Abstract
The connection between perceived risk of homeland security incidents and homeland security preparedness has received considerable support in policing literature. From a contingency theory perspective, organizations rationally respond to risks in their external environments by taking steps to prepare for homeland security incidents. In past studies examining homeland security preparedness levels, risk has typically been measured using agency executives’ perceived likelihood of specific homeland security incidents occurring within their jurisdiction within a specified time range, and has largely ignored objective risk factors. In other disciplines, researchers and government organizations consider three dimensions when assessing risk: threat, vulnerability, and consequences. In the present study, the objective risk factors of social vulnerability, experience with past hazards, and built environment vulnerability not only fail to predict risk perceptions but are also not associated with preparedness measures. However, consistent with prior research, subjective risk perceptions remain a significant predictor of preparedness levels.
Keywords
Introduction
After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the police role expanded to include a homeland security function. Police departments are now expected to take an unprecedented role as the first line of defense for terrorism prevention, as first responders in the case of incidents, and as a main component of recovery operations (Homeland Security Council, 2007; Newman & Clarke, 2008; Oliver, 2006). Research demonstrates that police agencies have taken a variety of steps to prepare for homeland security incidents, including updating mutual aid agreements, creating special units, and participating in homeland security training. The federal government, recognizing this role, provides support to law enforcement agencies in the form of external grants. In fiscal year 2012 alone, the Department of Homeland Security awarded more than $1.3 billion for preparedness efforts (Department of Homeland Security, 2012). Individual states also provide grants for homeland security preparedness, and police agencies often use their own internal resources to enhance readiness.
Despite the increasing emphases on homeland security, considerable variation in preparedness levels is evident across agencies. Scholars have attempted to account for this variation by applying a contingency theory framework, which posits that organizations respond rationally to external environmental influences to more effectively meet their goals; police agencies faced with higher levels of risk, a key external contingency, are more likely to take steps to enhance their preparedness. Empirical studies support the contingency framework, consistently finding a relationship between risk and police homeland security activities (Burruss, Giblin, & Schafer, 2010; Davis, Mariano, Pace, Cotton, & Steinberg, 2006; Davis et al., 2004; Giblin, Burruss, & Schafer, 2014). These studies are limited, however, in their measurement of risk. Government organizations and scholars have conceptualized risk using a probabilistic risk assessment model comprising three dimensions: threat (probability of event occurring), vulnerabilities (e.g., targets), and consequences (likely physical and personal harms produced; Cox, 2008; Ezell, Bennett, Von Winterfeldt, Sokolowski, & Collins, 2010). Existing research has disproportionately examined threats, most often by measuring the subjective risk perceptions of a single organizational respondent (for exceptions, see Davis et al., 2004; Roberts, Roberts, & Liedka, 2012). Largely ignored is how actual vulnerabilities and consequences shape departmental preparedness efforts. In the few cases where vulnerabilities are measured, the focus is on aspects of the built environment even though social vulnerability may be salient as well (e.g., Davis et al., 2004; Roberts et al., 2012). Additionally, preparedness studies have not yet tried to measure consequences as a determinant of police practices.
To fully examine the effects of risk, scholars must examine a model including not only threat probabilities but also vulnerabilities and consequences. The present study aims to provide a more complete assessment of the risk-preparedness relationship by examining the influence of threat perceptions, physical and social vulnerabilities, and consequences (measured by prior experiences with hazards) in a sample of 350 small municipal police agencies. Data were drawn from a survey of police agency executives and secondary data sources. The purpose of the research is twofold: to determine whether police organizational practices are predicted by actual risk factors along with (or in place of) more subjective measures of risk, and to provide insight into the measurement of risk in studies of law enforcement agencies, particularly when perceptual measures are lacking.
