Traveling to the Danger Zone: Emotional Dynamics and Hermeneutics

Emotions in Tourism Research

Researchers have focused on emotions in tourism experiences, particularly emotional valence. Tung and Ritchie (2011) described a tourism experience as entailing subjective evaluations of tourist activities that occur before, during, and after a trip. Emotions influence tourism experiences at all trip stages, from pre-trip decisions to post-trip memories. For example, pre-trip emotions can help businesses segment their markets and guide visitors’ decisions (Mitas et al., 2012). Positive reactions, such as those experienced during heritage tourism, can contribute to life satisfaction; negative feelings like fatigue and fear can also be felt during travel (Carnicelli-Filho, 2013; Guerrero-Rodríguez et al., 2020; Moyle et al., 2019). Post-trip emotions can inform tourist behavior models, destination image, and satisfaction (González-Rodríguez et al., 2019; Prayag et al., 2017). Social interactions also play significant roles in individuals’ pre-travel expectations and tourism experiences (Campos et al., 2018; Li, 2019).

An emerging research area revolves around emotions in non-hedonic contexts. Examining emotions in these scenarios can shed light on how negative reactions contribute to tourists’ eudaimonic well-being. Negative emotions are especially applicable to dark tourism, danger zone tourism, adventure tourism, ethical tourism, and emotional labor. Tourists’ experiences at dark tourism sites produce reactions such as fear, sadness, and appreciation. Suffering, shock, and depression can indirectly affect and create meaning within memorable tourism experiences (Zheng et al., 2020). However, current conclusions should be viewed with caution: They tend to be based on retrospective assessments of emotional experiences and are thus susceptible to recall bias. Scholars exploring non-hedonic and high-risk tourism settings have suggested that these environments may deepen the understanding of emotional dynamics. Immersive experiences involving risk, challenges, and safety carry implications for personal, cultural, and career development (Buda, 2015, 2016; Kerr & Mackenzie, 2012; Wen & Huang, 2019). Overall, a survey of the literature on emotions in tourism shows that scholars often label emotions according to valence (i.e., positive or negative). Researchers have also mostly considered the roles these feelings play in tourists’ decisions before, during, and after trips. Because many emotional events are centered around meaning making, an opportunity exists to scrutinize other elements when describing meaningful affective experiences (Frijda, 2005).

In terms of measurement, studies in leisure and tourism have traditionally addressed the immediate and conscious implications of emotions (Gao & Kerstetter, 2018; Hosany et al., 2015). The documented effects of these experiences are usually drawn from generic, one-time assessments (e.g., Li et al., 2018). Some authors have proposed alternative data collection techniques that can provide more precise information about tourists’ emotions over time and space, including electrodermal activity, heart rate, and mobility-tracking technologies (Guerrero-Rodríguez et al., 2020; Kim & Fesenmaier, 2015; Shoval et al., 2018; Stadler et al., 2018). It is impossible to elucidate tourists’ emotions using only psychophysiological measures (Hosany et al., 2021). Integrating traditional self-report methods may better explain emotional dynamics and tourism experiences (Li et al., 2015; Wilhelm & Grossman, 2010). Emotion studies in tourism contexts could benefit from objective and self-report data to thoroughly evaluate emotions, facial expressions, and behavioral or cognitive processes (Bastiaansen et al., 2019; Mitas et al., 2022). Details about the emotion-related literature in tourism are presented in the online supplemental material (see Information 1).

Danger Zone Tourism

Since World War II, there has been growing interest in consuming products and services related to conflict and death, particularly in developed nations (Mahrouse, 2016; Weaver, 2010). This trend has given rise to several tourism phenomena (e.g., dark tourism, thanatourism) distinguishable by the visitation period (Seaton, 1996). According to Adams (2001), “danger zone tourism is a tourism that thrives in tumultuous times” (p. 266). It occurs during political conflict and attracts people who find political hotspots intriguing (Buda, 2015; Suntikul, 2019; Timothy, 2019). This type of tourism is characterized by the following: a relatively low number of tourists; a shared desire for fear and thrills; a lack of seasonality; and highly educated visitors who recognize the risks associated with extreme trips (Brin, 2006) and who realize they have little control over destination circumstances.

People engaging in danger zone tourism are normally deemed high risk takers due to their positive perceptions of this “unethical phenomenon.” These visitors seek to eliminate the opposition between safety and danger and demonstrate that tourism can take place during conflict (Adams, 2001; Isaac et al., 2019; Lisle, 2000, 2016). Thrill seeking is generally thought to be the primary motivation for engaging in extreme activities. However, Kerr and Mackenzie (2012) pointed to a lack of in-depth exploration into the psychological impacts of participating in these experiences. Effects include improved mental well-being, greater perceived control, mastery of newly acquired skills, and connection with others. Additionally, Wen and Huang (2019) contended that adventure-driven tourists will likely benefit from visiting conflict-ridden regions thanks to corresponding life enrichment, learning, and career advancement.

