Antecedents to Consumer Perceptions of Sacredness in Extended Service Experiences

Abstract

Despite the marketing opportunities associated with consumers' perceptions of sacredness in many service consumption experiences, academic research on what drives consumers' sacredness perceptions is limited. Using the context of golf, the study investigates the antecedents to ritual experiences and perceptions of sacredness in service activities. Survey results among more than 700 male and female golfers indicate that flow and communitas impact sacredness perceptions somewhat differently between men and women. While flow impacts sacredness for both genders, the influence of communitas on sacredness is significant only among men. Desire for privileged status and its impact on sacredness, however, impacts only women. Results further indicate a strong mutually reinforcing relationship between flow and communitas. Sacredness can have powerful influences on customers in creating lasting and potentially reoccurring experiences. Managers should realize that creating welcoming environments can enable extraordinary experiences and that tactics such as increasing participation frequency are more necessary for women than men in creating sacredness.

Keywords

sacredness communitas flow gender privileged status extended service experiences golf

Introduction

Since Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry’s (1989) research on sacredness, defined briefly as exhibiting extraordinary reverence, it has become apparent that many types of consumption activities can be viewed as having sacred properties despite their existence in nonreligious domains. Sacredness, or perceptions thereof, drives deeper levels of involvement, reverence, sacrifice, and commitment to the product, service, or consumption practice (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989; O’Guinn and Belk 1989). In short, understanding perceptions of sacredness and the factors that help create it may help management develop deeper and more meaningful relationships with and among customers.

More recent research on sacredness has explored how sacredness can be maintained through proper product disposal (Cherrier 2009), how it can be established once a product is decommodified (Wallendorf and Arnould 1991), and how relationships with pets can transcend the ordinary (Hill, Gaines, and Wilson 2008). Nevertheless, academic research to extend sacredness, operationalize it, and explain its drivers has been relatively scant, with a notable exception in the McGinnis and Gentry (2003) study. In addition, gendered explorations of sacredness and its relationships with communitas (i.e., group-level transcendence from a heightened sense of community) and flow (individual-level transcendence from intense psychological engagement) have been virtually nonexistent as well; this is a serious oversight from a service perspective, given gendered service encounters in not only golf (the current context) but in other historically gendered activities (e.g., hunting, fishing, spas, fraternal organizations, private clubs, sports, and shopping).

Golf is used as the context for this study for several reasons. First, it represents a relatively large industry, boasting over $75 billion in revenue in 2007 for the United States (Golf20/20.com 2011). Second, it is an activity that is not overtly physical or seen as masculine by many female participants (see McGinnis and Gentry 2006), yet the majority of the players are men, as less than 25% of golfers in the United States are women (Berkley 2004). Third, the service provider plays a major role in orchestrating the activity and charges premiums for the services provided. Fourth, the industry is undergoing severe growth issues with golf course closures outpacing openings (National Golf Foundation.org). Fifth, the activity can be played individually and in groups, lending its enjoyment both to individual and to social antecedents. Finally, golf has domains such as historic figures and places that have the potential of being sacred (McGinnis and Gentry 2003).

Sacredness and the transcendent experiences of communitas and flow, which are measured in this study, coincide or resonate to a large extent with Driver’s (1991) ritual gifts (e.g., order, transformation, and community). Driver (1991) contends that rituals provide much needed repetition, scripts, and certainty in life in terms of order (e.g., what to wear at a wedding or how to act at a baseball game); rituals also have the power to transform societies, unmask pretention, move people from one status to another (e.g., marriage rites); and rituals also allow people to unite not only physically but emotionally, giving them the latitude to laugh and to cry (e.g., funerals).

In this study, we draw on ritual consumption theory to propose a framework on how extraordinary or peak experiences such as communitas and flow are associated with consumers' sacredness perceptions in extended service activities. As a result, we add to the increasing base of coconstructed consumer experiences where creating value is a joint proposition between the service provider and customer and between and among other customers. More specifically, we add to the process of performancescapes (Tumbat and Belk forthcoming), where emphasis is placed on consumer skills and competencies in creating joint value. In order to capture the depth and breadth of skills, ritual experiences and perceptions, we use a sample that contains experienced players. Ritual and its gifts are not only influenced by perceptions of sacredness but we posit by gender privilege as well, in that being a gender outsider can negatively contaminate (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989) the effects of ritual. As Driver writes (1991), “. . . most rituals in recorded history have linked sex and power in a way that upholds male domination and female subservience” (p. 46). Driver further indicates that many of these rituals often have benign intent, but nonetheless perpetuate patriarchal power. Golf contains rituals and ritualized behaviors that help maintain gender power imbalances or create what is termed hegemonic masculinity (McGinnis, Gentry, and McQuillan 2009). We intend to explore whether desiring privilege for one’s gender impacts ritual gifts (e.g., communitas).

Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989) indicate that there are seven ways through which an object can be sacralized, with ritual being one of them. Evidence from our study and others (see McGinnis, Gentry, and McQuillan 2009) indicates that golf is indeed a ritual, where common groupings, same-gender regular foursomes, consistent playing times, and routine playing places appear to be the norm. This ritualization process of the secular often occurs when people have the time, feel unhurried or are on vacation, and where a shared liminality¹ (i.e., being in between states or statuses where a lack of social structure exists) may provoke a sense of camaraderie, which then leads to sacredness (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989). While some courses, destinations, and figures may have sacred standing in advance (e.g., St. Andrews in Scotland) of a golfer ever experiencing those domains, or have what we term surrogate sacredness, we believe that golf for most golfers is ordinary or part of everyday life, in that the courses, experiences, and times people experience in golf become sacralized through the ritualization process. For these reasons, we contend that although the relationships between extraordinary experiences (i.e., flow and communitas) and sacredness might flow in either direction, the likely ordering in golf, and indeed most service encounters and establishments, will be one-way, in that the extraordinary experiences felt in the domain will then lead to perceptions of this normally ordinary domain being sacred.

Aside from gaining more insight into sacred and exclusive domains, other research objectives for this study are to discover whether privileged status involved in consumption activities affects the experience of flow and communitas and to determine whether gender makes a difference in the ritual experiences in a domain dominated by one gender. While there are multiple gendered perspectives, our research is informed by a lens that suggests social differentiation can lead to social stratification (Reskin and Bielby 2005). From a service provider perspective, this suggests that because men and women are differentiated by such things as abilities, preferences, and other gendered markers, status inequalities may result, leading to different experiences both individually and within groups.