Literature Review
Several studies have analyzed the role of police in homeland security efforts. Many chiefs view homeland security as the primary mission of policing and have taken steps to prepare their agencies for homeland security incidents (Stewart & Morris, 2009). Departments have written emergency response plans and trained personnel for homeland security response (Burruss et al., 2010; Pelfrey, 2007) and have created divisions or units to handle homeland security threats or incidents (Grillo, 2011). In addition, local police departments are increasingly relying on state police agencies for training and specialized services related to homeland security (The Council of State Governments and Eastern Kentucky University, 2006). These past studies, by examining the steps law enforcement agencies have taken to prepare for or prevent homeland security events, demonstrated that homeland security policing tactics are practiced by many departments across the nation, though not all agencies are equally prepared. Researchers have tried to understand this variation by applying contingency theory, either implicitly or explicitly.
Contingency Theory
Contingency theory maintains that organizations are dynamic and rationally adapt to contingencies to achieve fit with their environment and attain effectiveness (Donaldson, 2001). Donaldson’s (2001) structural adaptation to regain fit (SARFIT) model proposes that when organizations are out of fit with their environment, they must change their structure to reestablish fit and regain performance. The theory has been applied to law enforcement organizations (Burruss et al., 2010; Maguire, 2003). In terrorism-related research, contingencies include the risk of a homeland security incident. It would follow that police departments rationally respond to an increased risk of homeland security incidents by taking steps to enhance their homeland security preparedness.
Contingency theory has not received much empirical support when applied to community policing innovations (Zhao, Ren, & Lovrich, 2010) or the creation of gang units (Katz, Maguire, & Roncek, 2002), but it has received considerable support in explaining homeland security preparedness (Burruss et al., 2010; Davis et al., 2004, 2006; Schafer, Burruss, & Giblin, 2009). Although some similarities exist, these past studies have operationalized risk and preparedness slightly differently; nevertheless, perceived risk consistently appears as a significant predictor of homeland security preparedness. This has been demonstrated in national surveys addressing the state of terrorism preparedness among local law enforcement agencies in the United States (Davis et al., 2004, 2006), in small and large municipal agencies across Illinois (Burruss et al., 2010; Schafer et al., 2009), and in a national sample of small municipal agencies (Giblin et al., 2014; for an exception, see Gerber, Cohen, Cannon, Patterson, & Stewart, 2005).
What all of these studies show is that perceived risk is positively associated with preparedness activities. They support contingency theory in that perceived risk (the contingency) is positively associated with preparedness activities (organizational behavior). However, contingency theory has generally only been examined using perceived risk as a proxy measure of actual risk. These two measures of risk, subjective perception and objective reality, are discrete. Only one recent study considers objective risk factors. Using data from the Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) survey, Roberts et al. (2012) used a composite indicator of built environment vulnerability to predict whether departments had taken five steps to prepare for homeland security incidents. The results indicated that built environment vulnerability was not a significant predictor of homeland security preparedness (Roberts et al., 2012).
Objective Risk
Calculating objective risk for terrorism-related homeland security incidents involves the use of the threat vulnerability consequences (TVC) model. This is the combination of threat (the probability of an attack), vulnerability (if it occurs, the probability of the attack’s success), and consequences (if the attack occurs, the losses that would be incurred through fatalities, injuries, and economic losses; Ezell et al., 2010). In this model, threat is the most difficult to calculate; it takes into account the goals, motives, and capabilities of terrorists, as well as factors about possible targets. The actual probability of an event is measured in probabilistic terms (e.g., 1 in 1,000,000 chance of an attack). However, threat is typically calculated by experts in the intelligence community as the likelihood of any one type of terrorist event (e.g., a conventional explosives attack) relative to any other (e.g., agroterrorism; Ezell et al., 2010). Applying the TVC model to the present study, threat corresponds with perceptions of risk, vulnerability with social and built environment vulnerability, and consequences with the outcomes of past hazards. 1
Broadly defined, vulnerability is the “susceptibility to damage or harm” (Eakin & Luers, 2006, p. 366). Cutter (2003) describes vulnerability as “those circumstances that put people and places at risk and those conditions that reduce the ability of people and places to respond to environmental threats” (p. 6). Social vulnerability measures the potential for harm to a population. While quantifying social vulnerability is challenging, researchers at the University of South Carolina have created the Social Vulnerability Index (SoVI) based on 32 variables derived from the U.S. Census (Hazards & Vulnerability Research Institute, 2012b). An index score is available for each county in the United States allowing for comparative analyses; higher values on the SoVI are associated with higher levels of social vulnerability.