Several topics in this vein have gained academic attention. Examples include the emotional experiences that arise in danger zones, how embodied feelings spur travel and voyeurism, and the outcomes of tourist–host interactions (e.g., travelers’ emotional affinity towards residents; Brin, 2006; Buda, 2015, 2016). Wen and Huang (2019) observed that people attracted to danger zone tourism are keen to capitalize on a “unique life experience” to gain knowledge and enhance their careers. However, most findings thus far have been based on secondary data or post-consumption evaluations using self-report methods. The present study takes danger zone tourism as its context because this form of travel is not rooted in pleasure and features highly emotional events. A multi-method approach was employed to describe emotional dynamics and meaning making during social encounters.

Symbolic Interactionism

This study is anchored in the theoretical framework of symbolic interactionism, a micro-sociological approach that examines meaning-making processes at the individual level through people’s interactions with social objects (Azarian, 2017; Denzin, 2004). Symbolic interactionism is defined as the way in which “we use and interpret social objects not merely to communicate with one another but to create and maintain impressions of ourselves, to forge a sense of self, and to create and sustain what we experience as the reality of a particular social situation” (Johnson, 1995, p. 144). According to Blumer (1969), individuals’ self-interpretation processes and social interactions are based on the meanings they assign to social objects they encounter and social acts. These meanings subsequently influence people’s life-related meaning making and self-concept. Three principles underlie symbolic interactionism: (1) individuals’ behavior towards objects is based on the meanings attributed to those items; (2) objects’ purposes are determined by one’s relationships with other people; and (3) objects’ meanings continually change with one’s interpretative processes and other encountered objects (Blumer, 1969).

Symbolic interactionism has been applied in diverse tourism contexts (Bui & Wilkins, 2018; Thompson & Taheri, 2020; Yang et al., 2020). This framework can reveal substantive knowledge when naturalistic settings are considered (López-Sintas et al., 2017). To date, tourism scholars have often examined post-consumption experiences through respondents’ perceptions rather than observable interactions (e.g., Bui & Wilkins, 2018). Symbolic interactionism offers a way to investigate how people construct meaning via communication, enabling researchers to evaluate how travelers view their social environment (Azarian, 2017; Denzin, 2004). By painting a more vivid picture of how meaning influences travelers’ relationships and behavior, symbolic interactionism can inspire further tourism research (Thompson & Taheri, 2020).

This study contributes to the discourse on danger zone tourism by exploring tourism experiences. Even though danger zone tourism can take place outside of vacations (e.g., via humanitarian and aid work; Brin, 2006), this research involved tourists on holiday. Two viewpoints are integrated: hermeneutic phenomenology, meant to “grasp what people are trying to convey” (Gadamer, 1976, p. 133); and symbolic interactionism, namely to determine which social objects and interactions trigger travelers’ emotions, how people interpret these happenings, and how self-identity forms as a result. The phenomenological method enables individuals to apply pre-existing values and ways of seeing the world to their experiences (Willis, 2001). As a theory of uniqueness, hermeneutic phenomenology offers abundant possibilities to explore tourism-related phenomena because everyone has their own truth (van Manen, 2014). Social science researchers (Sandelowski et al., 1992) maintain that symbolic interactionism and phenomenology share many characteristics, such as the narrative cast (i.e., the embedded relationships among researchers and the experiences of studied subjects). Furthermore, symbolic interactionism and phenomenology encourage researchers to examine how subjects interpret actions and experiences as well as the ways in which these perceptions are influenced situationally (Sack, 1986).

Study Site

This study was conducted in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (Figure 1). The country is presently embroiled in a power struggle between a pair of strong political parties (Global Conflict Tracker, 2022). Long-standing disputes have sparked a humanitarian crisis leading to necessity shortages; residents have been fleeing to neighboring nations as refugees (“Four million have now fled Venezuela,” 2019). Tourism is a significant contributor to Venezuela’s economy, accounting for over 7% of the country’s GDP and generating US$2.7 billion in visitor spending (World Travel & Tourism Council, 2022). In 2020, the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) reported that 427,000 overnight visitors traveled to Venezuela, with most coming from North American and European nations (WTO, 2020). International arrivals have nonetheless declined due to political issues, violence, crime, and negative media coverage (World Travel & Tourism Council, 2022).

