Abstract
Online support communities are gaining attention among child-attracted persons (CAPs). Though research has largely focused on the negative consequences these environments create for potential offending, they may also provide a beneficial alternative to more formal treatment settings. To assess the utility for clinical and therapeutic purposes, this analysis focused on subcultural dynamics to examine self-reported wellbeing outcomes of participation in a Dutch forum for CAPs. A total of 15 semi-structured interviews were conducted with moderators, members and mental health professionals involved in the community. Thematic analyses demonstrated that by means of informal social control, bonds of trust and social relational education, the network aims to regulate the behavior and enhance the wellbeing of its marginalized participants. Key outcomes include a decreased sense of loneliness and better coping with stigma, to the point that participants experience less suicidal thoughts. Association with prosocial peers also helps to set moral boundaries regarding behavior towards children, although we cannot fully rule out potential adverse influences. Online support networks offer a stepping stone to professional care that fits individual needs of CAPs, while also providing an informal environment that overcomes limitations of physical therapy and that extents principles of existing prevention and desistance approaches.
The internet affords substantial opportunities for interpersonal communication, whether in social media sites, or more traditional forums and chat-rooms that enable asynchronous threaded conversations. Forums have long been noted for their use among all manner of special interest communities, particularly among those focused on sexuality and sexual deviance (Deshotels & Forsyth, 2020; Holt & Bossler, 2015). A number of studies have considered the role of online communications for people who are sexually attracted to children in keeping with clinical definitions of pedophilia (e.g. Holt et al., 2010; Jenkins, 2001; O’Halloran & Quayle, 2010).
These communities are publicly accessible, free to join after registering with the site, and are regulated by content moderators. Content analyses demonstrate that the nature of the discussions vary from social views regarding sexual attractions to youth, to navigating impacts of stigma and individuals’ personal experiences with encounters with children (Holt et al., 2020; Holt et al., 2010; McManus et al., 2016; Stevens & Wood, 2019). The dialogue often focuses on coping with pedophilic feelings and thoughts through sharing personal insights, experiences and strategies (Jones et al., 2020; Houtepen et al., 2016; Stevens & Wood, 2019). The variety of strategies users disclose includes the avoidance of contact with children and seeking peer support (Stevens & Wood, 2019). The need to talk about sensitive topics in and of itself are also considered, further indicating the marginalization that members of the forums seem to experience (Holt et al., 2010).
Less is known about how persons with pedophilic feelings experience participating in online chats and the ways such engagement affects their wellbeing and behavior. On the one hand, online communities can provide access to specialized skills or normalizations of deviant behavior and attitudes (Cockbain et al., 2014; O’Halloran & Quayle, 2010). The formation of, and structure of interactions between forum participants reflects the notion that crime can be learned, as involvement in an online community may increase the likelihood of offending among participants (Akers, 1998; Miller, 1958; Short, 1968). From this perspective, Holt et al. (2010) claim that participating in support communities for individuals with pedophilic feelings may push users into a subculture that justifies their sexual feelings as normal, possibly leading to offending behaviors. Indeed, at least some users active in such communities show cognitive distortions and have permissive attitudes concerning the morality of sexual contact with children (D’Ovidio et al., 2009; Malesky & Ennis, 2004; O’Halloran & Quayle, 2010).
On the other hand, such chatrooms may increase the wellbeing of those who experience a sexual attraction to children and help to meet their psychosocial needs, in contrast to more formal treatment settings where participants frequently experience difficulties receiving adequate help (Houtepen et al., 2016; Levenson & Grady, 2019; Roche et al., 2022). In fact, some studies imply that chatrooms for persons with pedophilic feelings can be considered a form of informal mental health care, with a lower threshold than actual treatment (e.g. Houtepen et al., 2016; Lievesley & Harper, 2022; Roche et al., 2022; Shields et al., 2020). For instance, participation in child-sexual interest communities could help individuals maintain boundaries with children, identify helpful coping strategies and decrease the sense of social isolation. Houtepen et al. (2016) noted participants enjoyed having online contact with like-minded others because they could talk openly about their feelings and gain the courage to talk to other non-pedophilic people in their social environment. From a treatment perspective, online communities might therefore provide social supports that are otherwise lacking (Grady et al., 2019; Houtepen et al., 2016; Levenson & Grady, 2019; Lievesley & Harper, 2022; Roche et al., 2022; Shields et al., 2020).
In this paper, we aim to examine self-reported wellbeing outcomes among members and moderators of a Dutch online community for persons with pedophilic feelings and describe the dynamics by which they occur. A series of semi-structured interviews were conducted to provide unique insights into an extremely hidden, marginalized and elusive target population. The analysis focuses on the subcultural dynamics at play within this community, and highlight changes in psychological, social or cultural conditions of the wellbeing of participants in the online community (see Orlinsky et al., 1994). Our paper gives practitioners, such as mental health professionals, perspective on how to utilize already existing resources in the community which may provide those individuals who are sexually attracted to children with help.
Being Attracted to Children, Mental Health, and Online Subcultures
In the most recent version of The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th edition, text revision; DSM-5-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2022), the concept of pedophilia is separated from Pedophilic Disorder. Pedophilia refers to recurrent, intense and sexually arousing fantasies or sexual urges involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children, typically aged 13 or younger. However, to be diagnosed with a Pedophilic Disorder, the manual requires that the paraphilia is present for at least 6 months and was acted upon or to have caused distress or interpersonal difficulty. In this study, we will refrain from applying diagnostic definitions and use the phrase “child-attracted persons” (CAPs) to refer to adults who claim to experience feelings of sexual and/or romantic attraction to prepubescent children. This recently coined term (Martijn et al., 2022) accurately describes and demarcates the users of online communities for people with pedophilic feelings relative to the broadly applied concept of “minor-attracted persons” (MAPs), which by definition also refers to an attraction to pubescent individuals.