Myriad variables are included in the SoVI index based on empirical studies linking them with social vulnerability (see Cutter, Boruff, & Shirley, 2003 for an extensive description and list of sources for each concept). For example, the inclusion of gender is premised on research showing that females have a more difficult time recovering from disasters; females typically earn lower wages than their male counterparts and assume a significant role in childcare. Physically disabled, elderly, and youthful populations are also more vulnerable given their potential need for emergency assistance in the event of evacuations. These vulnerabilities are only magnified in the event that childcare and long-term care facilities are physically affected by homeland security events. Ethnically diverse populations may disproportionately suffer if culture and language differences inhibit the distribution of postdisaster funding. Other population characteristics, such as limited poverty and lower employment, are indicators of decreased social vulnerability; the population is presumably better able to absorb the consequences and recover from homeland security incidents.
While social vulnerability characterizes a population of individuals residing in a specific geographic area, physical vulnerabilities are the properties of the built environment that make an area more susceptible to harm. In quantifying the vulnerability of the built environment, researchers have considered variables assessing residential property, commercial and industrial development, lifelines, transportation, infrastructure, and monuments/icons (Borden, Schmidtlein, Emrich, Piegorsch, & Cutter, 2007). Physical vulnerability is addressed in a number ways. Borden et al. (2007; see also Piegorsch, Cutter, & Hardisty, 2007) created a composite index of measures but limited their study to a sample of only large cities. Armas (2008) focused exclusively on one area of interest using a case study methodology. Instead of relying on inventories of the local built environment, Davis et al. (2004) asked survey respondents to identify the number of different types of specific potentially vulnerable targets in their jurisdiction.
Physical vulnerability and social vulnerability have been studied together in past research. Borden et al. (2007) examined the vulnerability of 132 large cities in the United States to environmental hazards. They created indices for socioeconomical vulnerability, built environment vulnerability, and hazard exposure/experience. Adding all three vulnerability index scores together revealed the vulnerability of the cities in relation to one another and indicated that New Orleans was the most vulnerable city in the United States (Borden et al., 2007). Piegorsch et al. (2007) combined the three indices used by others (social, built environment, and hazard vulnerability) into one place-based vulnerability index for 132 large cities in the United States. Using this information, as well as past data on terrorist incidents in the United States, they determined that the place-based vulnerability index was able to significantly predict both whether a terrorist incident occurred and whether it resulted in casualties (Piegorsch et al., 2007).
How individuals perceive risk is somewhat different than the analytical risk assessments performed by experts. The perception of risk can be defined as “the judgments people make when they are asked to characterize and evaluate hazardous activities” (Slovic, 1987, p. 280). While risk was once thought to be completely objective, it is now accepted that risk is actually a subjective judgment and can be influenced by a wide array of factors (Slovic, 2000). The present study examines the relationship between risk—police executives’ opinions of probabilities of homeland security events occurring within their jurisdiction, the objective risk factors of social vulnerability, built environment vulnerability, and experience with past hazards—and preparedness.
Present Study
Past research has found support for the effect of homeland security risk perceptions on preparedness. Increased perceived risk of homeland security incidents is significantly associated with higher levels of preparedness in several studies (Burruss et al., 2010; Davis et al., 2004, 2006; Gerber et al., 2005; Schafer et al., 2009). However, this research has failed to consider, or has only partially considered (Roberts et al., 2012), objective risk factors. By using survey data from small municipal agencies combined with several sources of data outside of the traditional realm of criminal justice research, this study provides a more thorough understanding of the relationship between risk and organizational activities.
Methods
The present study draws on and extends data collected via a 2011 national survey of 350 small (fewer than 25 full-time sworn officers) municipal law enforcement agencies (Burruss, Schafer, Giblin, & Haynes, 2012; Giblin et al., 2014). The survey provides indicators of homeland security preparedness and perceived risk of terrorism. Combining these indicators with a range of alterative risk measures gathered from other sources (see later) allows for an examination of the relationships between subjective and objective risk and organizational preparedness.