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Figure 1.

Geographical Location of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the Capital District of Caracas.

Data Collection and Analysis Processes

A two-phased and multi-method approach combining objective and self-report methods was used to evaluate participants’ physical reactions, facial expressions, and cognitive responses (Table 1).

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Table 1.

Research Instruments and Data Analysis Techniques.

Phase Sequence No.	Target	Event	Response(s)	Measurement	Instrument	Data Collection Duration	Data Analysis Technique(s)
1	Body Reactions	Stimulation	Arousal Unconscious	Physiological	Skin Conductance Response (SCR)	2- to 4-min Baseline, 300-min stimulus activity, and 2- to 4-min resting phase	Deconvolution, N-SCR, SCA, max-SCA (Christopoulos et al., 2019)
	Facial Expressions & Behavior	Decision	Valence Conscious	Action-Based	Video-Based Participatory Observation	300 min	Observations of bodily expressions, PANAS (Jordan et al., 2019; Watson et al., 1988)
2	Cognitive Appraisal	Valence	Meaning-Making Conscious	Verbal	Photovoice Data	60–120 min	Hermeneutic circle (Gadamer, 1976), PANAS

Phase Two

Qualitative techniques were used to interpret the bodily expressions and emotions (i.e., cognitive appraisal) experienced by participants. First, a visual analysis of recorded videos from the walking tour was performed to identify how context-specific elements influenced SCR data and participants’ bodily expressions (Kim & Fesenmaier, 2017; Shoval et al., 2018; Stadler et al., 2018).

Participants submitted five to 10 photos illustrating their trip experiences, which served as conversation prompts during interviews. The approach set this study apart from others and allowed for more in-depth conversation about specific places, participants’ connections to them, and personal histories. Using participants’ own photos was more effective than using pre-selected photos of key sites. This method, known as the photovoice technique, enabled participants to express their sense of belonging to places even if they could not put these feelings into words (Matteucci, 2013; Stadler et al., 2018). This strategy alleviated the inherent challenges of studying ordinary, inexpressible aspects of everyday life, such as emotions.

The researchers used the principles of hermeneutic phenomenology for interviews. This approach focuses on human phenomena to free people from dichotomous “right” and “wrong” ways of analyzing and solving problems (Crowther et al., 2017; Szanto & Landweer, 2020). Face-to-face interviews were held in Caracas between August and October 2021 and lasted from 60 to 120 min. Conversations were guided by open-ended questions to allow the informants to lead the discourse. The researchers attended to what was said between the lines and in silence to identify what was taken for granted or simply obvious (Koch, 1996). This method ensured that the interview process was as close to a lived experience as possible (van Manen, 2014).

An interview guide was developed based on a literature review. Questions concerned participants’ sociodemographic characteristics and emotions during travel. Participants were encouraged to reflect on specific experiences that moved them, their emotional responses to Venezuela, and what visiting this country meant to them. Interviews were video recorded, transcribed verbatim, and shared with participants for review and to resolve any misunderstandings (Woliver, 2002).

In emotion-related studies, combining multiple methods (e.g., self-report interviews, photos, and behavioral observations) is suitable when the research question requires a more subjective or nuanced approach. This integrative stance is also appropriate when people express complex emotions such as guilt or shame, which involve numerous facial expressions, vocal tones, and body language (Kuppens et al., 2019).

The authors analyzed interviews with participants, which included discussions of their photographs and emotional experiences, using Gadamer’s hermeneutic circle (Ramberg & Gjesdal, 2005). They initially read the full transcripts, identified units of meaning, and analyzed these units in relation to the focal phenomenon. This “crafting” process called for deriving narratives from transcripts, presenting data cohesively, and removing irrelevant or repetitive details (Caelli, 2001). It ultimately yielded rich, meaningful stories about participants’ non-hedonic experiences (Gadamer, 1976; van Manen, 2014). To address emotional valence, the authors observed and solicited participants’ reflections during interviews, assessed the frequency of specific emotions based on PANAS, and integrated these findings into the discussion. Figure 2 provides an overview of this study’s framework and implications.

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Figure 2.

Study Framework.

Research Participants

Purposive sampling was used to investigate the emotional dynamics of people involved in danger zone tourism, as van Manen (2014) described. This study’s outcomes offer insights into four participants’ lived experiences. Through a repetitive and iterative data analysis process, the researchers examined interview content to identify key meaning units that captured essential meanings. Seventy-three meaning units, encompassing words, phrases, sentences, or paragraphs, were identified across all participants to track the investigated phenomenon. Supplemental information obtained through participant observations and SCRs complemented the interview data to enhance findings’ validity. After analyzing the 73 meaning units, the researchers compared units’ patterns. The absence of new patterns indicated that the phenomenon had been comprehensively examined (Gentles et al., 2015; Hennink et al., 2017).