Most of what is known about CAPs are derived from offender samples, though there is likely an extensive and thus greatly understudied group of CAPs residing outside clinical- and forensic settings and who are committed to live an offense-free life (Cantor & McPhail, 2016; Cohen et al., 2018a, 2018b; Dombert et al., 2016; Levenson & Grady, 2019; Seto, 2018). For example, in an online survey among a community sample of 8718 German males, around 4% reported sexual fantasies involving prepubescent children (Dombert et al., 2016). Similarly, Cohen et al., 2018a found more than half of their respondents were classified as non-acting. Thus there is value in exploring CAPs in community-settings, as also noted by other pedophilia researchers (e.g., Bailey et al., 2016; Seto, 2018).
The high degree of stigma associated with sexual offending creates substantive challenges for CAPs (Imhoff, 2015; Jahnke, 2018; Jahnke et al., 2015a), particularly the experience of stigma-related stress which is associated with multiple negative (mental) health outcomes, including depression and anxiety, feelings of shame and guilt, hopelessness, loneliness and social isolation, and suicidal ideation and behavior (B4UACT, 2022; Cash, 2016; Cohen et al., 2020; Elchuk et al., 2022; Houtepen et al., 2016; Jahnke et al., 2015b; Lievesley et al., 2020). These outcomes adversely impact individuals’ wellbeing and can also increase a person’s likelihood of sexual offending (e.g., Marshall & Barbaree, 1990).
The internalization of stigma is also associated with the avoidance of help-seeking behaviors among sex offenders and is considered a barrier to professional health care. CAPs frequently encounter negative judgement and a lack of professional competence among health care providers when seeking therapeutic help. There are particular concerns regarding insufficient knowledge about pedophilia, a lack of empathy toward their condition, and presumptions about criminal behavior (Cash, 2016; Grady et al., 2019; Houtepen et al., 2016; Levenson & Grady, 2019). For instance, evidence from Germany found very few therapists were willing to treat patients with pedophilia (Stiels-Glenn, 2010). This may account for evidence suggesting that less than half of individuals with pedophilic feelings that sought help found the experience to be useful (Levenson & Grady, 2019).
Rather than changing sexual feelings or preventing sexual abuse, CAPs report their treatment goals frequently relate to improving self-esteem, more accessible support services, decreasing social isolation and depression, dealing with stigma, and understanding their sexuality (B4UACT, 2022; Blagden et al., 2018; Grady et al., 2019; Levenson & Grady, 2019; Shields et al., 2020). These treatment goals often do not align with the agenda of mental health professionals (B4UACT, 2022), leading to a lack of quality resources for CAPs through traditional treatment modalities (Seto, 2012).
One alternative for the delivery of treatment involves the use of online environments, whether in forums, chatrooms, or social media. Various forms of computer-mediated communication allow people to join with others who share similar likes, dislikes, behaviors, opinions, and values, regardless of geographic boundaries. In addition, the relatively anonymous nature of online communications allows individuals to share their beliefs regarding stigmatized activities without fear of reprisal or social rejection (Blevins & Holt, 2009; Deshotels & Forsyth, 2020).
Several studies note that CAPs utilize online peer support networks as a tool to form communities in response to limited access to support in offline spaces and the experience of social stigma (e.g. Holt et al., 2010; Houtepen et al., 2016; Roche et al., 2022; Shields et al., 2020). Participation in these online environments engenders the formation of subcultures, which sociological and criminological research argues consist of groups with their own unique values, norms, and traditions that form either as a rejection of the dominant culture, or around an activity that may not be valued in the same fashion by the larger society (Brake, 1980; Holt, 2007; Miller, 1958; Quinn & Forsyth, 2005).
Subcultures generate a distinct set of rules and behaviors to guide their conduct with other members of the subculture, as well as those who do not share their beliefs (Maurer, 1981; Miller, 1958). Participants also develop justifications for their activities and a unique set of terms and slang to communicate with others within the subculture in a way that will not be understood by outsiders (Bilgrei, 2018; Holt et al., 2010). The use of this language, as well as one’s interactions with others provide a set of benchmarks by which members can gauge their reputation, status, and adherence to the values and beliefs of the group (Maurer, 1981; Miller, 1958). In turn, participants can structure an identity around their adherence to subcultural values.
Research on the subcultural values of participants in CAP support communities identified their overt understanding that they have been marginalized by others for their sexual interests (Holt et al., 2010). The stigma they experience requires careful management of one’s online activities and an understanding of the ways their actions may violate the law. At the same time, forums provide an avenue to express one’s true feelings with others who will not shame them for their attractions.
The feelings of freedom to express themselves among others who share their attractions can create a bridge to prosocial supports in clinical and non-clinical settings. Specifically, participants focus on increasing the social and psychological health of others within this extremely marginalized and stigmatized community (Holt et al., 2010; Lievesley et al., 2020). This is accomplished through support and feedback given by prosocial peers, as well as open discussions of personal experiences with strategies to cope with pedophilic feelings in daily life (Houtepen et al., 2016; Levenson & Grady, 2019; Shields et al., 2020).
While users of CAP communities are not necessarily sexual offenders, and participation in the community is not a form of professional treatment, similar programs are present to assist offenders in the community. For instance, the so called Circles of Support and Accountability (CoSA) acts as a community-based intervention for convicted sexual offenders to establish a surrogate social network of community volunteers who provide practical and emotional support and hold offenders accountable for their behavior. By helping to reduce social isolation and providing necessary resources to facilitate community integration, the Circles are thought to help individuals desist from sexual offending (Clarke et al., 2015; Fox, 2015; Höing et al., 2013). CoSA is consistent with current rehabilitation perspectives such as the Good Lives Model (Ward et al., 2007) and The Integrated Theory of Desistance from Sex Offending (ITDSO; Göbbels et al., 2012), as there is a focus on the improvement of wellbeing and exposure to prosocial influences in order to lower the likelihood on recidivism.