We begin this study with an examination of the relevant literatures involved with collective consumption activities, including research on ritual, gender, sacredness, flow, and communitas. Using the logic of Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989), we then develop model relationships with flow and communitas serving as focal constructs; privileged status and playing frequency as antecedents; and sacredness as an outcome variable. We follow this with an explanation of the survey method, results, and discussion, and then end with discussions of the limitations, theoretical contributions, and managerial implications of the study.

Literature Review and Hypotheses

Ritual Theory

What separates ritual from customs, conventions, and other habitual behaviors is the seriousness with which rituals are treated and followed, their symbolic importance (Rothenbuhler 1998; Tetreault and Kleine 1990), and potential for transcendence (Driver 1991). According to Driver (1991), the inclusive nature of ritual may provide three gifts: order, community, and transformation. Though rituals do provide gifts, these gifts may also be exclusionary because of the ritual’s privileged position.

As one of the payoffs of the communal aspects of ritual, communitas is the heightened feeling of community that happens in the liminal stage of ritual. Though sometimes referred to in a negative sense due to its disorienting effect (Turner 1969), the liminal stage may be associated with the more positive respites found in the in-between stages of a rite of passage (Driver 1991; van Gennep 1960). Communitas has been shown to emerge in a number of consumer behavior studies: the Schouten and McAlexander (1995) study of Harley riders found owners to achieve a sense of communitas from the shared ritual-like experience of riding bikes in formation, while Arnould and Price (1993) showed how white water river rafters achieve communitas as they go through the stages of a rite of passage.

Rituals such as riding bikes in formation and other such patterns can play a key role in the determination of what is seen as sacred, through the process of singularization or through repeated investments and divestitures of meaning that a consumer assigns with consumption object (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989). Sacredness is operationalized in this study based on Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989). We contend that golf can possess sacred qualities (McGinnis and Gentry 2003), especially among those who are more involved and invested in the sport and have had years of ritualization to gain appreciation through the experiences of flow and communitas. We contend in the next section that golf has the potential to be sacred in several of the domains mentioned by Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989).

Communitas and Flow and Their Influences on Sacredness

Sacredness

Although the term sacred has traditionally been associated with religion or religious activity, Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989) explain that other elements of life clearly have the potential to be treated as sacred including sports, museums, and national parks. In summary, Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry describe sacred as “that which is regarded as more significant, powerful, and extraordinary than the self” (p. 13). Sacredness is divergent from magical thinking, as sacred appears to be more reverence-related while magic is more awe-inspiring. Magic is concerned with how consumers receive and transfer power from objects (Fernandez and Lastovicka 2011) and becomes a coping mechanism, whereby individuals draw upon mystical forces to understand, predict, or influence events (James, Handelman, and Taylor 2011).

Research in the context of golf clearly indicates that each of several consumer domains has the potential to be considered sacred. First, through places, golf can be sacred due to its serene settings and often remote and protected locations. Its more famous locations have a mystical aura (St. Andrews, Augusta, Georgia, United States and Pebble Beach, California, United States). Second, golf has famous players who held or hold a certain mythical, charismatic presence (e.g., Bobby Jones, Jack Nicklaus, and Tiger Woods). Third, golf time is often considered a sacred bonding time, where people gather regularly and ritually to share important social time, memories, and experiences with each other (see McGinnis and Gentry 2003).

Communitas

Communitas is defined as antistructural activity that allows for transcending camaraderie (Deegan 1989, 1998; Driver 1991; Turner 1969). Antistructural in this sense means without social hierarchy, such as when a person’s social position or status has no impact on his or her standing within the group. Communitas has been included in a wide variety of studies and activities (Arnould and Price 1993; Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989; Celsi, Rose, and Leigh 1993). In this situation, social categories and status disappear, and people in the same situation develop intense feelings of comradeship and egalitarianism. Sacredness is then achieved through experiences in which essential humanity is shared.

A secular activity like golf, as with whitewater river rafting (Arnould and Price 1993), could be considered a rite of passage. Rites of passage create change, such as from one status to another or a new identity. They include such ceremonies as births, marriages, funerals, and presidential inaugurations, and they generally transform people into cleansed states (Driver 1991). During such rites, people generally progress through van Gennep’s (1960) three phases: separation, liminality, and reincorporation. Golf separates people away from what is considered their normal, everyday lives and provides them somewhat of a “third place” (Thompson and Arsel 2004) or a safe haven between two worlds away from their work and/or their everyday troubles. On the golf course, where status may disappear and where hierarchy (if there is one) is based upon skill and not some presumed social status. Often, a round of golf leads to intense comradeship and belonging before people enter the third phase and reintegrate back into their regular lives (McGinnis and Gentry 2003). The camaraderie that develops in the liminal phase may be attributed in part to golf’s serene and secure environment, which is considered a respite from daily life stresses. The intensity of this comradeship and the ritualization that often occurs through repetitive activities with similar others can create perceptions of sacredness as per Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry's (1989) sacralization process (see Figure 1 ).

Figure 1.

A conceptual model on the antecedents of sacredness perceptions in extended service experiences.

According to Turner (1969), sacredness and liminality are more likely to occur in places where homogeneity exists and where gender distinctions are minimized (Driver 1991). Because more men play golf than women play, gender usually does not serve as a potential barrier to the homogeneity needed for liminality. For women, however, gender homogeneity occurs less frequently, giving gender more salience. So while we suggest that communitas will relate positively with sacredness for both men and women, this relationship should be stronger for men due to men’s “insider status.” Even though it can be argued that engaging in activities that are restrictive for groups, specifically women, can be exhilarating and therefore capable of producing communitas (McGinnis, Gentry, and Tao 2008), it is not likely that the domain itself will be perceived as exceedingly sacred as a result of communitas due to the higher status that men enjoy on the golf course and that the symbols, marketing efforts, and recognition (e.g., Professional Golfers' Association [PGA] vs. Ladies Professional Golf Association [LPGA]) therein are mostly male-oriented (McGinnis and Gentry 2006; McGinnis, McQuillan, and Chapple 2005). For some extraordinary women, the sisterhood created in fighting against the majority might create communitas, but the status and gender distinctions limiting liminality will be too difficult for most women to overcome.

Hypothesis 1: Communitas will positively influence sacredness.

Hypothesis 1a: The effect of communitas on sacredness will be stronger among men than women.