Supplemental Information 2 (see the online supplemental material) shows the sociodemographic characteristics of the sample, which consisted of leisure and independent travelers who were aware of the risks associated with the destination and had no heart- or blood-related diseases. Business travelers were not included in this study because they usually take work-related trips. Most participants came from European nations, which are Venezuela’s classic source markets apart from the United States. Political tension between Venezuela and the United States in 2021 led the U.S. Department of State (2023) to strongly discourage all travel to Venezuela due to concerns about crime, civil unrest, poor health infrastructure, and arbitrary enforcement of local laws. Fewer tourist arrivals from this country were thus observed during data collection.

Emotional Arousal: Phasic Skin Conductance Response

Table 2 displays participants’ variability in nonspecific phasic skin conductance measurements as quantified by N-SCR and max-SCA. N-SCR was calculated by counting the number of SCRs during the walking tour. This tour elicited a higher SCR frequency for Participant 2 (N-SCR = 3,393 in 4 hr), followed by Participants 3 (N-SCR = 3,16 in 4 hr) and 4 (N-SCR = 2,94 in 4 hr). Participant 1 demonstrated a lower SCR frequency (N-SCR = 2,01 in 4 hr).

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Table 2.

Skin Conductance Response Frequency (N-SCR) and Maximum Skin Conductance Amplitude (Max-SCA) on the 4-Hr Walking Tour.

Participant	N-SCR(µS)	Max-SCA(Event, Time, µS)
T1	2,01	Bolivar Square, 11:50 am, .98
T2	3,39	Calvary Staircase, 9:56 am, 1.14
T3	3,16	Bolivar Sarcophagus, 12:28 pm, 1.12
T4	2,94	Caracas Square, 11:20 am, 1.13

Figure 3 shows these four participants’ max-SCA. SCA was calculated as the peak height of an SCR minus the SCR value at the time when an SCR began; max-SCA was calculated by identifying the highest value in the recorded data. Max-SCA data were paired with GPS data to illustrate the locations that elicited participants’ strongest emotional responses. The authors observed a wide range of max-SCA values across the four participants, spanning from 0.10 µS to 1.14 µS. These values are within the average amplitude threshold of 2 to 3 µS (Braithwaite et al., 2013).

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Figure 3.

Maximum Skin Conductance Amplitude (Max-SCA) on the 4-Hr Walking Tour.

Participant 1 (Figure 3a) exhibited a max-SCA of .98 µS, the lowest of all participants, during a visit to Bolivar Square. Participant 2 (Figure 3b) had a max-SCA of 1.14 µS while walking on the Calvary Staircase; this value was the highest of all participants. Participant 3 (Figure 3c) displayed a max-SCA of 1.12 µS during a visit to the Bolivar Sarcophagus. Finally, Participant 4 (Figure 3d) had a max-SCA of 1.13 µS while visiting Caracas Square.

These results show that participants’ emotional reactions to the walking tour varied, with some people having stronger reactions to certain portions of the experience than others. Further justification is provided in the ensuing section to better understand the factors contributing to these individuals’ emotional responses.

Bodily Expressions and Cognitive Appraisal of Emotions

This section details outcomes for each participant. Results feature the authors’ analysis of travelers’ interactions with their surroundings during the tour, SCR data interpretation, and compelling stories that shed light on participants’ reflections. Findings enrich the understanding of participants’ bodily expressions and cognitive appraisal. To facilitate this discussion, participants’ reported emotional valence is denoted in bold, while the identified social objects (e.g., attractions, people, facilities) are in italics.

T1, a 74-year-old male retired tourism professional, was visiting Venezuela for the first time. He initially expressed negative perceptions of South Americans and anger about the country’s poor logistics. He shared that his only motivation for traveling was to be reunited with his life partner and meet her circle of friends. During the walking tour, he dressed in smart casual attire and accessorized with items that reflected his comfortable lifestyle (e.g., a smartwatch and the latest mobile phone model). These elements caught the researchers’ attention due to the area’s apparent lack of safety. T1 appeared pleased and curious as evidenced by his attitude and behavior. His facial expressions conveyed interest, concern, and sometimes disgust. He indicated that he was not afraid of anything in Venezuela but was particularly concerned about locals’ living conditions. T1 actively participated in the tour by asking questions about the country’s history and the development of the current crisis. However, most of the time, he seldom interacted with other attendees or residents and maintained marked physical distance that could be interpreted as aloofness.