As a consequence, there may be direct benefit to utilize online CAP support communities as an informal tool to meet their need for treatment. Engaging in an accepting environment that supports one’s identity may enable participants to overcome existing barriers to and limitations of professional health care. Such communications may also diminish the risk for sexual offending against children. It is unclear, however, as to the ways that supportive relationships form and serve as a function of the broad subculture of CAP communities. Specifically, in what ways do participants within online CAP communities create formal and informal pathways to improve their wellbeing and regulate offline behaviors, how are these supports communicated in the context of the subculture, and how they structure individual identity. This analysis attempted to address these questions through a qualitative investigation of interviews with members of a Dutch online community for those who express pedophilic desires. The focus is on the experiences of various individuals relative to their position within the community and the degree to which they foster the creation of community-based online support networks.
Methods
Respondents and Procedure
This study utilized a total of 15 semi-structured interviews with members (6), moderators (7) and mental health professionals (2) associated with a Dutch community for individuals with pedophilic feelings. The sample size mirrors prior research on CAPs, given this population is frequently hidden and difficult to study (e.g., Houtepen et al., 2016), and the number seemed sufficient to achieve data saturation since the final interviews harvested little new information. All but one of the forum participants self-reported pedophilic interests, and can be classified as CAPs. The sole participant who did not report such interests was a moderator who was involved in the community out of personal interests and intrinsic motivations. The two mental health professionals were clinically trained and dealt with CAPs in their profession, besides their voluntary involvement in the community. All study participants were male, with the exception of a mental health professional and the moderator without pedophilic feelings, and between the ages of approximately 25 and 50.
This research was approved by the review board of The Hague University of Applied Sciences (THUAS) in the Netherlands. The study began when the first author contacted the general e-mail address of the website, and engaged in direct correspondence via that address, followed by private chats on the website with the two key moderators. These individuals were considered the founders or developers of the website in its current form, and were critical to introduce the researcher to the community and explain the purpose of the study. The author joined some of the live discussions in the main chatroom to orient themselves to the environment.
After some time, the first author met the two moderators in person at a location of their choice for an interview. The moderators then notified the larger community about the study and its purpose. Individuals who were willing to voluntarily participate in the study reached out to the main moderator, who provided the researcher with their nicknames. The first author then contacted those nicknames using the website’s private chat tool to plan and conduct the interview. The purpose and context of the interview was re-explained, and respondents were given the opportunity to agree or decline to participate.
All interviews were conducted by the first author, though it was not possible to record the two in-person interviews conducted. Thus, the researcher made notes during these interviews and processed those notes into a transcript immediately upon completion of the interview. Ten interviews were held online via private chats on the website, which is a valuable method for qualitative criminological data collection (Holt, 2010; Maddox et al., 2016; Martin et al., 2020). The text-based transcript of each interview was downloaded and served as the basis for analysis.
Finally, the interviews with the two mental health professionals and the non-CAP moderator took place via voice call or video call. These interviews were recorded and transcribed with permission of the respondent, after which the recording was immediately deleted. All interviews lasted between 45 and 120 min, and no personally identifiable information about the respondents with pedophilic feelings were collected by or provided to the authors. Additionally, no interview questions were asked regarding current or previous offending behaviors.
Measures
This study utilized separate semi-structured interview protocols for members, moderators and mental health professionals, though the interviewer probed important topics that emerged during an interview to obtain a more complete understanding of the views and experiences of respondents. The protocols were derived from previous research on CAP support communities and online subcultural dynamics as a whole (e.g. Blevins & Holt, 2009; Deshotels & Forsyth, 2020; Holt et al., 2010; Houtepen et al., 2016; Kloess & Van der Bruggen, 2021; Mills et al., 2021). The questions were meant to gain more insight into the ways that interpersonal relationships and mutual influences operated within the group, formal and informal rules of community engagement, their relationship to individual wellbeing, and the ways that these aspects influence identity management and experience in a subcultural context. Key examples of interview questions include: “How would you describe your relationship with other members?”; “What do moderators do when house rules are broken?”; “How did participating in the community influence you?”; “What do you think is the goal of the community?”; “How did you become involved in the community?”; “How do you think other members feel about sexual contact with children?”; “What have you learned from others in the community?”.
Thematic Analysis
The written transcripts of all interviews were used to perform a thematic analysis as described by Braun and Clarke (2006, 2012) and Vaismoradi et al. (2016). Thematic analysis is widely used in qualitative research for identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns in data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This method guides researchers through the data in a systematic fashion and increases the accuracy of understanding and interpreting observations (Boyatzis, 1998). The focus of this analysis was on the ways that interpersonal relationships form, persist, and influence individual wellbeing, and the ways these dynamics fit into the broader subcultural identity of members.
The process of data analysis began with all interview transcripts being read multiple times, with general observations noted. The second phase generated codes or keywords from the raw interview data, featuring specific labels that closely described small parts of the text without interpretation. The third step was to identify and group, overlapping codes within and across the data to identify consistent themes relevant to the research aim. Those codes that conveyed similar meaning or referred to a similar topic were selected and their corresponding parts of the data were analyzed thoroughly. For example, the codes “Loneliness”, “Coming Out”, “Offline Meetings”, “Friendship”, “Social Isolation” and “Sharing Feelings Online” follow the responses and language of the interviewees and lack judgement of the interviewer, but together referred to the underlying theme of social connectedness between community participants and disclosure of feelings and experiences.
