Stitching tivaevae: a Cook Islands research method

Abstract

The use of a context-specific research model is critical when undertaking research that involved Pacific people. This article discusses the use of a Kuki Airani | Cook Islands research framework known as the Tivaevae Model in a PhD study. This model first introduced by Maua-Hodges borrows from the traditions of creating a traditional tivaevae | handmade quilt. The tivaevae represents Kuki Airani epistemological and ontological worldviews. Utilising the processes used to create a tivaevae as a metaphor and guiding process, the research was stitched together to develop a metaphorical tivaevae symbolising aronga mapu | youth views of sexuality. This article discusses the research process and how the tivaevae model was used through data collection, analysis, findings design and the educational “project.” In doing so, this article examines the research process that is contextually and culturally appropriate to better understand the nuances of what indigenous research methods can potentially offer, both conceptually and methodologically to critical researchers.

Keywords

tivaevae indigenous research Cook Islands pacific research frameworks pito’enua

The use of a context specific research model is critical when researching in Pacific contexts (see Anae, Coxon, Mara, Wendt-Samu, & Finau, 2001; Health Research Council of New Zealand, 2014; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Smith, 2004; Suaalii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Te Ava & Page, 2018; Tecun (Daniel Hernandez), Hafoka, ‘Ulu‘ave, & ‘Ulu‘ave-Hafoka, 2018; Thaman, 2003; Vaioleti, 2006). In this article, I discuss how I utilised the tivaevae research model in two ways. First, as a Kuki Airani | Cook Islands¹ research framework that systematically informed the research processes for a doctoral project and second also as a tool used to conceptualise and inform the data analysis, whereby a metaphorical tivaevae was created. But first, the following section is an explanation of Tivaevae.

Tivaevae

A tivaevae (pronounced tea-vai-vai, sometimes spelled tivaivai (Horan, 2012) I use tivaevae as this is the way Maua-Hodges uses the word), unique to the Kuki Airani, is a handmade, bedspread-size quilt made by a group of people, usually women, who are led by a ta’unga tivaevae | expert in quilt making—who work collaboratively together to produce a quilt that will become the property of one of the group of sewers (Ta’unga | an expert, skilled craftsman, one with special lore or skill (Cook Islands Ministry of Education, University of the South Pacific, Auckland University of Technology, & Te Iukarea Society, 2016). So, an expert in the craft of tivaevae would be called tivaevae ta’unga.

The common understanding is that women of the Kuki Airani were introduced to quilting through the wives of missionaries in the 1800s, but over time Kuki Airani have sewn their uniqueness onto, and into, the technique (Herda, 2002; Horan, 2012; Rongokea, 2001). Tivaevae are highly sought after, especially in contemporary society, where the skills of making these apinga aroa | something given with love are being lost. Descendants treasure tivaevae passed down through families, and they are usually saved and only used on special occasions such as 21st birthdays, weddings, a haircutting (a male rite of passage) and at funerals to shroud the body (Horan, 2012; Kuchler & Eimke, 2009).

Designs that evoke images of the Kuki Airani, such as leaves, flowers and traditional symbols, are incorporated into each tivaevae, telling a particular story. Vivid colours of the Kuki Airani sit alongside and/or on top of each other and are stitched or embroidered in a variety of ways. The stitching is an important part of the process, as different stitches represent the skills, expertise and experience of each person who fashioned sections of the tivaevae. For example, Figure 1 is a tivaevae illustrating the symmetrical design, colours, embroidery, balance and the distinct feel of the Kuki Airani: a variety of stitches have been used to embellish the work, these enhancing the intricacy and complexity of the pattern.

Figure 1.

Example of Tivaevae Tataura.

The beginning of creating a tivaevae starts with inangaro, or having a desire, to make a tivaevae (Maua-Hodges, 2016a). Desiring a tivaevae sews the seed to explore a variety of possible designs. The designer/sewer decides what type of tivaevae they want, considering personal preferences, opinions and views, about what will work well for this tivaevae. The sewer then seeks other sewers who may be willing to help with the process. Similarly, it is with the beginning of the research process. Besides understanding a designer’s influence in the process of sewing a tivaevae, an important feature of this research, threaded with postcolonial and feminist poststructural theories was situating my own subjectivity and acknowledging its influence in, and on, the research project. Thus, my subjectivity, in all its specificities, influenced the design and analysis of the findings (Grosz, 1994).

