on the Delinquent Behaviors scale (52%) was significantly higher than the corresponding proportion of Pākehā youth (25.3%), χ² = 11.2, df = 1, p < .001.

Table 4.

Proportions of Māori and Pākehā Youth Scoring in the Borderline and Clinical Ranges for the CBCL Subscales

	Māori		Pākehā				95% CI
CBCL subscales	n	%	n	%	χ²	OR	Lower	Upper
Anxious/Depressed	17.0	22.7	14.0	18.7	0.4	1.2	0.6	2.8
Social Withdrawal	22.0	29.3	13.0	17.3	3.0	2.0	0.9	4.3
Somatic Complaints	7.0	9.3	10.0	13.3	0.6	0.7	0.2	1.9
Social Problems	20.0	26.7	22.0	29.3	0.1	0.9	0.4	1.8
Thought Problems	26.0	34.7	19.0	25.3	1.6	1.6	0.8	3.2
Attention Problems	23.0	30.7	18.0	24.0	0.8	1.4	0.7	2.9
Delinquent***	39.0	52.0	19.0	25.3	11.2	3.2	1.6	6.4
Aggressive	18.0	24.0	12.0	16.0	1.5	1.7	0.7	3.7
Internalizing	36.0	48.0	31.0	41.3	0.7	1.3	0.7	2.5
Externalizing	44.0	58.7	38.0	50.7	1.0	1.4	0.7	2.6
Total Problems	47.0	62.7	38.0	50.7	2.2	1.6	0.9	3.1

Note: OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval.

***

p < .001.

Comparison of Māori and Pākehā Youth on the CBCL

The MANCOVA indicated that there was a significant multivariate main effect over the eight CBCL syndrome scales for ethnicity, Pillai’s V = .12; F(8, 136) = 2.35; p = .021. Socioeconomic deprivation, physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect were not significantly related. Subsequent ANCOVA results can be seen in Table 5, which demonstrate that Māori scored significantly higher than Pākehā on the Delinquent Behavior scale.

Table 5.

Comparison of Māori and Pākehā Youth on the CBCL Subscales

	Maori (n = 75)			Pakeha (n = 75)
		95% CI			95% CI
CBCL subscales	M	Lower	Upper	M	Lower	Upper	F	p
Anxious/Depressed	5.40	4.32	6.47	5.24	4.17	6.32	0.04	.85
Social Withdrawal	4.35	3.65	5.06	3.51	2.81	4.22	2.51	.12
Somatic Complaints	1.93	1.35	2.51	1.95	1.37	2.54	0.00	.96
Social Problems	4.02	3.13	4.91	4.55	3.66	5.44	0.62	.43
Thought Problems	3.77	2.96	4.59	3.23	2.41	4.04	0.79	.38
Attention Problems	7.73	6.60	8.85	7.54	6.42	8.66	0.05	.82
Delinquent Behavior	8.75	7.52	9.98	5.95	4.72	7.18	9.16	.003**
Aggressive Behavior	10.55	8.71	12.38	9.25	7.42	11.09	0.88	.35

Note: CI = confidence interval. Means have been controlled for socioeconomic deprivation and the presence of physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect.

p < .01.

Comparing Māori and Pākehā Youth in Subgroups of Victim Type

Child-aged victims

A MANCOVA revealed no significant differences in the CBCL syndrome scales between Māori (n = 53) and Pākehā (n = 58) that targeted child-aged victims, after controlling for socioeconomic deprivation and the presence of victimization, Pillai’s V = .10; F(8, 97) = 1.34; p = .231.

Peer-aged victims

There were too few youth in this group to allow for a valid analysis (Māori n = 22 and Pākehā n = 17).

Comparing Māori and Pākehā Youth in Subgroups of Offence Type

Attempted or completed penetration offences

The MANCOVA revealed no significant differences on any of the CBCL syndrome scales between Māori youth (n = 34) and Pākehā youth (n = 34) that engaged in attempted or completed penetration offences, after controlling for socioeconomic deprivation and victimization, Pillai’s V = .14; F(8, 54) = 1.07; p = .400.