To increase the reliability and validity of the results and minimize bias and fallacies from sole authored analyses, the second author of this study also engaged in the analysis. The first and second author discussed on the key topics of the interviews and the initial themes that were identified before independently agreeing that the themes represented the interviews and sufficiently reflected the data collected.
Results
The results of this qualitative analysis are presented below, outlining the six key themes identified: “Bonds of trust”, “teacher-pupil relationship”, “informal social control”, “self-acceptance and coping with stigma”, “social connectedness and disclosure” and “moral boundaries”. The first three relate to community features and structures, the latter three to main outcomes of participation. The results are presented using quotes from participants that reflect the ideas identified within each theme. It should also be noted that respondents provided key terms relevant to the operations of the site and subcultural communications between participants. This must be discussed to situate and contextualize the views of the study participants. For instance, members of the chat were generally divided in two groups: “boy lovers” and “girl lovers” in keeping with prior research on CAP-focused online communications (D’Ovidio et al., 2009; Holt et al., 2010; O’Halloran & Quayle, 2010). According to a moderator, this was an important distinction as CAPs with similar preferences tend to understand each other.
Other concepts noted by participants included “AOA” (i.e., Age of Attraction), “pro-contacters” and “anti-contacters” (i.e., CAPs who favor or oppose sexual contact with children), “no-map” (i.e., non-offending minor-attracted person), “allies” (i.e., individuals that join the chat but who are not attracted to children), “sympathizers” (i.e., fellow CAPs) and “bicycle maker” (i.e., reference to being attracted to children, a term which CAPs tend to use in public in order to avoid discovery).
Participants also explained the structure of the website, noting it had three different chatrooms that had been in operation for at least 5 years. The main chat, called the “living room,” was available to anyone after registering with an e-mail address and nickname. This chat was supervised by at least two moderators and open for three-hour live discussions approximately once every week. These discussions revolved around a specific theme introduced by the moderators, such as coming out, managing stigma, and self-acceptance.
The second room was the “member room,” which was only accessible for members that were active on the site for some time and had been accepted to this room by moderators after trust was established. The member room was open 24 h a day with ongoing conversations between participants with retroactive, rather than active, moderation of posted content. The third and final room was the “sympathizer room,” which was the least active section that was typically used to plan a group meeting offline once every few months.
New members generally found the website because they encountered it when purposefully searching for information regarding pedophilia on the internet. Others discovered the chat because of a Twitter post by a moderator or because they were referred to it by mental health professionals. According to moderators, members were generally active in the community for 9 to 12 months. One of the main moderators stated that the website had up to 600 unique members over the last 5 years with regular increases in membership. The number of moderators had also increased from 4 to 12 in the last year, and one noted plans to open a second “living room” and to start a similar community in Belgium. Participants of the community formed a very diverse group from all layers of society. Some were still in college, while others already had a job or an adult partner for more than 10 years. Most community members, however, were aged 30 years or younger, according to moderators.
Bonds of Trust
A theme that emerged involved the importance of establishing and operating a safe, open and respectful environment to discuss feelings, thoughts, and experiences with peers. Given the sensitive and intimate nature of these discussions, the interviews revealed that members need to develop a certain level of trust in each other and in the community at large, if positive outcomes are to be established. For instance, respondents described feeling welcome and comfortable from the moment they joined and introduced themselves in the living room. One community member described it “like a warm bath”, while a moderator explained: The first time is kind of scary. You don’t really know what to expect and you talk about something that you’ve always been very secretive about. Fortunately, I felt at ease very quickly, because the members give you a very warm welcome. There are serious conversations but there is also room for humor. I immediately felt at home there. I could hardly wait for the next chat.
Most respondents described having formed true friendships with some participants on the site, as these relationships were based on both parties having no secrets and engaging in frequent contacts. Such bonds grew with time and were based on private chats that were key to build trust and establish friendships. Respondents noted that private chats were basically the only possibility to converse with like-minded peers anonymously and privately. The topics discussed in private chats varied, but included relationships, innocent interactions with children, coming-outs, news about pedophilia, and more everyday matters like sports and television shows (see also Holt et al., 2010).
For half of the respondents with pedophilic feelings, their contacts with other members via private chats led to offline meetings. Such interactions allowed them to finally connect on a deeper level, and the forum thus provides the opportunity to do so. Sometimes members chose to meet each other for the first time only if they could bring someone else they knew already for the sake of personal safety (see also Holt et al., 2010). Other respondents were not ready for offline meetings due to privacy reasons, but expressed the desire to do so in the future. For instance, one member stated: You have to be really careful. So just meeting with someone is not an option. This contact needs to grow over time. After a lot of chatting and eventually calling, trust grows and then you decide to meet in real life. Then it is still scary. (..). But when it goes well, the next meeting that person is of course a lot easier.
Another member noted: “I did wanted to meet others, but that is difficult; people sometimes live far away, or it doesn’t match my agenda. But the main reason I’ve never done that is fear, the unknown. I don’t want to meet the wrong people.”
The role of trust between participants of the site was also evident in the different chatrooms, as the member and sympathizer rooms were only assessible for members that have been active for a longer time and gained the trust of moderators. In fact, the sympathizer room could only be accessed after members met a moderator in person, and fully convinced them that their norms and values aligned with those of the chatroom. Such a notion reflects the broader emphasis the subculture places on security and support for others with pedophilic interests (see also Holt et al., 2010).
Informal Social Control
Interviewees also stressed the importance of moderators in acting as a form of informal social control that can aid in community management and subcultural identity and who are key in realizing a safe environment (see also Holt, 2007; Holt, 2013). Moderating is considered a commitment in that it requires time, effort, and competence to be effective. Participants across the interviews identified a number of desirable qualities for moderators, such as analytical skills, being sensitive, unbiased, and able to deal with emotionally intense stories. To that end, one of the key moderators gave courses on suicide prevention, indicating a level of professionalism that gave necessary structure and support to participants.