Sample
The sampling frame was developed using the 2004 Census of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies, a commonly used source for identifying organizations comprising the law enforcement population (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011). For purposes of the research, a small department was defined as a municipal law enforcement agency employing at least one but no more than 25 full-time sworn officers, a range that covers approximately 78% of departments (Reaves, 2010). 2 Each of the 9,708 small agencies fitting these criteria was placed into one of nine rural–urban continuum code categories based on county location. Rural–urban continuum codes were developed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to distinguish between U.S. counties on the basis of population size and proximity to metropolitan areas (“Measuring Rurality,” n.d.). Stratifying agencies by continuum code recognizes the differences in small agencies, overcoming the misconception that all small agencies are the same and are located in rural communities (see Crank & Wells, 1991; Falcone, Wells, & Weisheit, 2002 for a discussion of this variation). Indeed, nearly half of all small agencies are located in metropolitan counties (see Burruss et al., 2012). Ninety departments were selected from each stratum for a total of 810 agencies. Surveys were mailed to the executive of each agency (e.g., chief, commissioner, officer in charge), requesting participation in the research. The survey instrument addressed a range of topics: perceived risk of homeland security incidents, preparedness activities, interactions with large agency peers, environmental influences, and other topics. Responses were received from 350 agency leaders (34–51 per strata), a response rate of 44.5%. 3 Comparisons between respondents and nonrespondents revealed few differences across 36 different measures (e.g., budget region, functions/responsibilities). Only three significant differences emerged, each related to agency functions (responsibility for first response, arrest of criminal suspects, and processing firearms applications), although effect sizes indicated weak relationships.
Dependent Variable
The dependent variable of interest is preparedness, steps taken by law enforcement agencies to prevent, respond to, and recover from homeland security incidents. Survey respondents were presented with brief descriptions of 13 steps or activities designed to enhance preparedness and asked to indicate which were practiced by their organizations. 4 While this is a common approach for collecting preparedness data, there is less agreement on its actual measurement in analytical models; some researchers examine the steps individually (e.g., Davis et al., 2004, Roberts et al., 2012), employ factor analysis to reduce the number of items to a single preparedness factor (e.g., Pelfrey, 2007), or sum the items into a single additive index (e.g., Burruss et al., 2010; Randol, 2012). In the present study, survey responses were dichotomously coded (1 indicating adopted or practicing policy/activity; 0 indicating absence of policy/activity) and summed into an index ranging from 0 to 13 (α = .815).
Independent Variables
Thirty-five separate indicators were gathered to measure various aspects of the TVC model of risk, including perceived risk, hazards, built environment vulnerability, and social vulnerability. A series of factor analyses (principal components extraction with varimax rotation to aid in interpretability) was used to reduce the number of items into a smaller number of latent components. Rather than enter all 35 items simultaneously, items were entered into separate analyses according to theoretical expectations and the empirical literature (Borden et al., 2007; Burruss et al., 2010; Cutter et al., 2003). In each instance where a factor analysis is reported, factor scores were saved in statistical software for use in the regression and path analyses reported later. 5
Six-Factor Analysis Solutions, With Indicators and Data Sources.
The next set of measures captured aspects of a location’s vulnerability, typically its infrastructure and assets, to homeland security incidents (Borden et al., 2007; Cutter et al., 2003; Piegorsch et al., 2007; Willis, 2007). 6 In the present study, vulnerability is captured using measures derived from Borden et al.’s (2007) research on physical and social vulnerability. They described the built environment as including transportation infrastructure, lifelines, commercial and industrial development, and residential property. 7 Data for the built environment came from both the U.S. Census Bureau and, in the case of transportation, lifelines, and a portion of the commercial development measures, the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) Hazus-MH software program (2012). Hazus is designed to allow governments and emergency management personnel to estimate losses associated with floods, hurricanes, and earthquakes. Within the program are databases documenting critical infrastructure. Although the software is current, data contained within the software program are collected at different times.