The study for this article explored sexuality in the Kuki Airani, which is a context in which I continue to be partial and involved. While I am “outside” this indigenous setting as a Papa’a as I am a New Zealander of European descent, there are also a number of ways that I have an ‘insider’s’ perception and understandings (Smith, 2012; Underhill-Sem, 2011). The research project evolved through various connections I have with the Cook Islands. The beginning of my journey alongside Kuki Airani people began in 1982 when I became part of a New Zealand based Kuki Airani anau | family. I am a Papa’a, heterosexual, middle-class woman who is also mother/grandmother/aunty/daughter-in-law/partner/feminist, who moved to Rarotonga, the main island of the Kuki Airani, with my husband and children in 2003. Since then, I have worked in various Kuki Airani Government and non-Government roles related to health. Thus, living and working in the Kuki Airani have influenced the ways in which I approached this research. Cora Weber-Pillwax (2004) maintains there are mutual benefits when working and researching with Indigenous communities. She identifies connection to the group can potentially complicate the research. The most serious consideration for her as a researcher within Indigenous communities is “the assurance that I will be able to uphold the personal responsibility that goes along with carrying out a research project in the community I have decided to work within” (Weber-Pillwax, 2004, p. 79). I share(d) her concerns as I too hold myself accountable to the personal and professional connections I have in the Kuki Airani. Such relationships and experiences of working and living in the Kuki Airani comes with a commitment to relational accountability. This underpinned the decision to complete my doctorate by “project” to ensure young people of the Kuki Airani benefitted from the research being undertaken. Needless to say, this commitment is ongoing.

Introduction

Although some literature is available about sexuality in the Pacific, seeking the views of aronga mapu | young people about sex, gender and sexuality through surveys and focus groups is limited (Futter-Puati, 2017a, 2017b). Such methods facilitated a way to illustrate the unique sexuality education needs of Kuki Airani aronga mapu | youth by stitching respondents’ voices into a metaphorical tivaevae. This represents their context-specific understandings of sexuality. To facilitate this process, Maua-Hodges’ (2016a) tivaevae research methodology was used not only as a metaphor but also as a guide. This enabled a collaborative approach which was deemed central to the research context. A metaphor is “a device of the poetic imagination” that “is pervasive in everyday language” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, pp. 453–454). A metaphor can be used to say something, without quite saying it. For example, Heidi Mirza used the metaphor of a quilt to represent the bringing together of seven stories relating to race, gender and education in her inaugural professorial lecture (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Maua-Hodges has been, and still is, my ta’unga tivaevae | tivaevae expert). She has guided me with her research model which she o’ora | gifted to me, and in doing so she gave me permission to build on its use (Maua-Hodges, 2016a; Maua-Hodges, 2016, 2017, Personal communication).

Despite the tivaevae research model being discussed for many years in a variety of documents in Aotearoa | New Zealand and the wider Pacific (Koloto, 2003; Koloto & Sharma, 2005; Lima, 2009; New Zealand Ministry of Health, n.d.; New Zealand Ministry of Justice, 2003; Suaalii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Te Ava, 2011, 2014; Tisam, 2015) there has been little discussion or guidance in the literature about its characteristics or the practicalities of using the tivaevae model as a research method. While other Indigenous research models have been developed by Pasifika scholars as they seek to (re)address the argument that Indigenous values should be integral to research in the region (see, for example, Anae et al., 2001; Health Research Council of New Zealand, 2014; Herman, 2013; Hudson, Milne, Reynolds, Russell, & Smith, 2010; Maua-Hodges, 2001; Moreton-Robinson, 2006; Smith, 2004; Suaalii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997; Thaman, 2003; Vaioleti, 2006; Weber-Pillwax, 2004; Wilson, 2008), there has also been criticism of the lack of literature related to their applied use (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016). This article takes into consideration the call to create a space to critically engage with Pacific or Indigenous research tools and in turn foster the development of Pacific research and researchers (Suaalii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014). I share my experience of how I applied the Tivaevae model to elaborate on the use of tivaevae as a means for not only research design but also analysis, design of thesis and use of key concepts of the Tivaevae model into findings which were provided through the exegesis or “project” component of the doctorate.