One key role of moderators was to filter out non-CAPs who joined the site under false pretenses, such as “pedo-hunters” or journalists that pretend to be pedophilic. Additionally, respondents noted that moderators ensured members did not share any identifiable information and used readable nicknames. Such rules were broken occasionally on accident, which the moderators addressed directly with the members.
There was one pivotal rule that all members of the community took a part in enforcing having “respect for children,” in that members were forbidden from sexualizing children. Moderators worried that anyone violating this rule would mean the site was in violation of Dutch law for promoting child sexual offending. Though CAP communities are organized around sexual attractions to children (Holt et al., 2010), overt sexualization of youth could make the site subject to prosecution, and moderators monitor the chatrooms closely to prevent this from happening. A moderator noted how this works in process, stating: An example is that someone says that he finds a certain physical feature of a child very attractive. The moderator deletes such messages and points the person to the chat rules. The other members usually don’t respond. The conversation then continues.
Members also played a role in informal community management as they were encouraged to report violations to moderators. For instance, a member noted: Sexual contact with children is punishable, and should not be discussed on our site. So as far as I know everyone agrees with that point of view. However, there was someone who thought otherwise. I was also talking to him, but I reported this. He was then removed.
In the past few years, the moderators banned three members from the community for breaking this rule after a warning. One of them spread misinformation regarding pedophilia and tried to convince other members that it is possible to get rid of pedophilic feelings. The other two who were banned were pro-contact individuals, who advocated that under circumstances it is acceptable to date children. Some moderators found it difficult to accurately assess whether rules were broken, though a moderator got the feeling “some members could turn it down a notch.” Moderators also noted that they had to intervene approximately once a month to tell members to change the “tone” of their conversation, especially in the member room. Moderators usually deleted such messages and, if necessary, conducted private conversations with members who broke the rules.
Moderators stated that members were generally approachable and adhered to stated rules, though a small group of members had to be corrected more often. In some cases, moderators reviewed an incident as a group and discussed what steps should be taken. A moderator indicated that consensus was always reached and moderators applied a “4-eye” principle, so that decisions are based on the input of more than one moderator. To that end, moderators had a separate chatroom to discuss issues as a collective. These findings emphasize that all members of the community played a role in its management, cooperating to ensure it could be sustained over time.
Teacher-Pupil Relationship
Participants regardless of their role in the community indicated that members developed mentoring relationships where they could communicate their values and beliefs with others. These relationships frequently began in the living room as the themes discussed made members reflect on their own life. Participants often recognized their own experiences in the stories that were shared, and, if a certain level of trust was established, used the inspiration and advise provided by like-minded others. For instance, some members and moderators shared that they had built a good life and accepted their pedophilic feelings. These individuals served as models for other members, according to a mental health professional interviewed for the study. Moderators were particularly critical role models within the community due to their life experiences, as noted by a member who became a moderator: “And also not unimportant, I am now in a position to help others who are going through the same thing I did. That is very satisfying.”
The stories and experiences shared by members enabled others to search for adequate care, came out to friends or families, and found ways to cope with difficult situations that CAPs might encounter. As one member stated: “the themes are very enriching. Almost like a therapy. And that is really impressive, because it is not professional help.” As a result, the community’s subculture effectively normalized help-seeking behaviors and coping strategies. In fact, mental health professionals were present at the discussion sessions in the living room on a regularly scheduled basis. They were invited to participate by one of the founders of the current iteration of the website. Their main function was to offer simple forms of guidance for specific issues, thereby being another source of advice and support in the community. Respondents reacted positively towards their presence, as they could offer more professional guidance than peer role models. For example, an interviewee noted they could engage in confronting behaviors: “We also talked about my crush on a friend’s daughter and that my behavior was on the edge. But I felt taken very seriously. I advise every new member to start a conversation with the professionals.”
Though mental health providers are thought to exist outside of the CAP subculture because they may not support pedophilic sexual interests (see Holt et al., 2010), interviewees felt their engagement with the community was constructive. Mental health providers within the community served as a bridge to care and services that could fit the individual needs of members. For instance, many online members were reluctant to seek therapy because professionals often directly aim at prevention. However, one mental health professional mentioned that a number of members actually went into treatment at the institution where they worked.
The mental health professionals engaged in the community also helped to directly build and support its operations. The two mental health professionals referred some of their clients to the community, one of whom became a moderator. In addition, the therapists helped increase individuals’ willingness to engage in online chats. Respondents noticed that there was some hesitancy to participate due to concerns over a lack of anonymity and the potential for discovery. Some CAPs were also reluctant to share their stories because they anticipated feelings of shame and guilt (Deshotels & Forsythe, 2020). The therapists attempted to engage participants in ways that avoided any such issues and was less formal relative to traditional therapeutic stances: I barely know who’s on the other end of the chat, don’t know anything about personal circumstances and how things are really going. Digging deep is for a therapy room and I’m not going to do an intake either. By means of a few questions I will give a tailored vision. (…). By expressing appreciation and giving compliments, I try to make them leave the chat a bit more pleasant than when they came in. (…). What I do is really very brief and short-lived.