Flow

Flow is described as exceptional moments that stand out as being the most memorable yet effortless in people’s lives. It is akin to the concept of “being in the zone,” whereby a person loses track of self-consciousness and time. Flow is spell-like and addictive (Celsi, Rose, and Leigh 1993). It is the serenity a person feels when the heart, will, and mind are all on the same page. Flow is most likely to occur in those activities that have clear-cut yet challenging goals, such as chess, surgery (Csikszentmihalyi 1997), long-distance running, and hip-hop (Chalmers and Arthur 2008). In addition, flow is more likely to occur in active versus passive consumption activities. Golf is also capable of producing a flow experience because it does provide a clear-cut, challenging goal where high-quality performances can be assessed in multiple ways (McGinnis, Gentry, and Tao 2008). “Leisure pursuits are frequently intrinsically motivated. Because such behaviors are fully endorsed and volitional, intrinsically motivated behaviors are the prototype of autonomous motivation” (Moller, Ryan, and Deci 2006, p. 105). Golf, a leisure pursuit, is therefore certainly suited to be an activity in which flow could occur.

Those who experience flow may well feel that the domain in which this transcendental experience occurred, or occurs frequently, possesses sacred qualities. In order for flow to occur, a certain amount of activity and mastery is needed in that activity. Transcendent experiences make the actor want to replicate them (Celsi, Rose, and Leigh 1993). This suggests that the person who engages in the activity may have a certain amount of intrinsic motivation as the activity speaks to the person’s inner desires. Flow appeals to the autotelic dimension, meaning that people perform the activity for its own sake and for volitional reasons (Csikszentmihalyi 1990). As with communitas, an increase in flow should lead to an increase in perceived sacredness because the domain where and when such experiences occur will be associated with the pleasure encountered. Stated alternatively, because flow experiences are so profound, transcendent, autotelic, and spell-like, people will perceive the places and times where and when they occur with exceptional reverence, resulting in greater perceptions of sacredness. As noted by Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989) in citing Csikszentmihalyi (1975), performing the activity therefore becomes its own reward, encouraging the participant to engage in the activity more frequently. However, because flow is an individual variable, it should be free of social influences such as gender, thereby leaving no difference between men and women on its relationship with sacredness.

Hypothesis 2: Flow will positively influence sacredness.

Hypothesis 2a: There will be no difference between men and women on the effect of flow on sacredness.

Relationship Between Flow and Communitas

As stated in Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989), Turner (1977) calls communitas “group flow,” which indicates a strong theoretical relationship between these two constructs. The primary difference between the two is that communitas is socially influenced and flow is an individual variable, whereby no other person is necessary in order to experience it. It may seem intuitively obvious that the two constructs are strongly related, but prior research suggests that they have differential explanatory power for enduring involvement, and participation frequency was found to have opposite mediating effects on the constructs' relationships with enduring involvement (McGinnis, Gentry, and Tao 2008).

What might connect the two variables is intense focus. When people play golf together, they often bet with one another (McGinnis, Gentry, and McQuillan 2009) and, due to the fact that handicaps allow for various playing levels to compete on equal footing, the competition between golfers is heightened. This competition creates more focus, which allows for individual ability to be maximized (Csikszentmihalyi 1997). Golf, while not the most physically demanding activity, is extremely challenging due to the number of variables (i.e., swing angle, lie conditions, and weather conditions) involved in each shot, and, like navigation through Internet websites (Novak, Hoffman, and Yung 2000), is capable of absorbing one’s attention to the extent that there is little mental capacity to do anything else. The flow exuded from individual players heightens or makes probable the experience of communitas, as when individual players at a blackjack table (Csikszentmihalyi 1999) perform well, the group’s experience is heightened. Conversely, when golfers experience communitas or a heightened sense of community, they may experience more flow due to the fact that their minds and defenses have become at ease and they are enjoying the activity, allowing flow to occur more naturally. Csikszentmihalyi (1997) argues that the social connections people make in their lives create happiness and that almost every activity is more enjoyable when others are around compared to doing the activity alone. Therefore, we contend that the occupation of time with comrades, such as that found in a group of golfers, will occupy the mind to the extent that self-consciousness, stress, self-awareness, loneliness, and depression are held at bay, making the experience of flow more attainable.

For women, due to the communal aspects valued by and associated with the feminine role (Eagly, Wood, and Diekman 2000), the effects of communitas on flow should be more powerful than it is for men. In addition, the effect of flow on communitas should be stronger for women as well, in that the challenge and performance that cause flow to occur will be valued more by women as they lead to more acceptance and hence camaraderie in an environment where skill is highly admired and valued. In short, flow keeps players, especially women, interested in the game until communitas emerges.

Hypothesis 3: Flow and communitas are significantly correlated with one another.

Hypothesis 3a: The mutually reinforcing relationship between flow and communitas will be stronger among women than men.

Participation Frequency and Its Influences on Communitas and Flow

Participation frequency

Participation frequency in this study is used as an antecedent to both communitas and flow because we contend that each form of optimal experience needs time and effort in order to materialize and take shape. Participation frequency, operationalized as the number of rounds played per year, should relate positively with communitas. Communitas emerges when social status disappears and when people share essential human bonds together. It can also emerge when people go on pilgrimages with one another and are secluded from the rest of society in liminal phases (Arnould and Price 1993; Schouten and McAlexander 1995). This would suggest that as people have more time with one another and increase the frequency with which they engage in activities, they will be more likely to experience communitas. For women, the relationship between frequency and communitas should be particularly strong due to the communal (e.g., affectionate, sympathetic, nurturant, gentle) norms that are ascribed to the feminine gender role versus the more agentic characteristics (e.g., aggressive, gentle, controlling) associated with the masculine role (Eagly, Wood, and Diekman 2000).

Participation frequency should also affect flow, as flow is likely to occur only after a certain level of mastery (Csikszentmihalyi 1990). Flow should occur naturally with participation frequency, as one should move toward mastery with increased participation. As with many extended leisure activities, though, golf is extremely difficult to master, as even the world’s top participants have rounds that are devoid of mastery. This elusive mastery should provide the challenge to keep golf interesting and the impetus for people to continue playing and trying to improve. Once again, however, due to the individual nature of flow, no difference is expected between men and women on participation’s influence on flow.

Hypothesis 4: Participation frequency will positively influence communitas.

Hypothesis 4a: The effect of participation frequency on communitas will be stronger among women than among men.

Hypothesis 5: Participation frequency will positively influence flow.