Sexualized touching/oral offences

The MANCOVA of the CBCL syndrome scales for those youth who had engaged in sexualized touching and/or oral offences revealed a significant main effect for ethnicity, Pillai’s V = .26; F(8, 68) = 2.92; p = .007. The follow-up univariate analyses results are displayed in Table 6. The results of these ANCOVAs indicated that Māori youth scored significantly higher than their Pākehā counterparts on the Delinquent Behavior scale and the Social Withdrawal scale.

Table 6.

Comparison of Māori and Pākehā Youth That Engaged in Sexualized Touching/Oral Offences

	Maori (n = 41)			Pakeha (n = 41)
		95% CI			95% CI
CBCL subscales	M	Lower	Upper	M	Lower	Upper	F	p
Anxious/Depressed	5.48	4.04	6.92	4.15	2.71	5.60	1.51	.22
Social Withdrawal	4.71	3.84	5.59	2.58	1.70	3.46	10.53	.002**
Somatic Complaints	2.28	1.38	3.18	2.16	1.26	3.06	0.03	.86
Social Problems	4.19	2.88	5.50	4.42	3.11	5.73	0.62	.81
Thought Problems	4.44	3.23	5.65	3.76	2.55	4.97	0.79	.45
Attention Problems	7.87	6.27	9.47	7.33	5.73	8.93	0.05	.65
Delinquent Behavior	8.95	7.12	10.79	5.93	4.09	7.76	9.16	.031*
Aggressive Behavior	10.74	7.95	13.54	9.02	6.22	11.81	0.88	.41

Note: Means have been controlled for socioeconomic deprivation and the presence of physical abuse, neglect, emotional abuse, and sexual abuse.

p < .05. **p < .01.

Victimization Histories

A series of logistic regressions were used to explore the relationship between the ethnic groups and their victimization histories (see Table 7). After adjusting for socioeconomic deprivation, Māori youth (61%) were significantly more likely than Pākehā youth (36%) to have a history of physical abuse. There was also evidence to suggest that a higher level of socioeconomic deprivation was associated with an increased likelihood of emotional abuse and neglect, with a 1-point increase in socioeconomic deprivation increasing the odds of emotional abuse and neglect by approximately 20% and 19%, respectively.

Table 7.

Logistic Regression Results for Victimization Histories

					95% CI
Victimization type	Variable	B	Wald	OR	Lower	Upper	p
Physical abuse	Ethnicity^a	0.90	5.95	2.46	1.20	5.12	.015*
	SED	0.06	0.60	1.06	0.92	1.22	.44
Emotional abuse	Ethnicity^a	0.40	1.18	1.49	0.72	3.09	.28
	SED	0.18	5.61	1.20	1.04	1.40	.018*
Neglect	Ethnicity^a	0.49	1.71	1.63	0.78	3.39	.19
	SED	0.17	5.10	1.19	1.03	1.39	.024*
Sexual abuse	Ethnicity^a	–0.05	0.01	0.96	0.46	1.98	.90
	SED	0.02	0.10	1.02	0.89	1.18	.76

Note: OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval; SED = socioeconomic deprivation.

Reference group is Māori.

p < .05.

A logistic regression was carried out on the subsets of youth who had a history of victimization (physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect). These analyses tested the probability of Māori and Pākehā youth scoring in the BCR on the CBCL subscales. For youth who had a history of physical abuse (n = 73), Pākehā youth (44.4%) were more likely than Māori youth (21.7%) to have a score in the BCR for the Social Problems scale (see Table 8). For youth who had a history of sexual abuse (n = 60), Māori youth (73.3%) were more likely than Pākehā youth (26.7%) to have a score in the BCR for the Delinquent Behavior scale (see Table 8). For youth who had a history of emotional abuse (n = 67), Māori youth (57.5%) were more likely than Pākehā youth (29.6%) to have a score in the BCR for the Delinquent Behavior scale.

Table 8.