Self-Acceptance and Coping With Stigma
Prior research has noted that participants in CAP communities are aware of the degree to which their sexual interests are stigmatized by the larger society (see also Holt et al., 2010; Jenkins, 2001; Kloess & Van der Bruggen, 2021). Pedophilia is often negatively portrayed in the media and equated with sexual offending, leading members to experience loneliness and depression. Interviewees noted that experiencing these feelings often led them to participate in the community. A member stated that the stigma they internalize makes it difficult for individuals to cope, and engaging in the chatrooms provides an outlet for their feelings. For instance, a moderator stated: “When they come in they are often depressed and motivated to talk about it. After years of secrecy. They come in like a volcano and talking about it relieves the tension.” A member made similar comments, stating: My only frame of reference had was CAP = a ticking time bomb. So I internalized that and feared sooner or later I wouldn’t be in control of my own desires, or that someone would find out about my feelings. In both cases I assumed that I would lose everyone in my life. To prepare myself for that, I started to withdraw (…). I avoided social events and mostly stayed away from children. This was not a conscious choice, it just happened that way.
Participants in the forum community provided members with broader theoretical insights regarding pedophilia, as well as practical tips on how to handle various situations that are unique to individuals within the subculture. In particular, they noted the different preferences of CAPs and that pedophilia is rather an inherited sexual orientation than a learned trait. Members also offered their opinions regarding the stigma around pedophilia, with some noting a difference between pedophilia and child sexual abuse (see also Holt et al., 2010; O’Halloran & Quayle, 2010). The information shared provides respondents with a means to understand their own feelings and cope with stigmatization in society. For instance, a member stated: For me it was kind of a revelation, especially because you notice that you are not alone and you can also talk about the feelings without it being about children. There are many more topics around the feelings than I thought. (…). Yes, of course I had feelings before I started using the chat, but I didn’t really know anything about it.
All interviewees in this sample indicated that the community provides participants with resources to accept their feelings and recognize that it is impossible to change them, but learn to live a meaningful life. Such communication within the subculture may help participants to recognize that pedophilic feelings do not inherently define whether they are good or bad. Instead, they are allowed to have those feelings, and remain a human being. In fact, participants wanted to be more than “the monsters” portrayed in the media, and recognized that pedophilia has positive sides, such as empathy and tolerance (see Holt et al., 2010). Respondents noted that it is especially helpful if positive opinions about pedophilia are expressed by non-CAPs in the community because it strengthens the credibility of such claims. In this respect, feedback and experiences from others within the subculture may help participants feel less frustrated about who they are. Several interviewees described this notion: When you realize this is your sexual orientation, nothing else matters for a while. That can be very intense. I think members stop using the chat when they reach a level of acceptance. It is what it is. (…). Then the sexual orientation is no longer the most important thing and you can pick up other things. – Mental health professional It is also important to me that I learned to live with this orientation, even though it has its difficulties. (…). In the figurative sense that you can be happy as a pedophile and also literally because it has reduced my suicidal thoughts. – Moderator The feelings are not very easy to have, society is not very friendly towards pedophiles as you know. I never had a lot of problems with that myself, it is the way it is. But I never thought about that either, so I never labeled myself a pedophile. Now I can say “I’m a pedophile” (never out loud by the way) and I’m okay with that. – Member
Social Connectedness and Disclosure
According to respondents, a key reason that members were active in the community was out of the need for social contact. Respondents indicated they experienced loneliness, had few friends, and some were afraid to lose those relationships if they were to discuss their true thoughts and feelings publicly. The online chat offered a solution, as contact with peers who have similar struggles and experiences made respondents feel less isolated and alone. A mental health professional mentioned that participants being able to talk about their feelings can immediately improve their wellbeing. I have some good friends in my life, but all of them are slowly settling in. They get married, have children and therefore have less and less time to do fun things with me. So I started to worry that I might end up being left alone and so I want to expand my social circle a bit. – Moderator Oh absolutely I feel less lonely. Despite the fact that I also have enough friends without pedophilic feelings. Conversations with CAPs are different. It is not always about pedophilia. But it sure helps. Sharing those feelings is very important to me. It keeps me from feeling isolated. – Moderator
Some members sought to make true friendships with others in the community, while others were satisfied with occasional offline contact or online conversations only. Those who sought offline contacts viewed them as an extension of conversations in the chatrooms. Meetings in the physical world usually started with a simple walk in the park or having a drink somewhere. Some members chose to intensify contacts with others after some time, engaging in more social activities like watching movies, cooking and gaming. This was exemplified in a comment from a member who wrote: “Offline meetings are a logical continuation of a growing friendship, but it’s also just nice to have face-to-face conversations. It is good for building trust. But in the end, it’s mostly just for fun.”
Participation in the community led some members to disclose their pedophilic interests to others. For instance, two members mentioned they disclosed their pedophilic feelings to friends or family, due in part to the stories shared by others about their own experiences with such a disclosure. One of the moderators stated: I really felt the need to share it with someone, so that I can really be myself with that person. Because in the chat several people told about their experiences with "coming out", I got the confidence that I could do this too, with the right person.
Coming out was also one of the most frequent themes that are discussed in the living room. A moderator indicated that the vast majority of new members experienced difficulties with expressing pedophilic feelings toward others. Further, those individuals had not disclosed these feelings before participating in the chats. The moderator also noted that the chat was the first time some members ever talked about their feelings.
This chat has elements that the best therapists can’t provide. I have seen many good therapists, not a bad word about them. (…). They will never be able to experience what is going on in my head. That is not to insult them of course, but you only know what it is like to live with these feelings when you experience them yourself.
Moral Boundaries
It is evident that participants within this community communicated the belief that sexual contact with children is not acceptable. This view stems from the notion that it is not only illegal, but also because of the trauma and harm it can produce for any children involved. One of the moderators explained their position for the website, stating: What I also consider a goal - if not for myself - is to provide an environment where they can talk about the topic with others who all understand that sex with children is not accepted.