Kuki Airani | Cook Islands

The Kuki Airani are in the South Pacific Ocean, northeast of Aotearoa, between French Polynesia and Fiji (Figures 2 and 3).

Figure 2.

The Kuki Airani in relation to Aotearoa.

Figure 3.

The Kuki Airani.

Inspired by Indigenous scholars (for example, see Chilisa & Tsheko, 2014; Smith, 1999; Wilson, 2008), axiology and methodology were firmly based in Indigenous epistemology and ontology within my project. Its primary objective was to maintain relational accountability via honouring the relationships that I have in the Kuki Airani. As with other Indigenous contexts, the Kuki Airani have been the site for many “outsider” research projects that have focused on negative aspects of life (as determined by outsider others) such as illness, problems or issues (Futter-Puati, Bryder, Park, Littleton, & Herda, 2014; Smith, 2012). In this research, I have worked to avoid replicating deficit approaches.

To ensure an “honouring of Indigenous worldviews” approach, Wilson (2008) posits that “a researcher must make sure that the ‘three R’s’, Respect, Reciprocity and Relationality guide the research” (p. 58). To achieve these ideals, it remains imperative that I, as an insider – outsider researcher, respect the cultural, non-dominative worldviews of the participants in this study and use methods that enhance and improve relationality and reciprocity. Aligning my respectful philosophical approach with Wilson’s (2008) proposition, and my respective philosophy, my goal for the research project was to honour and bring benefit to Kuki Airani. I anticipated the findings being useful to advocate for change(s) to the way youth could be supported by developing understanding(s) of sex, gender and sexuality. I am committed to ethical and sensitive use of the information shared. As such, the “project” component of this research involved using the findings to develop a Kuki Airani Sexuality and Relationships Educational resource for community and school educators, thus facilitating reciprocity to the community (Futter-Puati, 2017b). This project, then, moved beyond previous research approaches focusing on problems, which identified issues that were often already known to locals with little offer of solution about how to rectify the supposed “problem/s” (Futter-Puati, 2010; Herman, 2013; Wilson, 2008).

Tivaevae as research process

The Tivaevae research method was designed by Maua-Hodges to “guide multiple components of … research in culturally responsive ways” (Te Ava, 2011, p. 56) within educational settings in the Kuki Airani. Others who have used her model have applied the concepts of koikoi | gathering of patterns, tuitui | the sewing or stitching of patterns and akairianga | offering the tivaevae to individuals or the community (Powell, 2013; Te Ava, 2011). However, I am using the terms shared with me by Maua-Hodges when I met with her in person to discuss her research process in 2016. As such, Maua-Hodges employs four stages within the process of designing and sewing a tivaevae, or research project: ‘akapapa | conceptualised and planned research activities; ‘akaruru | data collection methods; pakoti | to cut, analyse and interpret data and o’ora te tivaevae | presenting the report/findings (Maua-Hodges, 2016b). How this could be represented depends on the type of research conducted.

Five key concepts that are significant to Kuki Airani are then stitched throughout each of the four stages to ensure appropriate cultural responsiveness. It should be noted that these key concepts, which are integral to the design and implementation of research projects in the Kuki Airani context, also align closely with other Indigenous research paradigms (Mirza, 2006). These are as follows: taokotai | collaboration, tu akangateitei | respect, uriuri kite | reciprocity, tu inangaro | relationships and akaari kite | a shared vision (translations from Te Ava, 2011). These five values were also woven into the educational resource/project component of the research project.