Logistic Regression Results for the Probability of Maori and Pakeha Youth Scoring in the BCR Within the CBCL Subscales by Victimization Type

					95% CI
DV	IV	B	Wald	OR	Lower	Upper	p
Physical abuse
Social problems in BCR	Ethnicity^a	−1.21	4.75	0.30	0.10	0.87	.029*
	SED	0.11	0.91	1.12	0.89	1.43	.34
Sexual abuse
Delinquent behaviors in BCR	Ethnicity^a	2.34	11.60	10.33	2.93	44.74	.001***
	SED	−0.14	1.01	0.87	0.65	1.14	.33
Emotional abuse
Delinquent behaviors in BCR	Ethnicity^a	1.10	4.04	3.00	1.05	9.17	.045*
	SED	0.06	0.21	1.06	0.83	1.36	.65

Note: DV = dependent variable; IV = independent variable; OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval.

Reference group is Māori.

p < .05. ***p < .001.

Discussion

From an analysis of file data for sexually offending youths, both Māori and Pākehā youth were found to exhibit high rates of internalizing behavior problems. This finding is consistent with research that shows high rates of depression and social isolation among sexually offending youth (Carpenter et al., 1995; Newman et al., 2009; Rysenbry, 2008). Almost one third of Māori youth were reported to exhibit borderline or clinically significant levels of social withdrawal, which was almost twice the rate of Pākehā youth. In addition, when looking at the subgroup of youth that engaged in sexualized touching/oral offences, Māori youth displayed significantly higher levels of social withdrawal symptoms than Pākehā youth. This characteristic may be related to Māori adolescents’ higher rates of physical abuse experiences. Oxnam and Vess (2008) identified four typologies of youth sexual offenders based on personality characteristics. Of the four typologies that emerged, the “inadequate” group, which was characterized by chronic insecurity and avoidance of interpersonal contact had experienced significantly more physical abuse (72%) than the other groups (average 37%). It is likely that physical abuse may cause increased symptoms of social withdrawal, which could be a possible explanation for the apparent problems with social withdrawal among Māori youth in the present study.

Overall, Māori youth were reported to exhibit higher levels of externalizing behavior problems than Pākehā youth. This finding is consistent with the established higher rates of conduct disorder among the general population of Māori adolescents (Blissett et al., 2009). Overall, findings from this study indicate that the sexual offending behaviors of Māori youth may be part of a wider pattern of antisocial behaviors. Researchers who have compared sexual and nonsexual adolescent offenders conclude that nonsexual offenders have more severe levels of criminal involvement, more antisocial peers, and more substance abuse problems than sexual offenders (Seto & Lalumiere, 2010). Considering the significant difference between Māori and Pākehā youth on the Delinquent Behavior scale, it is plausible that Māori youth may be more similar to nonsexual offenders in their extent of externalizing behavior problems. Overall, this finding may signify that Māori youth are more challenging to engage in treatment.

Previous research on the general population of Māori youth has indicated the extent of victimization that this group has experienced (Department of Corrections, 2007). This was reflected in the present study, where Māori youth had experienced significantly higher rates of physical abuse than Pākehā youth. Researchers have associated victimized youth with a range of poorer personal outcomes and more severe offending characteristics. For instance, childhood experiences of physical abuse and neglect have been independently associated with increased sexual aggression among sexually offending youth (Kobayashi, Sales, Becker, Figueredo, & Kaplan, 1995; Righthand & Welch, 2004; Ryan et al., 1996). In addition, sexually offending youth with a history of victimization experiences are more likely than those that do not have a traumatic history to begin sexually offending at an earlier age, target both male and female victims, extend their sexual offending beyond the family, and have a greater number of victims (Cooper et al., 1996; Rysenbry, 2008). Victimization experiences have been linked to trauma symptoms, predominantly depression and posttraumatic stress (Rysenbry, 2008), and have also been found to be correlated with adolescent antisocial behavior (Putnam, 2006). Trauma and victimization may exert its influence on the development of antisocial behavior through the disruption of both neurodevelopment and psychosocial development (Putnam, 2006). For instance, traumatic victimization results in a diminished capacity to regulate the intensity of emotions (Ford, Chapman, Mack, & Pearson, 2006; van der Kolk & Fisler, 1994). This can result in a variety of behaviors (which may include violence, substance use, and self-destructive behaviors) that may be best interpreted as attempts at self-regulation (van der Kolk & Fisler, 1994). These findings support the need to pay particular attention to addressing victimization histories in the treatment of Māori youth.

