Abstract
Despite a growing amount of research with Māori and Pacific people in Aotearoa New Zealand, frameworks that support robust research methodologies with these peoples are limited. This is particularly so for research involving both Māori and Pacific people, which acknowledges the connections between the two and the uniqueness of all Pacific people. Tangata Hourua (Strength in Combining) is a research framework developed in response to this gap, drawing from Kaupapa Māori (Māori principles) and Pacific methodologies, that seeks to uphold the rights of Māori as Indigenous people of Aotearoa, whilst giving voice to Pacific peoples living here with shared or connected whakapapa (family connections). This article describes the framework’s origins, its relationship to Kaupapa Māori and Pacific research methodologies, key principles in its application, and its strengths and limitations. The framework has the potential to be utilised in research that positively contributes to both Māori and Pacific knowledge and well-being.
Introduction
This research explored the role of Kai Manaaki (KM) working with Māori and Pacific people living with type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) – their competencies; how they differed from traditional diabetes health roles, such as dieticians; and their impact on health and other outcomes. Māori and Pacific whānau (family), in addition to Māori and Pacific KM and other health care workers, participated in this research project. The inception of this framework was prompted by an invitation to join the Mana Tū (stand with authority) research programme (Harwood et al., 2018), an initiative from the National Hauora Coalition Public Health Organisation which aimed to test an innovative programme for Māori and Pacific people with T2DM (Harwood et al., 2018). A key feature of Mana Tū is its trained workforce of KM who were part of the general practice team that identified people with poorly controlled diabetes and assisted them and their whānau to take charge of their long-term condition (Harwood et al., 2018). Even though Māori and Pacific peoples have significantly higher rates for T2DM incidence, hospitalisations, complications, and mortality, research has tended to focus on prevention, services, or treatment (Diabetes New Zealand, 2019; Harwood & Tipene-Leach, 2007; Reid & Robson, 2006). To date, there has been lack of research focusing on workforce development, or the skills required to improve diabetes outcomes for Māori and Pacific peoples (Reid et al., 2017).
During the study design, the team of experienced Māori and Pacific researchers identified the need for a critical review of Māori and Pacific research methodologies (PRMs), to better understand potential sites of alignment and contention with the research questions.
The whakapapa of Tangata Hourua (Strength in Combining): inspired by Māori and PRMs
Indigenous research methodologies’ relationship to Kaupapa Māori (Māori principles) and PRMs
Indigenous methodologies not only recognise Indigenous communities’ shared ways of knowing in the context of self and worldview (Kovach, 2010) but also dispel the myth that only western methods are valid and reliable (Amituanai-Toloa, 2009; L. T. Smith, 2012, 2015, 2021). The dichotomy of Indigenous research theories, core principles, concepts, values, and resistance to westernised and colonised thinking has been well discussed in Aotearoa by both Māori (Bishop, 1999; L. T. Smith, 2012, 2015, 2021) and Pacific (Helu-Thaman, 1988, 2003; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Naepi, 2015; Tupuola, 2004) scholars. Collectively, they have expressed discontent with and a resistance to working within these dominant hegemonic and westernised research domains (Bishop, 1998, 2005; A. Jones, 2012; Walker et al., 2006), leading to the development of contemporary Māori and Pacific research models. Māori have led this voyage, such as their travels across the Pacific, and have perhaps gone furthest, to create evolved critical Indigenous decolonised research methodologies (Baker, 2009).
Kaupapa Māori research
When considering an appropriate methodology for Māori research, it is therefore appropriate to reflect on the importance of attaining new knowledge through good research practice, and its impact on well-being, which is perhaps best articulated in this Māori whakataukī (proverb):
Mā te rongo ka mōhio
Mā te mōhio, ka mārama
Mā te mārama ka mātau
Mā te mātau ka ora
Through sensing comes awareness Through awareness comes understanding Through understanding comes knowledge Through knowledge comes wellbeing
In the same way that this whakataukī places mōhio (thinking), mārama (understanding), mātauranga (knowing), and outcomes at its centre, so does Kaupapa Māori theory (Mead, 2016; G. Smith, 1997; L. T. Smith, 2015). However, Kaupapa Māori theorists have gone further to demand safe or tika practices in research, which Mead (2016) advocates should be underpinned by core Māori principles. Although these principles, outlined in Supplementary Table 1, have a literal definition or meaning, more important are their applications to research. For example, whanaungatanga literally means relationship, but in research, it could be used to describe the connection between the research collective – researchers, participants, end users – in ways that serve to strengthen each member of the group (Hudson et al., 2010).
For Māori, in addition to having research based on Māori principles, there is a strong desire to have methodologies that also critique the systems and structures that oppress Indigenous knowledge and its development. Kaupapa Māori research (KMR) is a direct response to this (R. Jones et al., 2006; G. Smith, 1997; L. T. Smith, 2021; Walker et al., 2006) and has brought these two crucial pieces together (G. Smith, 1997). As presented in Supplementary Table 2, KMR places Māori ways of knowing and doing at the centre of inquiry; it is aspirational in terms of self-determined research goals and outcomes, within a context of concerns about power and colonisation (G. Smith, 1997).
Importantly, given the focus of Mana Tū on Māori health in relation to diabetes, it is worth noting Māori health models, as presented in Supplementary Table 3, tend to be holistic, inclusive of whānau, with the collective rather than individualistic focus based on core Māori concepts.