The built environment measures represent nonnormalized counts; they were not converted to rates to take into account interjurisdictional differences in population sizes. Comments from Illinois police leaders indicate that the number of targets, rather than the ratio of targets to the population, is an important consideration in homeland security preparedness: [The town is] surrounded by major interstates. The major line of the Burlington Northern Santa Fe, three rails pass through town. I expect that over the next 3 years some form of terrorist act will occur. We don’t have the emergency radio equipment needed with [the redacted] Chemical Depot just 20 miles away! We are a small community…we only have several businesses and 2 part-time officers…we don’t really have many conceivable possible terrorist targets but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t plan for the worst. We interact with the CN [Canadian National] and Metro BNSF [Burlington Northern Santa Fe] and Amtrak police departments because of the 5 rail lines that bisect our community. I have 2 rail systems, large grain and fertilizer operations in my jurisdictions (as quoted in Schafer et al., 2009).
A county’s transportation infrastructure was measured using multiple indicators: the number of airports, bus facilities, ferry facilities, highway bridges, rail bridges, and ports. A factor analysis (Analysis 2) revealed a three-component structure comprising bridges, water transportation, and mass transit (see Table 1). Lifelines included fire departments, schools, police departments, wastewater facilities, potable water facilities, electric power plants, natural gas facilities, oil facilities, emergency operations centers, and the total number of hospital beds. As shown in Analysis 3 (see Table 1), gas and oil facilities loaded onto one factor (gas/oil) and the remaining indicators loaded onto a second factor (other lifelines). The commercial and industrial infrastructure was captured with three indicators: the number of private, nonfarm establishments in 2009, the number of manufacturing establishments in 2007, and the number of hazardous materials facilities. All items loaded onto a single commercial/industrial factor (see Analysis 4 in Table 1). The residential factor included two items: housing unit density per 100 square miles (2010) and building permits issued (2011). The residential factor accounted for 86.2% of the variance in the indicators (Analysis 5 in Table 1).
Social vulnerability was measured using Cutter et al.’s (2003) SoVI developed nearly a decade ago. A latent construct comprising 31 separate county-level socioeconomic indicators, the SoVI captures characteristics of the population across seven areas: race and class, extreme wealth, elderly residents, Hispanic ethnicity, care-dependent females, Native American ethnicity, and service industry employment (Hazards and Vulnerability Research Institute, 2010). SoVI scores were gathered for each of the law enforcement agencies in the sample from the Hazards and Vulnerability Research Institute at the University of South Carolina. SoVI scores, as they are the product of a factor analysis of 31 indicators, are useful for comparative analysis only; the score by itself is unitless; its value comes when examined relative to other scores. Descriptive statistics for the SoVI or its indicators are not reported here.
The remaining measures were included to capture the likelihood of consequences, or magnitude of damage, of homeland security incidents (Willis, 2007). Data were extracted from the Spatial Hazard Events and Losses Database for the United States (SHELDUS) maintained by the University of South Carolina’s Hazards and Vulnerability Research Institute (2012a). The SHELDUS database includes information on five decades worth of natural events producing injury, death, and monetary loss organized at the county level. 8 Six indicators derived from Borden et al. (2007) were used from the SHELDUS data covering the period 2001 through 2010. Magnitude and intensity measures included the number of deaths and number of injuries during the period per 10,000 county residents and the amount of property and crop loss during the period as a percentage of the county’s 2006 domestic product. Temporal spacing indicated the number of events within each county during the 10-year period, while the diversity of incidents counted the number of different types of incidents occurring during the period out of the 18 recorded in the SHELDUS database. The factor analysis yielded a three-component solution where injuries and fatalities loaded onto a single casualty factor, crop and property damage form a monetary loss factor, and the temporal/diversity indicators combine into a frequency/diversity factor (see Table 1). It should be noted that the measures of consequences are limited in that they only measure the consequences of natural hazards rather than accidents or terrorist incidents.
Descriptive Statistics for Observed Indicators (Independent Variables).
Correlation Matrix for All Measures Included in Analyses.a
Note. aMeasures derived from factor analyses are in all caps.