Hypothesis 5a: There will be no difference between men and women on the effect of participation frequency on flow.

Privileged Status and Its Influences on Communitas and Flow

Privileged status

Privileged status concerns the unequal distribution of rights and resources, which can therefore result in social stratification (Reskin and Bielby 2005). This unequal distribution is at the core of the feminist perspective (Risman 1998). In golf, such rights and resources might include services, decision making, events, and merchandise selection that favor men. Privileged status, for this study, is described as the extent to which players believe their gender should hold the privileged position in golf. We posit that desire for privileged status will interrupt communitas but not flow, as flow is an individual variable. Driver (1991) contends that when humans lose sight of the antistructure nature of ritual and try to manipulate it, it becomes a commodity or fetish and loses its ability to create communitas. As suggested by Driver, the power of ritual comes through its playfulness and its temporary departure from everyday work rules and social structure. Citing Turner (1969), Driver (1991) suggests that communitas emerges when it is spontaneous, but not when it is norm-governed or institutionalized, leading one to believe that if one gender has too much control over a ritual, it will disrupt its equality.

Golf is a social context where men have traditionally been privileged, allowing them to feel free and reside relatively free of constraints (McGinnis and Gentry 2006). We contend, however, that at the social level, a reduction of optimal or peak experiences (i.e., communitas) will occur for those desiring privileged status. Interpreting Turner’s (1969) work on communitas, Driver (1991) suggests that the spirit of unity essential for communitas is compromised by social stratification, as it creates alienation from social distancing. Because those who desire privilege often do so against groups that do not share their characteristics or views, this exclusivity may inhibit the positive feelings associated with inclusivity and positivity, which then enable communitas. In short, those who desire privilege are by default less open to inclusion, which may preclude openness to community. In addition, research has indicated that women describe greater disadvantages based upon their gender membership than those described by men (Branscombe 1998). When people from lower power groups experience discrimination, they become more likely to associate themselves with their in-group than with the power group (Dépret and Fiske (1993). In sum, it appears that marginalized or disadvantaged groups feel more negative effects than privileged groups, are more inclined to identify with their in-group because of discrimination, and that the negative consequences of discrimination suffered by women are more impactful than those suffered by men. Therefore, we predict that when women desire privileged status, their disadvantaged standing in golf should create more negative psychological impact for them than it will for men due to the salience of gender and using in-group affiliation as a coping mechanism.

Hypothesis 6: Desire for privileged status will reduce communitas.

Hypothesis 6a: The negative effect of desire for privileged status on communitas will be stronger among women than men.

Hypothesis 7: Desire for privileged status will not influence flow.

Hypothesis 7a: There will be no difference between men and women on the effect of desire for privileged status on flow.

Participation Frequency and Sacredness

Participation frequency, as we have predicted, will have a positive influence on both communitas and flow, which will then, as we support in this section, have a positive effect on sacredness. In general, those who exercise and engage in physical activity develop better health-related quality of life, better functional capacity, and better mood states (Penedo and Dahn 2005). In Berger and Motl’s (2000) review, they cited evidence that suggests one way to promote mood-enhancing outcomes associated with exercise was through frequency. In a study among aging golfers, Lane and Jarrett (2005) found that while there was a decrease in mood states (i.e., anger and depression) after a round a golf, the overall mood profile (composite score of anger, confusion, depression, fatigue, tension, and vigor) of the golfers increased. These increased mood states should provide the impetus toward reengagement, as evidence suggests a link between mood states and behavior through repeated experience, socialization, and acculturation (Gardner 1985). In addition, Knowles, Grove, and Pickett (1999) found that positive mood scenarios resulted in more favorable service encounter intentions than did mixed, neutral, or negative scenarios. Perceived sacredness of an activity will increase as the time spent with that domain leads to greater familiarity, embeddedness, and greater overall emotional investment in that activity. Furthermore, as indicated by Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989), objects can become sacralized through repetitive, ritual engagement, as attention and care given to a singular activity can enable appreciation and respect.

Though we expect that participation frequency will lead to sacredness for both men and women, we anticipate the effect being stronger among women. As ritual outsiders to the domain of golf (McGinnis, Gentry, and McQuillan 2009), women, over time, will view increased exposure to the golf course has being more special and will be more appreciative of the inner peace, sense of control, and other positive aspects golf has to offer. Leisure itself is often considered a patriarchal pursuit and one in which women tend to have more constraints than men (Jackson and Henderson 1995). More recent research and reviews suggest that women feel less sense of entitlement for leisure due to social factors and expectations (Henderson and Hickerson 2007; Shaw and Henderson 2005). This is especially the case with women who have children, as an ethic of care usually prevails (Miller and Brown 2005). Because the opportunities and time for leisure are more constrained for women in general, women will value and appreciate their time on the course more than men will, thus leading to higher levels of perceived sacredness.

Hypothesis 8: Participation frequency will have a direct and positive effect on sacredness.

Hypothesis 8a: The direct and positive effect of participation frequency on sacredness will be stronger among women than among men.

Privileged Status and Sacredness

If one desires privilege for any domain, one will want to protect that domain from contamination from outside forces (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989). But in some contexts, we contend that negative contamination can occur, such as when a person who does not fit the description of the in-group defiles it by participating insincerely in an activity that others take seriously. For example, in Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) study of Harley-Davison riders, the hard core took exception to the wannabes trying to pose as serious riders. We posit that those who desire privileged status for their group do so because they see their group as maintaining the activity’s sacredness, while those outside the group are seen as sources of negative contamination. While we predict that desiring privileged status will limit communitas because it limits liminality, we predict the opposite with perceptions of sacredness. Those who desire privilege, or those who feel they have to work hard to obtain status and rights for their gender, will be more deeply invested in and more appreciative of the domain, wherein their struggles have occurred. These investments should be appreciated more among women whose path into golf’s inner sanctum has been more challenged than that of men’s. Therefore, we maintain the following:

Hypothesis 9: Desire for privileged status will have a direct and positive effect on sacredness.

Hypothesis 9a: The direct and positive effect of the desire for privileged status will be stronger among women than among men.