This study also indicated that Māori youth with histories of emotional or sexual abuse were significantly more likely to exhibit clinically concerning delinquent behaviors than Pākehā youth who experienced the same type of victimization. Considering that some Māori families experience high levels of family dysfunction (Fergusson, 2003), it is possible that some Māori youth may have had fewer protective factors to assist in coping with the victimization experiences and thus offset the risk for developing delinquent behaviors. For instance, a positive parent–child relationship has been shown to greatly reduce the psychological distress of victimization (Turner & Finkelhor, 1996) and good family-management techniques may also serve as a protective factor (Andrews & Bonta, 2006). At the same time, exposure to chaotic, abusive, and violent family environments can predispose children to develop conduct problems (Boden, Fergusson, & Horwood, 2010; Carr, 2006).

The present study’s findings suggest that professionals working with Māori youth are faced with a number of challenges in designing and implementing programs that effectively respond to the complex needs of these youth. It has been widely recognized that a holistic and comprehensive approach is essential when treating adolescent sexual offenders (Borduin, Schaeffer, & Heiblum, 2009) and when addressing Māori health problems (Doone, 2000; Durie, 1996). It is thus emphasized that treatment for Māori youth should follow closely with this recommendation. Elevated scores on the Delinquent Behavior scale may indicate a propensity for rule violation; thus, comprehensive treatment approaches that focus on multiple aspects of offending behavior across home, school, and community environments may effectively tackle their antisocial tendencies. Multisystemic therapy is an intense and empirically supported treatment for conduct disordered youth which targets individual, family, and social-contextual risk factors associated with the antisocial behavior of the adolescent (Seto & Lalumiere, 2010). Recently, two randomized clinical trials have demonstrated its efficacy with sexually offending youth (Borduin et al., 2009; Letourneau et al., 2009). Māori youth may benefit from this holistic and intensive approach.

Although this study did not investigate the cultural needs of Māori youth per se, it is noted that treatment programs which attend to both the clinical and cultural needs of Māori have been suggested as the most appropriate for addressing Māori offending (Doone, 2000). Programs based specifically on Māori cultural values and principles have demonstrated improved outcomes for Māori youth who engage in general offending behaviors (Doone, 2000) and also for the adult Māori population of child sex offenders (Nathan et al., 2003). The results of the current study have highlighted that Māori youth who sexually offend have higher levels of delinquent behaviors and serious victimization histories when compared with Pakeha youth. These factors need to be integrated into part of a broader treatment program that is culturally centered. For example, treatment programs which are consistent with Māori models of well-being, incorporate tikanga Māori⁵ (Milne, 2001; Te Moemoea & Te Pou, 2010), and build cultural identity, knowledge, and pride as Māori (Doone, 2000) may enhance the potential for positive outcomes for Māori youth who are experiencing these difficulties. The cultural components within such programs can also provide rangatahi with opportunities for whakawhanaungatanga,⁶ which stimulates a sense of belonging, an understanding of reciprocal roles and responsibilities, and confidence (Doone, 2000). Interventions for Māori youth may also benefit from taking a “whānau ora” approach, which supports Māori families to achieve their optimal health and well-being, empowering families as a whole, rather than isolating individual family members and their problems (Kidd, Gibbons, Lawrenson, & Johnstone, 2010). The program designed and delivered by Māori clinicians at SAFE (where this research was conducted) is an example of a program which addresses both the cultural and clinical needs of Māori rangatahi.