The community explored in this analysis stand in contrast to such groups, and is intended more for CAPs who do not struggle with self-regulation and have different treatment goals than withholding from sexual offending. The community provided a clear moral focus, illustrated by enforcement of the “house rules” by moderators as well as social reinforcements from peers. In fact, the site had clear rules that forbid the sharing of photos and URLs to external websites. Additionally, the site taught members how to cope with pedophilic feelings without crossing boundaries in ways that go beyond what can be learned from therapists. It was comforting to receive support from those who understand this situation, as demonstrated in the following quotes: I’ve also learned not to feel guilty about what I fantasize and I’ve been told I have a good moral compass. And it’s nice when someone else says that. (…). So learning to accept that you have those feelings and setting boundaries for yourself what is or isn’t okay, and especially the realization that you don’t hurt anyone with fantasy, that is an important step for me (and almost everyone here). – Moderator As long as you don’t act on your feelings, it’s okay to have those feelings. And of course you learn that in therapy as well, but you learn to look at it differently here because you also hear how other fellow sympathizers deal with it. – Member
Though members agreed that sexual contact with children is wrong, and that fantasies are acceptable, there was some debate over other sexual acts and feelings. For instance, virtual pornography and child sex dolls were occasionally discussed in the member room or private chats, although the house rules allowed for little overt conversation. Some saw them as a tool to cope with pedophilic urges, while others stayed far away from such materials. A moderator also stated that most members watched child sexual exploitation material (CSEM; images or videos with sexual depictions of children) at some point in their lives, which was somewhat more accepted as long as the content already existed.
Though moral boundaries were managed in public settings within the forum, private chats were unmoderated. As a consequence, individuals had to decide what they were willing to disclose to others in private, or in off-line settings, depending on whether or not there is trust. These dynamics were not easy, as some moderators noted that they did not always fully trust the intentions of potential members when meeting for the first time in person. Some also felt unsure as to whether to disclose experiences with contact offending or incarceration experiences as these acts ran counter to the overall moral stance of the group. This was evident in comments from two interviewees: In the group discussions and towards other members I'm a bit hesitant to tell [that I was in prison] but towards the moderators I mentioned it right away. I thought they should know before they welcomed me. I also explained to them what happened and apologized for it. The moderators reacted not condemned at all. Of course what I have done is wrong, they have said so and I acknowledged it. – Member I sometimes use my past when I talk to others. To expose what I have learned during that time. These are (sometimes hard-learned) lessons that I have learned and if I sense that the person I am talking to benefits from those insights, I would discuss them sometimes. My experience with this is that it somewhat removes the ‘taboo’ of talking about irresponsible choices. As a result, people dare to indicate that they also make/have made mistakes themselves and that is something I and the team can support them in. – Moderator
Discussion
The aim of this study was to gain more insight into the ways that CAP communities enable processes to regulate wellbeing and identity management within a broader subcultural context, using a qualitative analysis of interviews with members of a Dutch online peer support community for persons sexually attracted to prepubescent children. Herein, we conceptualized the environment as informal mental health care and examined how participation influences the wellbeing and behavior of its users, as well as the formation and management of one’s personal identity. In order to accomplish this, we conducted 15 semi-structured interviews with members, moderators and mental health professionals associated with the community. This sample offers unique insight into a hidden, marginalized and elusive population that is generally willing to cooperate with research but very difficult to reach.
By means of informal social control, bonds of trust, and in-group social relational education, the community provides a peer network aimed at regulating the behavior and enhancing the mental health of marginalized individuals. The needs of users were addressed in a relatively professional manner, even by community members without formal therapeutic training. As a result, community engagement offers members benefits that can improve specific life domains that have been previously shown to be related to the treatment goals of CAPs (e.g., B4UACT, 2022; Blagden et al., 2018; Grady et al., 2019; Levenson et al., 2018; Shields et al., 2020). Online associations with prosocial peers may positively reinforce changes in wellbeing and behavior, pushing participants of the community towards a meaningful life. Online communities for CAPs may therefore serve as a potential informal resource for the mental health care that is currently lacking (e.g. Seto, 2012; Lievesley et al., 2018).
One of the key outcomes interviewees reported was an improvement in their overall sense of self-acceptance. Many interviewees noted that the internalization of stigma associated with pedophilia served as a key driver for participation in the online subculture (see also B4UACT, 2022; Jahnke et al., 2015a, 2015b; Lievesley et al., 2020; Wright, 2016). Gaining feedback from others who encounter the same issues helped participants cope with their feelings and engage in positive identity formation. Members experienced a sense of being accepted and feeling they belonged to a community which reduced overall psychological distress, to the point that one interviewee reported a reduction in suicidal thoughts. In fact, self-acceptance was mentioned by a mental health professional as the main reason that users left the community, and can help CAPs decide to seek professional support (Lievesely & Harper, 2022). In addition, experiencing positive feedback and perspectives from individuals who do not have pedophilic feelings may be particularly supportive. Allowing such individuals access to the community may be essential to further positive self-acceptance.
A second key self-reported outcome of online community engagement was that members experienced a decreased sense of social isolation and loneliness. CAPs are indeed often motivated to seek out forums in order to prevent feeling alone in their feelings and sexual attraction, as quantitative data shows (Roche et al., 2022), and we thus found evidence that some forums can provide in this need. Participating in mutually beneficial discussions online fostered true friendships for some, which extend to offline encounters where individuals in which they go watch a movie, go out for drinks or go for a walk in the park. Others obtain enough satisfaction from mere online contacts without any fear of being exposed in the physical world. Many also disclosed their attraction towards children for the first time in the community due to the perception that they can openly talk about their true feelings. These dialogues, as well as exposure to the positive experiences reported by other community members, enabled some members to develop the courage to come out to friends or family about their sexual proclivities.