Method

Two thousand questionnaires were mailed to a list of male and female members from a Midwestern golf association in the spring of 2002. This association is a statewide handicap organization that administers official golf handicaps for private, public, and military courses in accordance with the U.S. Golf Association, golf’s official governing body in the United States. The total list had over 17,000 names, with 14,683 men and 3,068 women. Women comprise less than a quarter of the golfer population in the United States (Berkley, 2004), making our list fairly representative of the population. Once all names were alphabetized, approximately every 18th name on the men’s list was selected while every third name on the women’s list was selected in order to generate similar-sized sample pools. The total response rate for the golf association was 41.8%, with 39.3% of the men responding and 43.5% of the women. Random drawings for football tickets and golf paraphernalia were held as response incentives. More than half of the golfers (53.6%) were between 41 and 60 years of age. A great majority of the respondents (82.6%) were married and the median level of education for the sample was college (30.8%). More than half (56.3%) of the respondents earned an annual household income between $60,000 and $100,000.

The types of courses where our respondents played at were public (41.6%), private (40.9%), and 17.5% for both types. Most respondents (87.2%) played golf for leisure. There were some significant differences in the experience and skill levels between male and female golfers. For example, the median response for years playing golf was more than 20 years for the male golfers and between 15 and 20 years for the female golfers. The median response for average score was between 81 and 90 for men and 96 to 110 for women. On the other hand, no significant differences were noted between male and female golfers with regard to the key study constructs of communitas, flow, desire for privileged status, and sacredness.

Scale Development

The scales for this study were taken from the literature and adapted to the context of golf or were created from conceptual definitions. Flow falls under the former category while sacredness, communitas, and privileged status fall under the latter. Each scale was tested on three different occasions (not including the final survey) with undergraduate college students. All scales were purified using item-to-total correlations and exploratory factor analysis (see Gerbing and Anderson 1988). Pretest items that were considered borderline due to domain coverage concerns, questionable factor loadings, or reliability concerns were deleted from the final questionnaire.

Sacredness falls under six different domains: places, times, tangible things, intangibles, persons, and experiences (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989). All of these domains pertain to golf and were used collectively to measure sacredness. When grouped together as one construct during each of the pretests, all items consistently loaded heavily on one factor. We define sacredness as the extent to which an object, person, place, experience, tangible, or intangible thing is regarded as more significant, more powerful, and more extraordinary than the self. All items for the scale domain sacredness were generated for this study (please see Appendix A and Table 1 for the items). This scale had a final α of .94.

Table 1.

Across-Construct Confirmatory Factor Analysis

Constructs and Respective Items or Dimensions	Loadings
Sacredness (CR ^a =.94; AVE = .65; α =.94)
EXPERIE1: I find it difficult to tolerate disrespectful behavior during my golf time.	.65
TANGIBL1: Antique golf equipment has sacred qualities.	.66
PLACE4: When I am on a golf course, I get chills running up and down my spine.	.67
PLACE6: I treat golf courses like they’re sacred ground.	.79
INTAN5: Golf’s aura is sacred.	.91
PERSON2: Many of the touring professionals of the past are sacred to me.	.83
EXPERIE4: I consider the experience of playing golf to be sacred.	.89
INTAN6: Golf’s rituals are sacred.	.92
TIME5: Time spent on the golf course is sacred to me.	.85
Desire for privilege (CR = .82; AVE = .54; α = .81)
PRIV1: Men (women) should receive the preferred status at golf courses.	.64
PRIV2: Men (women) should have more rights at golf courses.	.75
PRIV3: Men (women) should be the main decision makers at golf courses.	.86
PRIV4: Men (women) should have the preferred tee-times at golf courses.	.66
Communitas (CR =.79; AVE = .50; α = .79)
COM1: When I golf, I feel a sense of camaraderie.	.70
COM2: When I golf, I feel a bond with my fellow golfer that I could not experience away from the golf course.	.71
COM3: When I golf, I feel a sense of belonging with others at the course.	.68
COM6: Golf really allows me to get to know my fellow golfer.	.72
Flow (CR =.76; AVE = .51; α = .75)
FLOW2: Golf is the best way to relieve my stress.	.65
FLOW3: When I play golf, it receives my total concentration.	.81
FLOW4: When I play golf, I am surprised to find I have lost track of time.	.68
Participation frequency
Number of playing times per year	1.00^b
Fit indices: χ² = 475.68 (df = 180), p = .00, RMSEA = .05, NFI = .98; CFI = .98, and IFI = .98
Phi matrix^c
	1	2	3	4	5
1. Sacredness	.78^d
2. Desire for privilege	.15^e	.74
3. Communitas	.33^e	−.08	.69
4. Flow	.48^e	.00	.60^e	.71
5. Participation frequency	.23^e	.02	.24^e	.35^e	NA

Notes. CFI = comparative fit index; IFI = incremental fit index; NFI = normed fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.

^aCR and AVE represent composite reliability and average variance extracted, respectively; both were calculated using factor-to-item loadings.

^bThese loadings were fixed to 1.

^cAll correlations reported in the Phi Matrix are significantly different from 1 or −1 (the absolute value plus 2 times standard error being smaller than 1).

^dDiagonal elements are square roots of the average variance extracted of the concerned constructs or factors. There was no AVE for Participation frequency.

^eThese correlation coefficients are significant at p = .01 level.

Using conceptual definitions from Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989), Deegan (1989, 1998), Holt (1995), and Turner (1969), we formulated a 4-item scale, one-factor scale for communitas that had a final α of .79. Flow, in this study, is a 3-item one-factor scale developed largely from the conceptual definitions of Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989), Csikszentmihalyi (1990, 1997), and Deegan (1989, 1998) and a scale from Stein et al. (1995). Flow had a final α of .75.

Desire for privileged status was operationalized using a compilation of different conceptual meanings from the work of such gender scholars as Connell (1987), Reskin (1988), and Risman (1998). It included specific examples related to golf, such as asking whether members of the gender in question should receive the preferred status at golf courses. A total of 4 items were used for this scale after purification, yielding an ending α of .81.

Scale Validation

We performed an across-construct confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to assess the psychometric properties of the scales (Joreskog and Sorbom 1999). The final outcomes of the CFA, including fit indices, factor loadings, Phi Matrix, and composite reliabilities for all factors (Fornell and Larcker 1981) are presented in Table 1. Fit indices collectively show adequate fit of the factor model with the data (Hu and Bentler 1999).

All path coefficients from factors to their corresponding indicators were significant at p = .05 (i.e., t > 2.0), and all loadings were higher than .50. The composite reliability coefficients for the four factors ranged from .76 (for the flow construct) to .94 (for the sacredness construct), and all exceeded the recommended guideline of .60 for early stage studies (Bagozzi and Yi 1988). Collectively, these signs show adequate convergent validity for these measures (Anderson and Gerbing 1988).