The findings from T1’s SCR data align with the tour guide’s contextual explanations. The guide mentioned that residents mainly frequented the area surrounding Bolivar Square. Political demonstrations (e.g., protests) are common there. Foreigners are advised not to visit due to the high number of risky events in these places even though the areas provide fundamental information about Caracas’s urbanistic and social development. T1’s SCRs may have resulted from his interest in the country’s historical background and the chance to observe residents performing their daily routines. Political propaganda displayed in the square added to his negative view of South Americans.

T1’s SCRs were the lowest in terms of frequency, reflecting his declared emotions during the interview. Contrary to what others mentioned about Venezuela being a dangerous place, T1 felt calm, relaxed, and comfortable during the tour. He did not perceive any danger or threats. However, T1 pointed out his discomfort with the challenges of purchasing products at convenience stores or restaurants with foreign currency due to the country’s hyperinflation (Chandak, 2020). T1’s emotional valence was mostly negative due to his previous experiences and present interactions in the destination. His story (see supplemental Information 3) exemplifies his emotional experiences throughout this journey and the meanings assigned to them.

T2 was a 37-year-old Maltese man who worked as a diplomat. He had visited several countries in South America and was married to a South American. The authors immediately noticed his high safety concerns. Despite feeling secure in the city, T2 requested much information about the researchers’ professional backgrounds, details about the tour and the tour guide, and trip logistics. He later explained that his questions arose out of concern for his travel partner’s safety. During the tour, he followed the recommended dress code and mobility guidelines by wearing a modest outfit (t-shirt, shorts, and sneakers). He arrived at the meeting point 15 min before the start of the tour and reverified the researchers’ and tour guide’s personal information in detail. His facial expressions showed him to be akin to a detective seeking to familiarize himself with his surroundings while appraising potential risks. He walked close to the tour guide but rarely asked questions or interacted with others. He said that even though he had never experienced any dangerous encounters in Venezuela, he took preventive measures such as avoiding mass transit and high-risk areas.

T2 volunteered to wear the EDA wristband and later shared that he felt comfortable and safe during the tour. His SCR data indicated the highest frequency of conductance responses, especially at Calvary Square, likely due to his declared interest in the local architecture and culture. This intrigue was evident in the photo he shared for the interview, which he had taken during the tour. The tour guide also stated that this attraction is a popular landmark that tourists commonly visit. T2 mentioned being delighted with the tour; different from what he had heard before arriving in Venezuela, he did not perceive any threats. His visit seemed pleasant overall. Therefore, his SCR and appraisal may demonstrate that his emotional reactions were primarily associated with his safety concerns and personal interests. This finding suggests that travelers may report feeling comfortable, but their physiological responses might reveal underlying safety concerns. T2’s story (Supplemental Information 4) reflects how he felt during his time in Venezuela and the meanings behind his emotions.

T3 was a 39-year-old female cultural anthropologist and a doctoral student from Italy. Like T2, she had visited several South American nations and other high-risk countries, which helped her grasp Venezuela’s unfavorable situation. She remarked that, as part of her PhD studies, she was exploring the sociopolitical circumstances affecting refugees in Europe. During the walking tour, she shared her excitement to learn more about Venezuela’s history and to visit that part of the city, which is an area that tourism operators scarcely promote. She seemed cheerful and talkative, always following up on her questions for the tour guide and initiating communication with other participants. T3’s phasic skin reactions were the second highest in terms of frequency. This pattern implies enthusiasm due to her interest in discovering the local culture, her human experiences, and her displeasure with the ongoing political conflict in Venezuela. T3 said that visiting politically related attractions evoked personal discomfort and anger. She mentioned that she could not remain neutral while locals struggled due to the government’s inability to end the crisis. Her reflection demonstrated changes in her feelings after interacting with residents and understanding their challenges. This compelling story revealed how negative emotions contribute to positive memories (see Supplemental Information 5).

Lastly, T4 was a 50-year-old woman from Italy who was also involved in diplomatic duties. This trip was her first to Venezuela. Videos and field notes showed that she was the most enthusiastic participant—constantly interacting with others, attempting to speak with residents, and taking photographs at every attraction. Despite a language barrier, she tried her best to converse with others, especially the tour guide and researchers. T4 was particularly curious about this research project and the first author; she believed that people who travel to Venezuela under adverse circumstances are brave. T4 also expressed interest in learning about the tour guide’s services, including how the guide chooses the tour route, timing, and narrative. Her facial expressions and photos of residents’ art conveyed her sympathy and curiosity about the local culture and social circumstances. T4’s SCRs verified her great interest and enthusiasm, especially while walking at Caracas Square. This place is surrounded by several public entities, visited by people from all over the country, and reflective of the destination’s cultural dynamics. Data from her physiological measurements and observations echoed her compelling story (see Supplemental Information 6), in which she spoke of an eagerness to “clarify cultural misunderstandings.”