COMMRES comprises all indicators included in the COMMERCIAL and RESIDENTIAL factors. It is discussed in more detail in the text.
Results
Regression Models Predicting Police Homeland Security Preparedness Activities.
Model 2 (see Table 4) shows the results of the model regressing preparedness on the 10 indicators of hazards, built environment vulnerability, and social vulnerability. 9 Combined, the factors explain a smaller proportion (R2 = .041) of the variation in the preparedness dependent variable than perceived risk; more importantly, not a single factor reaches conventional significance thresholds. Perceived risk, when added to Model 3, remains significant (p < .001) even after controlling for hazards, built environment vulnerability, and social vulnerability, but not one other factor emerges as statistically significant. In the final model (Model 4), the 10 measures of objective risk were replaced with a county population (logged) indicator. The two measures—perceived risk and population size—are both significant (p < .001) and account for roughly 10% of the variation in the preparedness dependent variable.
The inability of actual risk factors to significantly predict preparedness may be the result of model misspecification. In other words, rather than both objective and perceived risk working simultaneously to directly affect preparedness, perhaps the objective factors indirectly affect preparedness by shaping perceptions of risk. To test for this possibility, we performed a path analysis using Stata statistical software with perceived risk situated between objective risk factors and preparedness (see Figure 1). Once again, while perceived risk and population size significantly predict preparedness, none of the hazard or vulnerability measures significantly explains perceived risk.
Path model predicting perceived risk and homeland security preparedness (standardized coefficients displayed).
Discussion
The connection between perceived risk of homeland security incidents and homeland security preparedness has received considerable support in policing literature. From a contingency theory perspective, organizations rationally respond to risks in their external environments by taking steps to prepare for homeland security incidents. Applying a more comprehensive model of risk by utilizing the TVC model, this study attempted to more completely test the contingency theory framework that has found support in explaining differing levels of homeland security preparedness in police agencies. Surprisingly, the only factor in this model that significantly predicted preparedness levels was threat, measured as subjective risk of terrorist incidents. The objective factors of vulnerability and consequences were not associated with preparedness levels. Objective risk measures were also not associated with subjective perceptions. In other words, the homeland security preparedness levels of agencies are not influenced by the actual risk of those agencies’ jurisdictions. Interestingly, preparedness is not directly or indirectly influenced by objective risk factors even though it is significantly associated with perceived risk. Agency leaders who perceive their risk to be higher, independent of the actual risk of the jurisdiction, are more likely to take steps to enhance their preparedness.
The results could suggest that objective risk factors, at least those measured here, are not important contingencies affecting organizational performance. Recall, contingency theory argues that external and, in some cases, internal organizational characteristics change, thereby affecting the performance of organizations. What if these objective risk factors have little bearing on organizational performance? On one hand, terrorists are viewed as rational actors who select targets in an effort to maximize gains (e.g., government redress, citizen attention; Abrahms, 2008). Indeed, this justifies inclusion of objective risk factors in various risk formulas used for funding preparedness efforts (see later). Moreover, police agencies must devote attention to securing critical infrastructure (Skogan & Frydl, 2004). Yet, police organizations are under considerable pressure to prepare, irrespective of actual risk factors (Burruss et al., 2010). The broader organizational environment exerts pressure on police agencies to take homeland security steps. These institutional pressures appear in the form of academic and professional conferences; vast amounts of scholarly and government literature on the subject; local, state, and federal training programs; and other sources that support preparedness as an appropriate law enforcement activity. Indeed, Burruss et al. (2010) found that these institutional pressures—the tendency of organizations to conform to what is supported in the larger environment—were more salient than even perceived risk measures. In the context of the present study, the objective risk factors may prove irrelevant as all agencies face some pressure to address the homeland security function.