We assessed the discriminant validity among the four factors using three standards. Discriminant validity among the factors was evident since all correlations were significantly different from 1.0 (the correlation coefficients plus 2 times the standard errors were smaller than 1; Anderson and Gerbing 1988). Second, we tested the discriminant validity of the factor measures with a series of two-factor CFA models for all possible pairs of factors. In each model, the Φ coefficient was constrained to unity and then freed and a chi-square difference test was then performed. Discriminant validity was also obtained for all the study constructs using this test (Δχ² _[1] > 3.84 for all pair-wise comparisons; Anderson and Gerbing 1988). Third, we computed the average variances extracted (AVE) for all factors (and unidimensional constructs) and compared the square root of the AVE for each factor with all interfactor correlations involving the factor. In all cases, the square root of the AVE is larger than all correlations involving the factor (Fornell and Larcker 1981). In view of the previous results, both convergent and discriminant validities were confirmed at the factor level.

Common Method Variance (CMV)

When two or more variables are collected from the same respondents and an attempt is made to interpret their correlation, a problem of CMV may occur (Podsakoff and Organ 1986). We assessed CMV with two separate tests. First, we employed Harmon’s one-factor test that entails entering all the items for the latent variables into a single factor using CFA procedures (Podsakoff et al. 2003). As the one-factor model did not fit the data well (comparative fit index = .80, root mean square error of approximation = .15), there is no general factor that accounts for the majority of the covariance across measures, mitigating concerns of potential CMV bias.

Second, we reran the final CFA with a same-source factor added, with this extra factor having as indicators all the measures (see Belschak, Verbeke, and Bagozzi 2006; Podsakoff et al. 2003). Such a procedure can control for the portion of the variance attributable to obtaining all measures from a single source. Factor loadings after correction for CMV were as follows: .66 to .91 (sacredness), .67 to .88 (desire for privilege), .69 to .72 (communitas), and .64 to .82 (flow). Interfactor correlations ranged from −.30 to .59. Partialing out the effects of CMV, hence, did not have substantial effect on the measures.

Results

The conceptual model (Figure 1) effectively suggests mediating effects of communitas and flow between gender, participation frequency, and desire for privileged status, respectively, and perceived sacredness. According to Baron and Kenny (1986), three conditions must be satisfied to demonstrate mediating effects: (1) the independent variables must affect the dependent variable, (2) the independent variables must affect the mediators, and (3) when mediators enter the model, the contribution of previously significant independent variables should drop substantially for partial mediation and become insignificant for full mediation. Following these guidelines, we estimate two models: Model l is the direct effects model that includes only the three independent variables to predict perceived sacredness, whereas Model 2 is the mediating model that adds the mediators (i.e., communitas and flow). Table 2 summarizes the results of these path analyses.

Table 2.

Structural Equations Modeling Test of Main Effect Hypotheses

Exogenous Variables	Dependent Variables
	Model 1 (Direct Effects)	Model 2 (Mediating Effects)
	Sacredness	Communitas	Flow	Sacredness
Communitas			.42*** (Hypothesis 3)	.16*** (Hypothesis 1)
Flow		.43*** (Hypothesis 3)		.41*** (Hypothesis 2)
Participation frequency	.24***	.24*** (Hypothesis 4)	.35*** (Hypothesis 5)	.07** (Hypothesis 8)
Desire for privilege	.14**	−.09** (Hypothesis 6)	−.01 (Hypothesis 7)	.16*** (Hypothesis 9)
Fit indices	Model 1: χ²(75) = 271.58, p < .01, RMSEA = .06, NFI = .97, CFI = .98, IFI = .98
Fit indices	Model 2: χ²(179) = 626.05, p < .01, RMSEA = .06, NFI = .96, CFI = .97, IFI = .97

Note. CFI = comparative fit index; IFI = incremental fit index; NFI = normed fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.

*Significant at .05. **Significant at .01. ***Significant at .001.

Model 1 shows that Condition 1 is satisfied for desire for privilege and participation frequency. Model 2 shows that Condition 2 is partially met in that privilege has a significant negative effect on communitas, while participation frequency has significant positive effects on both communitas and flow. Model 2 further shows that when the paths between communitas and flow, respectively, and sacredness are estimated, the effect of participation frequency on sacredness, while remaining significant, sees a substantial decrease in size (from .24 to .07). Therefore, the positive effect of participation frequency on sacredness is partially mediated by both communitas and flow (Baron and Kenny 1986), while the effect of desire for privilege on sacredness is not mediated by either communitas or flow. We used the Sobel test, as outlined in Baron and Kenny (1986), to confirm the mediation effects of communitas and flow on the influence of playing frequency on perceived sacredness. The Sobel test statistics for the mediating effects of communitas and flow were 4.47 and 7.29, respectively; both of which were significant at p = .001. Thus, the concerned partial mediating effects of communitas and flow were both confirmed via the Sobel test.

Hypotheses 1 and 2 suggest that golfers' sacredness perception is positively influenced by both communitas and flow. The structural equation modeling (SEM) results for both hypotheses, shown in Model 2, results in column 4, were significant (Hypothesis 1: parameter estimate for communitas = .16; p < .001; Hypothesis 2: parameter estimate for flow = .41; p < .001). Therefore, both Hypotheses 1 and 2 were supported by the data.

Also, the SEM results pertaining to Hypothesis 3 (parameter estimate = .42 for communitas → flow, significant at p < .001; parameter estimate = .43 for flow → communitas, significant at p < .001) support the strong positive association between communitas and flow. This strong relationship between them was also confirmed in two-stage least square regression analyses featuring gender, privilege, and frequency as instrumental variables (Lane and Jacobson 1997). The size, direction, and significance of the correlation coefficient between them (.60, significant at p = .01) as shown in Table 1 also lend support to Hypothesis 3.

The results pertaining to Hypothesis 4 (parameter estimate = .24; p < .001) and Hypothesis 5 (parameter estimate = .35; p < .001) show that frequency has a significant effect on both communitas and flow, supporting both Hypotheses 4 and 5. Therefore, increased participation frequency enhances golfers' communitas and flow experiences alike.

The results pertaining to Hypotheses 6 and 7 show that desire for privilege has a significant negative effect on communitas (parameter estimate = −.09; p < .01) as hypothesized; but it does not significantly influence flow (parameter estimate = −.01; p > .05), confirming our prior expectation. In other words, while a higher desire for privilege leads to less communitas, the level of perceived privilege does not seem to influence golfers' flow, an individual-level construct. Thus, both Hypotheses 6 and 7 were supported.