As the metaphorical tivaevae was sewn throughout the research project, the needles, threaded with the above five values, were also consecutively threaded with two theories: feminist poststructural theory and postcolonial theory. These theories worked together in the project as neither was sufficient alone. Postcolonial theory did not offer a gendered analysis of the data and feminist poststructural theory missed perspectives of race and indigeneity. Therefore, feminist poststructural theory was predominantly used to explore how gender and/or sexuality were conceived. Postcolonial theory was used to explore the impact that could be felt by aronga mapu living in postcolonial times and the varied ways that dominant discourses still served the interests of colonial cultures or organisations. The threading and interweaving of these two theories, therefore, offered opportunities to explore the impacts of imperial power and culture as well as exploring a gendered analysis of sexuality (hooks, 1989; Lather, 1992). This facilitated a fuller representation of the complexities of aronga mapu sexuality in the Kuki Airani. The use of these theories guided data collection, analysis and the development of the resource.

‘Akapapa | conceptualising and planning the research

In this first stage of making a tivaevae, conceptualising and planning a research project is similar to collecting materials, and deciding which patterns, fabrics and cottons will be needed before working with your pange | tivaevae group support members to sew a tivaevae. Planning, knowledge of literature, methods and theories and a clear understanding of what you want to gain from your project are integral to research.

The ways in which a tivaevae quilt can easily be viewed from the surface reveals its beauty. However, there are also hidden elements that need some consideration and unpacking. While Maua-Hodges used the tivaevae as a metaphor for a collaborative approach to research, I have used the tivaevae metaphor both as a guide to process as Maua-Hodges initially intended, as well as an analogy to illustrate the easily seen surface while equally reveal the hidden, seemingly invisible, unspoken or hidden aspects of Kuki Airani (sexual) life (Gray, Harris, & Jones, 2016; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). To assist in understanding the stages and key concepts and how they might be used within a metaphorical tivaevae, I applied myself to the making of an actual tivaevae (Figure 4). Engaging with the complex components of design, cutting, placing, pinning and sewing, I transformed Maua-Hodges’ conceptual research model into a physical, embodied experience. This process helped me to embody the process and consider how the four stages of ‘akapapa, ‘akaruru, pakoti and o’ora as well as the five key concepts of taokotai, tu akangateitei, uriuri kite, tu inangaro and akaari kite were inherent in the research process.

Figure 4.

Beginning a Tivaevae.

Two key insights were gained from creating this tivaevae. First, the complexity involved, and second, the many layers that constitute the finished project. For instance, a tivaevae has a minimum of three layers (possibly more, depending on how the creator conceptualises the design):

The front: the leaves and the hibiscus flowers above (Figure 4);

The blank canvas: the dark fabric underneath the front and onto which the design is sewn. Only the stitching can be seen on plain fabric on the underside of the blank canvas (see Figure 5); and

The backing (not seen in this photo as the tivaevae is not complete). (Note that not all tivaevae are backed).

Figure 5.

The Underside of a Blank Canvas.

The multi-layering of the tivaevae creation helped me to conceptualise how to construct the research project. It was helpful to consider how the front, or top layer, of a tivaevae appears coherent, ordered and complete much like a first glance of society in the Kuki Airani. However, this top layer disguises the complex layers beneath, and while the top layer mainly hides these layers, they are essential to its structure. Therefore, my use of the tivaevae metaphor references an attempt within my research project to unpick/unpack the layers, looking beneath the ordered, coherent surface of Kuki Airani society, to reveal the ideas that participants shared so that they could be exposed for discussion and analysis. I hoped that with the research project complete, the reader could “stand back” and view the metaphorical tivaevae as an intelligible whole. Equally important was the need for understanding the complexities of young people’s lived experiences that were woven within, stitched into, or hidden within the layers. In this way, the project or exegesis, and the thesis, became a metaphorical tivaevae about sexuality.

The front layer of the tivaevae is displayed to the world. The beauty of the design, the choices of fabric, the imagery and the fancywork of each stitch is open to examination and judgement. The way a tivaevae is regarded depends on the eye of the beholder and what they consider beauty to be. In a metaphorical sense, the way people act, behave and respond in, or to, the world can be seen as the “front” surface of the tivaevae. The person they portray to the world around them. In this way, I considered through the research process how aronga mapu possibly adjusted the “front” surface of their sexuality tivaevae accordingly; learning quickly what is considered “beautiful,” valued and/or appropriate, in multiple Kuki Airani contexts.