Participants’ encounters with numerous social objects (e.g., local culture, residents, tourist attractions, media outlets, climate, customer service, and signs of the crisis) elicited different emotions. Prior to embarking on their trips, travelers experienced excitement and anticipation. They were ready to explore new sights, cultures, and cuisines. They subsequently experienced occasional anxiety, anger, and fear when interacting with residents and witnessing locals’ unfavorable circumstances. Visitors’ feelings while in a dangerous area can be linked to how each person perceives risk and safety. These findings show how people’s views on these matters influence their interactions in the destination. Due to preconceived notions about the location, some participants were terrified and concerned for their safety. Others, who had previously interacted with South Americans and had already visited unstable areas, were more composed and less inclined to overreact. These results cast doubt on the idea that the tour did not involve major bodily threats, as in most non-hedonic tourism settings (e.g., visiting a memorial, cemetery, or museum related to tragedy). Participants instead displayed unique views and emotional dynamics associated with risk during danger zone tourism.

Travelers felt a range of emotions during travel. They were thrilled by the sights they saw and derived pleasure from trying new foods and immersing themselves in the culture. They experienced negative emotions, such as disappointment, upon learning how media coverage had tarnished Venezuela’s image. Additionally, some travelers reacted with aloofness or unfriendliness due to negative prior experiences with people from South America. Others were embarrassed about their misconceptions of residents. Travelers later experienced accomplishment, happiness, and satisfaction thanks to having completed this trip. Some participants reported gratitude and respect for residents’ welcoming attitudes. Others expressed surprise about experiences that countered their preconceived notions and empathy towards the local community.

Participants actively engaged in tour activities. Certain tourists were especially interested in learning about historical and cultural destination aspects, as shown by higher-frequency SCRs. Others were principally concerned with ensuring their own safety. These findings suggest that people may react the same or differently to comparable circumstances. Multiple factors can shape individuals’ emotional responses.

Data analysis indicated that participants’ emotional dynamics were rooted in their destination-related perceptions, experiences, and reflections. Several factors influenced these interpretations, including participants’ backgrounds, cultural influences, and prior knowledge of Venezuela. Consequently, even when two tourists participate in similar activities and visit the same destination, their views can vary.

Detrimental media coverage also informed participants’ interpretation processes. Media outlets affected travelers’ pre-trip destination image while prompting cognitive development, primarily through negative emotions such as fear and dislike. T3 explained,

This idea of permanent discovery works so well because, in recent years, Venezuela has been a big black hole on the Latin American map due to the harmful media coverage and importance of political and economic instability and the lack of information on other aspects.

Viana (2017) described Venezuela as a polarized country characterized by misinformation and outright lies. The government’s selective dissemination of information, combined with the opposition’s integration of various social media perspectives, has plunged Venezuela into a state of turmoil. In Venezuela, the fog of competing claims, fake news, and falsities has rendered it increasingly difficult for locals to discern the truth. This core category demonstrated how travelers’ interpretations of media coverage about the conflict influenced their emotions and early destination impressions. Travelers venturing into danger zones naturally face challenges in conflict-ridden areas, affording them a deeper sense of a country’s sociopolitical events.

This study also highlights the media’s power in shaping destination image. Tourist–host interactions are crucial in this regard. Travelers’ positive emotions can improve their understanding of a place and contribute to cognitive development. However, the participants’ initial impressions of Venezuela and their pre-trip destination image were predominantly influenced by harmful media coverage. T4 said,

I had some idea about Venezuela from what I heard from others. Still, this trip was a chance for me to clarify cultural misunderstandings, see the country by myself and talk to the people, making the experience different from what I expected.