The result pertaining to Hypothesis 8 (parameter estimate = .07; p < .01) and Hypothesis 9 (parameter estimate = .16; p < .001) show that both participation frequency and desire for privilege indeed have a significant direct effect on sacredness, lending support to both Hypotheses 8 and 9.

Hypothesis 3a relates to the equality of the correlations between communitas and flow across the male and female samples. We tested this hypothesis using the Fisher’s r to z transformation (Ogus, Yazici, and Gurbuz 2007). The correlations between these two constructs were .365 and .525, respectively, for the male and female groups. As the value of the z test statistic, −2.67, is significant at p = .001 (one-sided test), we conclude that the positive association between flow and communitas is higher among females than among males. Thus, Hypothesis 3a is supported.

We tested the remaining moderating hypotheses (Hypotheses 1a, 2a, 4a, 5a, 6a, 7a, 8a, and 9a) with the multigroup SEM approach suggested by Joreskog and Sorbom (1999). Before comparing path coefficients across the two moderator groups (males and females), we first assessed the equivalence of measurement models across the groups. Specifically, we estimated two measurement models, whereby we constrained the loadings of all indicators on their respective latent variables for two samples in one model and included unconstrained loadings in another (Steenkamp and Baumgartner 1998). As the χ² difference for this procedure, 14.42, is considerably smaller than the cutoff value for the associated degree of freedom (20), 31.4, the metric invariance of the measurement models was confirmed.

In testing each moderating hypothesis, we first estimated a fully restricted model holding the path (e.g., Communitas → Sacredness, in Hypothesis 1a) invariant across the two gender groups, and then allowed the path to be freely estimated for each sample. As the χ² difference for this effect across the two models, 6.94, was significant at p = .01, the moderating effect proposed in Hypothesis 1a was confirmed. Specifically, as the results in Table 3 indicate, communitas has a highly significant, positive effect on sacredness among male golfers whereas this effect is not significant in the female group.

Table 3.

Multigroup Structural Equations Analysis by Gender

Hypotheses	Hypothesized Differences	Male Sample	Female Sample	χ² Difference	Result	Conclusion
Communitas → Sacredness (Hypothesis 1a)	Stronger among males	.24***	.08	6.94**	Significant only in male group	Supported
Flow → Sacredness (Hypothesis 2a)	No difference	.39***	.40***	.68	No difference	Supported
Participation frequency → Communitas (Hypothesis 4a)	Stronger among females	.08	.29***	5.65*	Significant only in female group	Supported
Participation frequency → Flow (Hypothesis 5a)	No difference	.27***	.36***	.24	No difference	Supported
Desire for privilege → Communitas (Hypothesis 6a)	Stronger among females	−.02	−.14**	3.89*	Significant only in female group	Supported
Desire for privilege → Flow (Hypothesis 7a)	No difference	.06	−.06	.98	No difference	Supported
Participation frequency → Sacredness (Hypothesis 8a)	Stronger among females	−.01	.13**	4.12*	Significant only in female group	Supported
Desire for privilege → Sacredness (Hypothesis 9a)	Stronger among females	.12**	.20***	1.28	No difference	Not Supported
Fit indices	Male sample: χ² = 351.57 (df = 181), p = .00, RMSEA = .06, NFI = .95, CFI = .98, and IFI = .98
Fit indices	Female sample: χ² = 471.26 (df = 181), p = .00, RMSEA = .06, NFI = .97, CFI = .97, and IFI = .99

Note. CFI = comparative fit index; IFI = incremental fit index; NFI = normed fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.

*Significant at .05. **Significant at .01. ***Significant at .001.

The results in Table 3 also show significant differences in the effect of participation frequency on communitas (Hypothesis 4a: only significant among females), effect of desire for privilege on communitas (Hypothesis 6a: only significant among females), and the effect of participation frequency on sacredness (Hypothesis 8a; only significant among females). Thus, Hypotheses 4a, 6a, and 8a were all supported and in all of these five cases, the concerned effects were stronger among females than males.

In the meantime, our results do not show significant differences in the effects of flow (Hypothesis 2a) and desire for privilege (Hypothesis 9a) on sacredness, and the effects of participation frequency (Hypothesis 5a) and desire for privilege (Hypothesis 7a) on flow across male and female golfers. In sum, Hypotheses 2a, 5a, and 7a were supported, while Hypothesis 9a was not supported, indicating that gender differences were generally supported in our hypotheses with the exception of privileged status on sacredness (i.e., Hypothesis 9a). That is, the effect of desiring privilege for one’s gender on sacredness is not more powerful among women than it is for men, as was hypothesized.

Discussion

Summary of Findings

Despite the marketing opportunities associated with consumers' perceptions of sacredness in many service settings, academic research on what drives consumers' sacredness perceptions is limited. Using the context of golf and employing surveys among more than 700 male and female golfers, we studied the antecedents to perceptions of sacredness in service activities and investigated cross-gender differences in such antecedent–sacredness relationships. Our key results are as follows: While flow impacts sacredness for both genders, the influence of communitas on sacredness is significant only among men. Results further indicate a strong mutually reinforcing relationship between flow and communitas for both genders and that such a relationship is stronger for women than for men. Also, while participation frequency enhances flow for both genders, it significantly increases communitas and sacredness only among women. In addition, desire for privileged status increases sacredness for both genders, while it negatively impacts communitas among women.

Overall, there is strong support to suggest that flow and communitas are not only associated with sacredness but might lead to it as well in contexts that are first considered ordinary, and that desiring privileged status for one’s gender lessens feelings of communitas. The former finding provides additional insight into Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989) premises by providing empirical support for two of sacredness' proposed properties, and these results also demonstrate that these components are discriminant from sacredness and from each other, despite being highly correlated. Treating these constructs separately rather than as cooccurring properties of the same domain adds theoretical richness and explanatory power in addition to managerial implications to service providers. That communitas and flow differ with their relationships with privileged status and sacredness adds more certainty to the notion that each (i.e., flow and communitas) should be treated differently in research (McGinnis, Gentry, and Tao 2008), even though communitas may be considered to be group flow (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989). This research also adds to the literature by showing what (in this context, awareness of privileged status) can preclude or decrease communitas rather than create or enhance it. This adds further validity to Driver’s (1991) claim regarding how those who seek to control or manipulate the liminal aspects of a ritual can limit ritual’s omnipotence for all.