A final overarching benefit of engagement with the online community was the ability for members to set moral boundaries regarding sexual behaviors. Both members and moderators stressed that sexual contact with children was not acceptable, not only because it is illegal, but also because of its adverse effects on children. All participants in the community were responsible for managing behavior, as moderators could delete posts and counsel participants on acceptable behavior. Members could utilize these rules to police their own public and private encounters within the online community, though they could choose how they wanted to implement these views in their own offline activities. Such a stance is different from other online communities, particularly those operating on the Dark Web (e.g., Kloess & van der Bruggen, 2021; Van der Bruggen & Blokland, 2022).
The community featured an organizational structure similar to other online subcultures, where moderators have a prominent role in establishing boundaries and enforcing behavioral conditions by which members can interact (Holt, 2007; Holt, 2013). Within this community, moderators had to play a particularly critical role in not only enforcing rules, but also directing discussion sessions that could address the needs of members, as well as limit possible deviant influences from affecting the whole of the community. Such tasks require a unique set of skills and insights into the nature of the community and the special needs of members.
The degree to which the community is managed via informal resources available to moderators and participants also helps to foster trust between members (see also Bilgrei, 2018; Holt, 2013). Relationships between participants are able to grow over time through shared narratives, community-specific language and habits, and frequent private conversations about day-to-day topics or more personal experiences. The degree of trust present between members is likely why some members feel they can engage in offline meetings with their fellow community members, which may further increase individual wellbeing. The role of trust in the community was also reflected in the recruitment of new moderators and the forum’s admission criteria to the various chatrooms which create layers of subcultural participation and diffusion of social capital, as rooms that allow for uninterrupted conversations were only accessible to more experienced and trusted participants (see also Holt, 2013).
The degree of trust observed between CAPs with more life experiences may be why the “teacher” or role model dynamics form within the community. More experienced individuals can provide the community with their experiences and stories, which can serve as a resource for emulation and understanding. Exposure to these stories, in addition to the presence of actual mental health professionals, helps some participants to seek out adequate care, express their feelings towards friends or family, and identify coping strategies they can apply in their own lives. As a result, members can learn to live a purposeful and satisfying life through exposure to positive role models (see also Shields et al., 2020).
Involvement with this online community may also serve as a useful informal resource that fosters desistance from sexual offending over time. The outcomes reported by respondents, such as a decreased sense of loneliness and capacity to cope with stigma, are though to facilitate desistance and prevention (e.g., De Vries Robbé et al., 2015; Farrall, 2004; Lievesley & Harper, 2022; Maruna & LeBel, 2010). Access to an inclusive and supportive community that is centered around a commitment to not harm children and that ensures the transfer of knowledge in a nonjudgmental way overlaps with the principles of CoSA, and are consistent with the Good Lives Model and the ITDSO (Fox, 2015; Höing et al., 2013; Göbbels et al., 2012; Ward et al., 2007). As such, involvement in online communities could serve as a practical informal complement to other forms of preventative treatment (Lievesley & Harper, 2022).
Limitations
Although our study provides unique insights into a greatly understudied population, there are some limitations and methodological issues that must be noted. First, the sampling method used in this study may have created some selection bias, as moderators called for those willing to participate in research to volunteer. Only those who were willing to speak up and share their experiences participated, though many community members did not choose to participate. Thus, this sample does not reflect the experiences of all participants in the online community, because of which results may not be generalized to the community as a whole. In particular, younger generations who were new to the network with less experience with their feelings were likely not represented in the data. Similarly, the possible beneficial influence of online communities for CAPs may not hold up for platforms beyond the one subject to this study, since forums differ in norms, values, organization and degree of moderation.
A second limitation is that, while respondents expressed being truly committed to refrain from offending, some may have provided socially desirable responses, particularly related to their opinions on and behavior toward sexual interactions with children. The high degree of moderation and strict implementation of the house rules left little room for promoting offending behaviors, but it is possible for members to meet offline or continue conversations in a less supervised environment. The nature of online communities made it fairly easy for individuals to get in contact with those who approved of offending behaviors (Deshotels & Forsyth, 2020; Holt & Bossler, 2015). As a result, engagement with online communities may present negative consequences beyond their potential value for psychological support.
Future Research
More research is needed to further examine the benefits of online CAP communities for the mental health of its participants and the degree to which such environments either protect against or facilitates offending behaviors. It is important to focus on individuals who experience a sexual attraction to children and express commitment to live offense-free lives, since this remains an understudied but possibly vast population. First, research is needed that combines online posts from respondents with interview data to gain a more holistic representation of the community and the activities of its members. Second, there is a need for research exploring the degree to which moderators and members differ as to their risk of potential offending, as well as their maintenance of possible facilitating factors such as offense-supportive cognitions and anti-social personality traits.
Implications for Practice
Based on our findings, we argue that online communities for CAPs can function as an additional tool in the professional treatment of such persons (see also Roche et al., 2022). In this study, mental health professionals in the online community played a rather passive role to offer more simple forms of guidance and support, such as day-to-day coaching, and to discuss specific issues raised by members. Members viewed having these professionals within the community as a beneficial source of input. To ensure their long-term successful integration with the community, it is essential for moderators and professionals to work together, especially during a discussion session. Such discussions are necessary to ensure that the community has an effective, well-organized discussion in what can sometimes be a chaotic environment.
In addition, it is important that professionals make their clients aware of the existence of online CAP communities and aid in joining such communities if it is thought that such help may improve their treatment outcomes. Professionals could help clients overcome obstacles to join these communities, such as participating in the chat at the same time as their client. Further, providing mental health professionals with access to the community to help users identify their specific needs and goals and to refer them to the treatment that aligns with these goals (see also Levenson et al., 2020). Participants of the community often seemed unaware that professional care was available and the ways that treatment could help them. Thus, directed engagement in virtual environments could be a critical step to identify adequate care that fits individual needs.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