At the same time, witnessing residents grappling with hardships can foster empathy and emotional development (Taylor & De Vocht, 2011). Emotional development enables one to recognize, express, and regulate emotions appropriately. This process involves acquiring emotional knowledge, understanding the causes and effects of emotions, and developing skills to manage these reactions in oneself and others (Buss et al., 2019). Seeing how people confront adversity evoked a mixture of emotional responses among participants in this study, primarily anger, anxiety, fear, and sadness. These feelings were expressed during participants’ reflections as they recognized their own emotional changes. Prior to their trips, participants experienced negative emotions such as fear due to their beliefs about Venezuelans’ mass exodus to other nations (e.g., for refuge). These views shifted as participants engaged with locals and came to understand residents’ struggles. Positive emotions, including happiness, gratitude, and respect, were associated with heightened empathy. For example, T2’s compelling story represents his goodwill regarding a fair future for residents: “I hope that the political situation improves and people can live as before.” Heidegger (1996) posited that humans can only comprehend what it means to exist in the world through continuous encounters with social entities (Seiendes). Heidegger’s notion of Dasein is specifically linked to interactions with others. Every facet of being in the world involves relating to others, and one’s existence as a social being is perpetually connected to another—always “with,” as “being-with is a mode of Dasein’s being, and Dasein is always already with other people” (Schmidt, 2006, p. 67).

Numerous elements, such as socialization experiences and cultural norms, can affect emotional development (Lewis, 2007; Rubin, 1998). Tourism encounters naturally introduce people to different cultures, languages, and experiences that can expand their emotional horizons and foster emotional development. Such exposure accompanies varied socialization opportunities that can inform this development. For instance, visiting a conflict-laden place and interacting within a new culture could encourage tolerance, empathy, and cultural awareness.

T1’s story referenced the negative emotional dynamics of social interactions and their implications for emotional development through cultural awareness,

Unfortunately, I have socialized with bad people who have left me with bad feelings or vibes. Although my perception has changed since my trip, I am staying in an excellent area. . . . Although I have also seen social inequalities, everything has seemed excellent to me.

Experiencing different people and social inequalities may have influenced his cultural awareness by showing him distinct cultural perspectives and ways of life. For example, T1’s negative experiences with certain individuals could have made him more attuned to cultural discrepancies in communication styles, social norms, and values.

Theoretical Implications

This study examined tourists’ emotions during a non-hedonic destination visit, thereby contributing to emotion and experience research. The skin conductance measurement demonstrated that several aspects colored participants’ reactions: personal interest, previous experiences, knowledge, and place familiarity. Emotional fluctuations from leisure experiences significantly affect people’s emotional states, attitudes, and behavior (Brunner-Sperdin et al., 2012; Prayag et al., 2017). Different from hedonic tourism, during which travelers typically experience positive emotions (Hosany & Gilbert, 2010), visitors to a conflict-ridden destination were shown to experience positive and negative reactions during the trip. Emotional valence varied with social interaction, and negative responses contributed to meaning making as documented elsewhere (Lin et al., 2014; Nawijn et al., 2013; Servidio & Ruffolo, 2016).

Scholars have expressed concerns about the lack of research into negative emotions in non-hedonic tourism settings (Hosany et al., 2021). This study provides insights into interpretations of negative emotions during tourism and their roles in vacation outcomes. Buda (2015) suggested that exhibiting negative feelings in dangerous areas is an integral part of the tourist experience. Under non-hedonic circumstances, these emotions can have both advantageous and detrimental effects, similar to positive emotions. Participants in this study reported that their negative impressions of locals changed due to social interaction. They therefore gained a better understanding of residents. Tourists subsequently expressed compassion and gratitude towards Venezuelans and came to appreciate their lives, families, and worldviews. Danger zone tourism can expose people to multiple cultures and perspectives, which can broaden their vision of the world and prompt a more nuanced sense of self. These trips can also challenge people’s assumptions and values. Tourists may then be forced to re-evaluate and reconstruct their self-concept.

These findings oppose those of other studies implying that travelers in danger zones intentionally pursue negative emotions (Knobloch et al., 2017; Mitas et al., 2022; Nawijn & Biran, 2019). Participants in this study were independent travelers who were fully aware of Venezuela’s unstable political and social situation. They were concerned about the conflict and did not intentionally engage in activities that would endanger their lives or provoke negative reactions. Instead, negative emotions arose spontaneously from interactions with residents, media outlets, and tourist attractions. In addition, this study revealed how the media can shape travelers’ emotions, risk perceptions, and destination image, especially before a trip (Jalilvand, 2017). Risk and safety are crucial factors in travelers’ perceptions of danger zone tourism and can be influenced by media coverage, their background, and travel history. Tourist–host interaction played a key part in modifying travelers’ destination-related views and destination image.