Of course, this does not explain why perceived risk remains a stable predictor of preparedness. Drawing on the general fear of crime literature, there is a distinction between fear and actual risk of victimization (Ferraro, 1995; Ferraro & LaGrange, 1987). Similarly, there is a distinction between perceived risk and objective risk. Perceptions may be formed through training, education, and experiences rather than actual objective indicators. A police chief answering a question about perceived risk is assumed to be describing the department’s risk. In reality, the chief is likely describing his or her own perceptions shaped by factors such as gender, race, age, and experience. This would mean that the responses depend on the member of the organization responding to the survey. To test whether individual-level characteristics are influencing perceived organizational-level risk, future studies should consider whether perceived risk is consistent across the department. This type of study, when analyzed with objective risk factors, could determine not only whether specified objective risk factors are associated with perceived risk, but also what personal characteristics are related to perceived risk.
Alternatively, even the comprehensive list of objective risk factors may be too limited. In other words, our measures were flawed (i.e., they may not be the most relevant risk factors to small municipal police agencies). If, for example, terrorists choose targets for their critical or symbolic importance (e.g., attacking the critical nodes in the London subway bombings of 2005; Jordán, 2008), a simple count procedure may fail to differentiate among targets. Future researchers would need to develop procedures for quantifying the importance of the critical infrastructure—number of students educated, number of homes powered, visibility, symbolic value—a daunting task given the sheer number of potential targets. Homeland security has become an important component of policing in recent years, and there has been considerable funding allocated to this new function. However, this study indicates that those departments that are the most prepared may not be the most at risk. Whether using grants or local funds, departments may not be using their resources wisely, as funds allocated for preparedness in low-risk departments may be better used for other internal purposes or in other higher risk agencies. The databases used in this study are publicly available and could be utilized at the national level to determine which jurisdictions are the most at risk or are the most vulnerable to homeland security incidents. This risk information could be tied to funding at the state or federal level.
Future research on this issue should address several limitations with this study. All measures of objective risk factors (hazards, social vulnerability, and built environment vulnerability) are at the county level, while the agency respondents were surveyed on the risk of incidents occurring within their jurisdiction. Using the risk factors for specific jurisdictions would have been preferable, but data at this level were not available. In addition, the measures for consequences of past natural hazards were combined over the past 10 years. Some of the agency respondents may not have lived in the same area or had access to specific knowledge of hazard impact. However, as long as the agency executive had lived in the area and experienced the past hazards, the measure may reliably capture prior hazards. Prior research, for example, indicated that even 6 years after a hurricane, residents of cities who were exposed to the hurricane rated their risk of experiencing any natural disaster higher than residents of a control city that did not experience the hurricane (Norris, Smith, & Kaniasty, 1999). Additionally, up to 7 years after a fatal lightning storm, adolescents who went to school with a child who was killed still rated their perceived risk of encountering another fatal natural disaster as higher than those who did not (Greening, Dollinger, & Pitz, 1996). However, future studies should collect data on the respondents’ history with the department to rule out this possible limitation.
Some hazards may also have occurred in neighboring counties where the responding department provided mutual assistance. Research has indicated that, while not as strong of a predictor as personal victimization, indirect or vicarious victimization is significantly associated with perceived risk (Ferraro, 1995). Furthermore, events that occurred last year may be more influential than hazards that occurred 9 years ago. For a more accurate picture of the effect of past hazards, including spatial and temporal factors in preparedness models would be ideal.
While the social vulnerability index used covers the years 2005–2009, and our survey was mailed in 2011, it has been shown to be relatively stable over time. From 1960 to 2000, only 484 out of 3,141 counties (15.4%) in the United States had a statistically significant change in their social vulnerability. This was mostly due to an increase or decrease in population size or density (Cutter & Finch, 2008).
Despite these limitations, this study is an important contribution because it indicates that small departments’ preparedness levels are not associated with actual risk factors. This finding is contrary to expectations based on past research at the individual level and in other fields. The objective risk factors of the comprehensive TVC model (i.e., social vulnerability, built environment vulnerability, and consequences of past hazards) were not associated with either perceived risk or preparedness. Future research should focus on determining whether perceived risk is an appropriate proxy for objective risk, the factors that actually influence perceived risk, and the viability of the model in larger agencies.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This project was supported, in part, by Award #2010-IJ-CX-0024 from the National Institute of Justice, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Justice.