Theoretical Implications

An objective of this study was to show how desiring privileged status for one’s gender affects the gifts of ritual or optimal experiences involved in leisure services. Ritual gifts were operationalized as flow and communitas. We anticipated that the self-centered nature of privileged status would limit such optimal experiences at the social level for both men and women, but communitas was negatively impacted only for women. Therefore, we conclude that in this study, gender as a differentiation variable embedded in privileged status creates some stratification (Reskin and Bielby’s 2005). This may suggest that when consumers desire same-gender privilege, in a domain dominated by the other gender, communitas is less likely to occur.

Men’s desire for privileged status, however, had no impact on communitas, indicating that privilege for men is experienced whether desired or not, giving more credence to the notion of golf being a masculine domain. The essence of ritual is its inclusive nature, even though ritual can exclude at the same time (e.g., many religious rituals are restricted to only members of that religion). The results also reaffirm the nature of communitas as a variable that thrives on status equality (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989; Turner 1969). It should be noted, however, that communitas has occurred in settings that are somewhat restrictive. For example, Sherry (1987) found communitas to occur in countercultural groups, which can be restrictive or antisocial by their very nature (e.g., excluding establishment participants). Determining which components of status (e.g., class, race, and gender) inhibit communitas remains a fruitful area of future study. In addition, we contend that future studies should explore how these components interact with segmentation variables to determine influences on communitas and sacredness. For example, we may find that gender interacts with age, income, family size, geography, self-perceptions or education to impact ritual gifts and sacredness.

That privileged status did not relate negatively with flow indicates that flow experiences may occur, regardless of one’s desire for privileged status. Perhaps at an individual psychological perspective, desiring privilege creates little or no disturbance and those wanting privilege may do so without guilt or an attack on their self-consciousness. Rather than putting on “airs” or having to be nice, the exclusionary environment granted by one’s own gender might allow one to focus, especially if playing with peers of comparable skill level.

The strong relationship between flow and communitas indicates that one can indeed help the other occur. Theoretically, this makes sense both in a sacred context and through the theory of flow. As noted previously, Csikszentmihalyi (1997) contends that humans are generally happier when doing things with others rather than alone; so, if the two experiences (flow and communitas) occur simultaneously, an interaction effect or a form of synergy may take shape and produce even more powerful consequences than the two occurring separately.

Though the findings of this study add to our understanding of ritual and sacredness, they should be viewed in light of some potential limitations. The golfers surveyed in this study have a relatively high level of commitment to the game as observed through their handicap registrations, which indicates at least a minimal level of involvement due to the number of rounds necessary to maintain an active number. These players may have simply moved beyond any self-consciousness that prohibits optimal experiences. Beginner golfers or “newbies” probably need more time to develop either of these optimal experiences due to the level of skill needed to engage in flow, the familiarity needed to develop more intimate social engagements, and the impact of their performance on others' performance and enjoyment. This latter process is what Tumbat and Belk (forthcoming) would term performancescape, or the understanding of participant performances in the coconstruction of marketplace experiences, which highlights the importance of skills and competencies of consumers in creating customer experiences. Another limitation of our study is with the use of cross-sectional data in seeking to establish causality in the relationships among the study constructs.

Managerial Implications

The inclusive nature of communitas could be an important strategy for managers to help orchestrate or enhance perceived sacredness (i.e., reverence and commitment) for their establishments. Those managers who strive to integrate consumers new to a service setting will encourage communitas and hence perceived sacredness. According to these findings, managers would be well served to create environments that are welcoming to both men and women, such as those suggested by McGinnis and Gentry (2006). These include treating women as serious customers and dedicating merchandise to women that equals men’s selections. While we also contend that breaking down exclusivity is important, we contend that a delicate balance must be maintained. In the context of golf, once special groups (i.e., regular foursomes) have formed, wherein communitas is more likely to happen, managers should avoid breaking up these groups, even if these groups are of the same gender.

That participation frequency’s effect on communitas impacted women only suggests that frequency of contact with a domain is more necessary for women than men in establishing extraordinary experiences. This may be only true, however, in contexts where the male is privileged. For managers, keeping women active on a consistent basis then becomes vitally important. While participation frequency has a positive impact for women with perceptions of sacredness, the effect of communitas on sacredness for women does not. This may suggest that feeling at home on the course where a sense of camaraderie is established creates sacredness for men, but women may not attribute the sense of camaraderie to the course. However, the bidirectional relationship between flow and communitas is stronger for women in each direction than it is for men. This suggests that women need to feel comfortable in their environment before flow is experienced, and men are used to doing things alone, so the communitas–flow relationship becomes less important.

Overall, our results suggest that managers should understand the ritualization processes occurring at their facilities, at not only golf courses but also at hotels, resorts, restaurants, sports bars, historic sites, and other locations where people can enjoy group-related activities (e.g., reunions, weddings, weekly social gatherings). Managers should help their patrons engage with one another, provide challenging, flow-inducing activities, and recognize important trends and rituals (e.g., similar groupings and common times) that appear to be taking shape. Though our framework might be applied to a context such as tennis, we anticipate that gender might be less salient due to much more gender parity in participatory tennis (see Casper and Stellino 2008).

In activities that are traditionally dominated by one gender or the other, such as fraternal organizations, hunting, and fishing, managers should understand that for women, equipping them with the necessary skills and activity nuances may deliver the needed know-how to perform competently in order to enable flow. This flow may then provide the comfort level needed to establish communitas. Men, in such masculine-dominated activities, may already have the latitude to enjoy the ritual without flow-inducing skills, so development of the skills may become secondary to communitas in establishing sacredness. Though more research is needed, we suspect that in male-dominated pursuits like golf, women would benefit more from the development and enhancement of individual-level skills over social emphasis in creating sacred experiences and involvement.

Managers should also understand that men and women experience these processes differently. From our sample, women benefit the most from extraordinary experiences, as the bidirectional relationships between communitas and flow are stronger for them. For men, however, establishing communitas affects sacredness perceptions while it did not for women. This indicates that men may become more appreciative of a place’s legacy when feeling at home. Whether this is due to masculine hegemony undertones or the nature of the masculine gender role remains to be seen and studied. What does appear certain, however, is that communitas, flow, and perceived sacredness are discriminant constructs, but each creates a level of transcendence worthy of further discovery and facilitation.

Footnotes

Appendix A

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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