Most tivaevae are created by sewing pieces of fabric onto a backing sheet or a “blank canvas” (Rongokea, 2001). Underneath the blank canvas the reverse image of each stitch of the tivaevae is revealed on the plain coloured blank canvas fabric, without the intricacy of the colours, appliqué or embroidery present on the front (Figure 4). When a tivaevae is “assessed or evaluated it is turned to look at the back first as it tells a lot about consistency or inconsistency” (Maua-Hodges, 2016a). The design is outlined in its starkness; in essence the “realness” of the design, is visible. As previously noted, tivaevae are usually sewn by a group of people, and hence, the stitches may vary in length, colour, type of material used, knots holding stitches in place, evenness and type of stitch. The complexity and variety of skills of the sewer(s) are seen starkly, and quite differently to the front of the tivaevae. Maua-Hodges (2016a) points out that it is important to consider the backing of the tivaevae, as it is the underneath where the work of holding the design in place can be seen. Possibly, there is untidiness on the underside of the blank canvas that would never be seen on the front: loose threads, the almost invisible marks of stitches undone and reworked, threads left uncut. It may be evident from looking closely at the stitches that some sewers were more accomplished than others.

For this research process, the blank canvas was useful to consider in terms of how norms of sexuality were held in place. The stitches could be seen to represent the skills learned to create the tivaevae. In this way, the metaphorical tivaevae symbolises the way that aronga mapu develop the knowledge and skills to represent and live out their sexuality and gender in the ways they desire. As they learn these life skills, they slowly become more confident, finding that their desires are understood, interpreted correctly, or the results they are looking for are produced. They will make mistakes, and maybe have to backtrack, unpick a stitch or two or even rethink their whole design. This will mean they will need to learn and practice new skills to achieve what they want in their relationships. The project component of the doctorate, the development of a Kuki Airani Sexuality and Relationships teaching and learning Educational (SRE) resource, hoped to facilitate the learning and practicing of these skills.

The final layer, called the “backing,” covers, hides, tidies and protects the work of the sewers. The backing fabric forms the base of the tivaevae, underpinning it, holding it together and providing strength, all the while offering the possibility of protection for the messiness/diversity of the workings/society. The backing of the tivaevae in this research project is the cultural and historical influences that underlie the findings, and the norms or expectations that influence the lived realities of aronga mapu within their intimate relationships. Kuki Airani colonial history sets the foundation on which the SRE resource was sewn and stitched with patterns designed for educators. In this way, the backing of the metaphorical tivaevae can represent the normative and hegemonic ideas and practices that hold the tivaevae together without anyone necessarily seeing or recognising that they are there. Without critical thinking, the backing of the tivaevae is unlikely to be noticed and, therefore, questioned. Hence, hegemonic ideas will maintain a stronghold on the way tivaevae are designed. The research project questioned how the backing of the metaphorical tivaevae could be re-envisioned and understood—that if the choice of fabric used for the backing of the tivaevae was not consciously considered, the strength of the tivaevae could be compromised. Acknowledging and understanding the important work of the backing of a tivaevae in the SRE resource was done through teaching of the skills of critical thinking and the use of critical questioning. These skills were developed as core aspects of the resource to support aronga mapu to constantly consider the way(s) they negotiate their sexuality identity/identities.

The concept of the layers of the tivaevae were used to “make visible the invisible | to stitch, and make sharper, the faint patterns of the less discussed” (Powell, 2013, p. 19). Sex, gender and sexuality are rarely and obliquely discussed in Kuki Airani culture, leaving only faint traces that are sometimes visible only to those who have insider knowledge. In the same way, a ta’unga tivaevae will understand the layers and traces in a tivaevae.