The importance of addressing victimization experiences among sexual offenders has been discussed in the literature (Graham, 1996; Rojas & Gretton, 2007). Therapeutic interventions that address the psychological impact of victimization experiences serve to psychologically strengthen the adolescent by assisting in the development of coping strategies, as well as reducing their vulnerability, and assisting in the development of appropriate sexual boundaries (Rojas & Gretton, 2007). Moreover, addressing victimization experiences may assist with the identification and intervention of factors related to the adolescent’s pathway to sexual offending (Rojas & Gretton, 2007). Family interventions that target attitudes toward child maltreatment, domestic violence, and modeling of male antisocial behavior may also be incorporated (Hunter et al., 2003). Such interventions that involve the family may assist in the development of appropriate relationships, which may diminish the risk of intergenerational abuse (Oxnam & Vess, 2006).

The complex needs of Māori youth suggest that treatment programs may benefit from smaller case loads and higher resourcing. Enhanced training and professional development for Māori clinicians as well as increased access to clinical and cultural support may also maximize outcomes. While Māori workforce capacity in this area is still developing, ensuring that non-Māori clinicians are culturally (as well as clinically) competent is also of importance. However, given the unique set of cultural and clinical skills that Māori clinicians can bring to this work, support for the current Māori workforce and recruitment of more Māori clinicians must take priority.

Ultimately, prevention should be the primary goal. Early intervention strategies which target high-risk families may serve to reduce offending and victimization by Māori. The government’s approach to reduce offending and victimization called “Addressing the Drivers of Crime” (Ministry of Justice, 2009) has established priority areas that may alleviate the risk of criminal behavior for Māori youth. One priority area of this approach aims to target the quantity and quality of maternity and early parenting support services in the community. Another priority area involves the development of programs that treat behavioral problems in at-risk children (Ministry of Justice, 2009), as conduct problems in childhood have been described as precursors to a variety of adverse outcomes in later life (Blissett et al., 2009). Interventions may involve implementation of parent management training, teacher management training, and classroom interventions (Blissett et al., 2009).

There are a number of limitations to this study. There was no control group of nonsexual offenders, so it is unknown whether the findings are unique to Māori youth that sexually offend, or are common to Māori youth that offend in a nonsexual way. Moreover, as this sample was drawn from a treatment program, it was only representative of adolescents who have been apprehended for their sexually harmful behavior. The sample may be biased as these adolescents may vary from those who remain undetected for their sexually harmful behaviors or fail to attend a treatment assessment. Furthermore, the generalizability of these findings to other populations of youth may be limited, as youth from the Auckland region may vary from those in other parts of NZ. The use of the CBCL also poses some limitations as it was standardized on a sample of American children. The validity of using scales that have not yet been standardized on NZ samples or with Māori has been discussed elsewhere (Barker-Collo, 2003; Nathan et al., 2003; Scott, Sarfati, Tobias, & Haslett, 2000). Alternative explanations for low or “deviant” scores that relate to culture must be considered (Nathan et al., 2003). Moreover, as the CBCL is a parent report instrument, it may not accurately describe an adolescent’s behavior. Future studies should incorporate youth self-report and teacher report checklists, which would provide cross-situational data and increase the validity of the reported behavior.

Applying qualitative approaches to the design of research and evaluation of services may also provide deeper insight into why differences may exist. This type of research would be particularly helpful when examining reasons for treatment dropout and would provide insight into how the complexity of the whānau and supporting systems impact on treatment outcomes and dropout rates.

In conclusion, the present study found that Māori youth exhibited higher levels of emotional and behavioral problems when compared with Pākehā youth on the measures used. Māori youth were also significantly more likely to have experienced physical abuse. These findings suggest that the sexual offending behavior of Māori youth may be viewed against a backdrop of victimization experiences and embedded in a wider pattern of emotional and behavioral difficulties, which together may pose as a barrier to treatment success and may lead to higher rates of treatment dropout. Overall, these findings suggest that Māori youth have unique treatment needs, and, therefore, a closer examination of “what works” for Māori youth is critical if we are to improve outcomes for Māori rangatahi and their whānau.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge Te Kakano⁷ and SAFE Network for their cooperation, guidance, and support for this project. Special thanks to Joy Te Wiata, Russell Smith, and Professor Fred Seymour for their valuable contributions.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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