Furthermore, symbolic interactionism provided a foundation to specify which social objects evoke certain emotions. This theory has revealed that emotions are subjective and socially constructed in places associated with political turmoil (Martini & Buda, 2019). By adopting this philosophical stance and qualitative techniques, the current study overcomes a pitfall that Hosany et al. (2021) identified regarding cognitive and psychophysiological measures’ limited power (i.e., to explain why people react in certain ways and to assess unconscious emotions). Symbolic interactionism holds that people’s decisions are based on perceived interactions with others. Blumer (1969) argued that interpretation shows how a member of society learns but does not reveal how a sociologist, who examines society, learns. Hermeneutics aims to unpack people’s actual experiences: the social inquirer watches, investigates, and evaluates social behavior in addition to questioning the scientist. Hermeneutics connects a researcher with their topic of inquiry, whereas symbolic interactionism focuses on social objects that evoke individuals’ emotions and roles in life (Charon, 2010). Developments in phenomenology, hermeneutics, and symbolic interactionism have enabled researchers to override the human tendency to construct separate worlds; this inclination has been criticized in empirical research claiming solipsism. Blumer’s intent was not to discredit scientists’ self-reflection but to offer alternative interpretations of reality compared with empiricism and solipsism.

Methodological Implications

This study makes methodological contributions. Its multi-method approach advances research on emotions. As scholars in this area have suggested, physiological data possess high spatiotemporal resolution and are free of self-response bias; self-report methods enhance understanding of people’s cognitive processes and contextual circumstances (Bastiaansen et al., 2019; Kreibig, 2010; Li et al., 2015; Mitas et al., 2022; Wilhelm & Grossman, 2010). The tourists provided all photos in this sample. This strategy enabled participants to create and reflect on data while reducing the researcher bias that has constrained previous work (Stadler et al., 2018).

Lastly, designing compelling stories is beneficial; it explains how episodes build on one another while allowing for troughs and peaks in emotional arousal (Mitas et al., 2022). The likelihood of recall bias in this study was low because face-to-face interviews took place on site (Mitas et al., 2022). Remembering short, discrete time frames calls for episodic knowledge and the recall of explicit event details to judge initial emotional states (M. Robinson, 2012; M. D. Robinson & Clore, 2002; Scollon et al., 2004). Hermeneutic phenomenology permitted deep reflections on this trip. Such introspection was enhanced by conducting interviews before participants left Venezuela. This strategy may reduce the “rosy view” phenomenon, which mitigates negative emotions during retrospective assessments and magnifies positive experiences (Mitas et al., 2022).

Practical Implications

This research presents several practical implications. People living in crisis zones may benefit financially and psychologically from tourism (Wen et al., 2023). Tourism can help people affected by crises and improve global health by providing a platform for governments, tourism enterprises, and visitors. Empathy, togetherness, and a shared understanding of community norms and obligations can contribute to this aim (Dolnicar & McCabe, 2022; Pratt & Liu, 2016; Wen et al., 2022).

Psychosocial challenges, disability, and travel safety are known to affect public health in conflict-ridden destinations. Cross-cultural interaction may improve war-affected populations’ mental health (Light, 2017). However, because danger zone tourism can be seen as exploiting others’ misfortune, responsible practices should be prioritized to mitigate community or personal harm (Mowatt & Chancellor, 2011). Various concerns can affect public health in areas crippled by violence. Visiting conflict-ridden locations carries risks to one’s physical and mental health. Tourists should be mindful of a destination’s social characteristics and possibly adverse effects of cross-cultural interaction. These factors can be reframed by creating educational experiences intended to benefit tourists (Volo, 2021).

Thorough pre-trip planning can help guarantee personal safety. Tourists should seek to familiarize themselves with an area (and its risks), purchase travel insurance that covers medical emergencies, and pack necessary safety gear. Informing trusted individuals of one’s location can enhance self-protection. Traveling with friends or with a knowledgeable guide diminishes the mental strain of travel as well (Sun & Lv, 2021). Volunteer trips, organized tours, or individual excursions can offer a sense of safety (Dolnicar & McCabe, 2022). Outings based on nature, culture, or dark tourism also represent viable options. These trips can provide opportunities to become better educated, reflect on the past and its societal effects, and foster empathy and a sense of collective memory (Lv et al., 2022; Stone & Sharpley, 2008). The income arising from tourism (e.g., dark tourism) can also have favorable economic impacts, such as on the local infrastructure, environment, and employment (Lv et al., 2022).

Perceptions of dread can permeate areas indirectly involved in conflict on a wide geographic scale. Dispelling misconceptions and focusing on shared values is critical—especially in terms of restoring public health and changing people’s views of war-torn regions (Wen et al., 2023). Destination authorities, together with academics and practitioners, should seek to improve communication and tolerance between cultures and countries. These efforts will fortify the benefits of tourism (Litvin, 1998). Millions of affected people may then receive humanitarian aid and psychosocial support from international agencies, organizations, and volunteers.