‘Akaruru | data collection methods

The actual making of a tivaevae requires specialised knowledge and skills; likewise, specialised knowledge and skill of methods is essential for research. My use of feminist poststructural and postcolonial theories encouraged consideration of how influences such as power, gender, colonialism, agency, religion and performativity played out within aronga mapu responses (Butler, 2007 [1990]; Davies, 1991; Kabeer, 1999; Said, 1979; Smith, 2012; St Pierre, 2000; Weedon, 1987). Taokotai | collaboration also was an important principle when considering data collection in the Tivaevae model (Maua-Hodges, 2001, 2016a). Aronga mapu stories and voice were gathered through existing relationships and working in partnership with local organisations. In 2007, the Kuki Airani National Human Immunodeficiency Virus, Sexually Transmitted Infections and Tuberculosis Committee set a goal in their national strategic plan to develop a contextually relevant Kuki Airani sexuality educational resource. This goal was never attained and was transferred into the Integrated National Strategic Plan for Sexual and Reproductive Health 2014-2018 (Cook Islands Ministry of Health, 2014). This research project facilitated the fulfilling of a goal driven and owned by Kuki Airani. This committee became my research pange and it was this partnership that enabled me to facilitate six focus groups and implement a questionnaire with 672 youth, this being more than 20% of the youth population at the time.

The cultural concepts and values of the tivaevae research model, and theoretical perspectives of postcolonialism and feminist postructuralism, provided a productive way to facilitate the research as well as offering ways to interweave young people’s lived experiences into the curriculum resource. The theoretical approaches also offered a long tradition of respecting and appreciating marginalised voices, such as the voices of young Indigenous people about sexuality. This offered robust threads to the design of the tivaevae.

Pakoti | to cut, analyse and interpret

The concept of the layers was also put to work in the analysis of the data gathered. The front/surface/dominant designs and practices articulated in focus groups and the survey was identified and explored. In addition, the concept of the layers allowed me to delve below dominant ideas to illustrate alternative commentaries that were concealed below the front surface of the tivaevae. In this way, the tivaevae metaphor was used to decentre any normalisation so that it could be questioned and challenged.

Through collection and analysis, the data accordingly informed what cut of the fabric and ultimately which design the tivaevae took. The choice of data, or fabric, and which theories, or stitches I used with my metaphorical needle, was important to the blank canvas. It was only possible to stitch and sew the patterns because of the “making of connections” with aronga mapu, and through consulting and uriuri kite, or sharing the findings (the completed tivaevae/SRE), with key participants. In doing so, the continuation of the connections and tu inangaro | relationships were preserved.

O’ora te tivaevae | presenting the report/findings

The findings offered through analysing the data were the metaphorical embroidery, embellishing the design of the tivaevae and provided insights into a particular point in time where aronga mapu offered their views and understandings about sexuality. By examining the data for the way young people discursively constituted sexuality in the Kuki Airani, and employing the multiple lenses of culture, identity, power, agency, gender, performativity and heteronormativity, a critical understanding of how sexuality education can be (re)imagined became possible. To o’ora to both participants and also Kuki Airani society, a representation of the metaphorical tivaevae, a Sexuality and relationships educational resource, Api’ianga tupuanga kopapa: Sexuality education in the Cook Islands. Sexuality and Relationships Education, Years 9 and 10, was developed based on some of the findings (Futter-Puati, 2017b).

As with the implementing the research, using culturally responsive pedagogy, values and ideology were as important within the SRE. In an effort to disrupt dominant Kuki Airani discourse, the teaching and learning activities were informed by feminist poststructural and postcolonial theoretical perspectives and incorporate Maua-Hodges (2016a) five key concepts as philosophy sewn within and throughout the lessons. Pito’enua, a Kuki Airani concept of well-being, also sits as a foundational cultural concept within the SRE (Cook Islands Ministry of Education, 2006; Futter, 2009; Whitman & Aldinger, 2009). The concept of pito’enua was developed over a 2-year period (2003–2004) through collaborative and consultative partnerships with communities across 11 islands and encompasses five dimensions:

Kopapa | physical well-being: the physical body, its growth, development and ability to move, and the ways of caring for it;

Tu manako | mental and emotional: well thought out thinking processes, acknowledging and expressing thoughts and feelings, and being able to respond appropriately;

Vaerua | spiritual well-being: the values and beliefs that determine the way people live, the search for meaning and purpose in life, personal identity and self-awareness;

Kopu tangata | social well-being: family relationships, friendships, and other interpersonal relationships; feelings of belonging from the urupu | tribal group they belong too, compassion, caring and social support;

Aorangi | total environment: how society influences you; the way individuals are shaped by their environment (Cook Islands Ministry of Education, 2006).

All dimensions of pito’enua influence are interconnected and support each other. In addition, the SRE resource makes use of tivaevae in a variety of other ways. Before the unit of work begins, the group of young people who take part in the lessons work cooperatively to design a class tivaevae that represents their class/group guidelines (Figure 6).

Figure 6.

Tivaevae classroom guidelines.

As they work through the lessons, the SRE asks young people to design a personal sexuality tivaevae on paper. As a reflective process students design one symbol that represents their key learning in each lesson. Each symbol is then added to the previous and by the time all the lessons are complete the students have a symbolic sexuality tivaevae to represent their key learning.

The final way the concept of tivaevae is included in the SRE is through the use of a “Critically thinking about sexuality tivaevae template,” which provides a prompt to support reflective and critical analysis of the key learning of lessons (Futter-Puati, 2017b). The template has questions that can be applied to multiple situations and various activities in the resource and encourages the consideration of the socio-ecological perspective(s) that influence aronga mapu. Using this process, the template is a tool to disrupt hegemonic discourse and promoting students’ understandings of the ways that social and political influences impact on their, and others, pito’enua.

Conclusion

Tivaevae are cultural icons of the Kuki Airani. While the study’s pervading influence was the tivaevae research model sewn with multiple threaded/theorised needles, the embodiment of sewing a fabric tivaevae created the space for the author to reimagine and rework the ideas contained within Maua-Hodges (2016) tivaevae research model. Working with patterns, scissors, fabric, thread, needles and stitches provided the catalyst to rethink the use of the tivaevae research model in unconventional ways. To reconsider, while tivaevae are structured pieces of work, they also represent the embodiment of the mind/s, body/bodies and soul/s that create them. Although they are cultural entities in their own right, they are also entities that can be used in multiple ways. Tivaevae as a research methodology has the power to communicate, to educate, to understand and create understanding, to reconsider and resolve (youth) challenges. Tivaevae can be viewed as a way to support people moving into a future that is colourful, creative, and towards making their lives a work of art. It is concerned with making the community understand what life is really like in 21st century Kuki Airani for aronga mapu. The use of the tivaevae as a research model offered in this context provided multiple possibilities for understanding lives differently and for youth, in this instance, a tool to negotiate ways ahead. Conceivably, this provides further possibilities for researchers working in other Pacific contexts. The need to consider using implicitly known and relevant cultural entities of their context and (re)work these with complementary Indigenous and theoretical frameworks to inform their research process is a necessity.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Glossary

Akaari kite A shared vision

Akairianga Offering the tivaevae to individuals or the community

‘Akapapa Conceptualised and planned research activities

‘Akaruru Data collection methods

Aorangi Total environment

Aotearoa New Zealand

Apinga aroa Something given with love

Aronga mapu Young people

Koikoi Gathering of patterns

Kopapa Physical well-being

Kopu tangata Social well-being

Kuki Airani Cook Islands

O’ora te tivaevae Presenting the report/findings

Pakoti To cut, analyse, and interpret data

Pange Tivaevae group support members

Papa’a European descent

Pito’enua Well-being

Taokotai Collaboration

Ta’unga tivaevae Tivaevae expert

Tivaevae Handmade bedspread size quilt

Tu akangateitei Respect

Tu inangaro Relationships

Tu manako Mental and emotional well-being

Tuitui Sewing or stitching

Uriuri kite Reciprocity

Urupu Tribal group

Vaerua Spiritual well-being

ORCID iD

Debi Futter-Puati

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