Pacific peoples and principles
The term Pacific peoples broadly covers Indigenous peoples from the island nations in the South Pacific and, in its narrowest sense, Pacific peoples in New Zealand. Despite the growing diversity of New Zealand’s Pacific communities, differing values, ways of living, and beliefs, there are several enduring cultural values that bind an agreed set of common Pacific values (Ministry for Pacific Peoples [MPP], 2018). These prominent values include love, respect, reciprocity, spirituality, family, community, collectiveness, cultural obligation, kinship, and protocols (Amituanai-Toloa, 2009; Health Research Council [HRC], 2014; Tamasese et al., 2010). Bennett et al. (2013) advises that these values may vary in different communities as well as within respective Pacific groups, and are further informed by living and working in New Zealand.
PRMs
Research models that represent diverse Indigenous Pacific Island epistemologies have been developed by Pacific scholars since the 1980s (Gegeo, 1998) and reflect a response to the changing social environments of Pacific people (Bennett et al., 2013; Naepi, 2019a). PRMs aim to represent Indigenous research that challenges philosophical notions of Pacific knowledge being inferior by positioning a clear understanding of Pacific through a Pacific lens (Naepi, 2019a). PRMs are primarily underpinned by cultural values, informed by a range of Pacific and pan-Pacific worldviews (Sanga & Reynolds, 2017) which at times synergises with Indigenous and KMR (Nabobo-Baba, 2008). PRM has an opportunity to revive and empower Pacific people, by positioning, defining, and evaluating Pacific from a Pacific viewpoint, whilst communicating ontological and epistemological differences that address the diverse Pacific communities within Aotearoa (Naepi, 2019b). There is a call for PRMs to engage and reflect broader Pacific communities that reside in Aotearoa rather than emphasising specific Pacific ethnicities (HRC, 2014; Naepi, 2015; Vaioleti, 2006). Agnew et al. (2004) highlight the limitations of using traditional Pacific models, as they tend to privilege Pacific Island–born and adult perspectives, and do not address the increasing number of young Pacific people identifying with two or more Pacific ethnic groups (HRC, 2014; MPP, 2018; Naepi, 2015). For genuine research to happen, it is imperative that a relational connection between the Pacific researcher and the Pacific methodology exists, to promote best data usage, interpretation, analysis, presentation, and purpose (H. Smith & Wolfgramm-Foliaki, 2021). Some of these unique and innovative models have been outlined in Supplementary Table 4.
Why develop a new framework?
A review of Kaupapa Māori and PRMs identified not only historical whakapapa but also contemporary connections between Māori and Pacific people due to migration through the Pacific region and eventual settlement in their ancestral lands (M. Durie, 1998; Haberkorn, 2008). These contemporary connections, and reasons for developing a new framework for research with Māori and Pacific people in Aotearoa, are discussed further below.
Mana Tū also presented an opportunity for Indigenous researchers working with both Māori and Pacific to further consider respectfully connecting these unique epistemological spaces, and populations, to develop a research framework that aimed to (a) privilege Indigenous voices, challenge Eurocentric ideologies, be strengths- and evidence-based, ensure culturally safe spaces for participants, connect to the focus of the research and support adaption by future researchers (L. T. Smith, 2012); and (b) work cross-culturally and collaboratively in ways that embody activism and determine guidelines (Swadener & Mutua, 2008).
Shifting definition of Māori and Pacific identity
The growing and complicated issue of Māori and Pacific identity in Aotearoa (L. T. Smith, 2015) is a compelling reason for developing a new framework. John Rangihau (as cited in L. T. Smith, 2015) was critical of the pan-Māori label for two reasons: it was externally imposed to align all things Māori that did not locate an individual’s whānau, hapū, or iwi. Similarly, for people of the Pacific, the term, Pacific was externally imposed to denote peoples other than Māori who were born and reside in New Zealand and descend from Pacific nations, but the term does not allow for heterogeneity (MPP, 2018; Samu et al., 2019).
Pan-Māori and Pacific labels are most problematic in Aotearoa as they are used as standard ethnicity questions in most research and health settings, only being checked at enrolment and not asked about again (Enright et al., 2021). This approach does not allow people to self-identify as multi-ethnic; nor does it account for the fluidity in how people self-identify (Carter et al., 2009; Kukutai & Callister, 2009).
Almost 25% of Aotearoa’s total population identify as Māori or Pacific people (Statistics New Zealand, 2018a). Over half of all Māori (55%) identify as having more than one ethnicity, with well over half of these (60%) identifying as also having a Pacific ethnicity (Te Puni Kōkiri, 2017). For Pacific peoples, 38% identify as having more than one ethnicity (Statistics New Zealand, 2018b) with almost one-third (32%) identifying with two or more. This diverse population, claiming both Māori and Pacific ethnic and cultural identities, with as much as two-thirds of New Zealand-born Pacific having Māori whakapapa, is being coined as Generation B; brown, brainy, beautiful, bicultural, bilingual, and bold (Vaka’uta, 2021).
As more people identify as being or having connections to both Māori and Pacific ethnicities, a research framework that is inclusive for both identities is required. However, advancing this concept requires careful consideration.
Protocols to progression
Whilst some endorse combining Māori and PRMs, particularly for health research (Curtis, 2016), others suggest doing so with caution. Naepi (2015) warned of encountering complex methodological tensions around key questions including how Pacific engage with KMR methodologies, how is tino rangatiratanga (self-determination, Māori control) maintained, and how do individual Pacific ethnicities meaningfully engage with pan-PRMs? Like others (Airini et al., 2010; Curtis, 2016), she suggested a set of rules to keep the process and participants culturally safe from the outset (Naepi, 2015).
In terms of addressing cultural safety, the use of the give-way rule was first developed by Airini et al. (2010) and then Naepi (2015) with the intention of ensuring Māori and Pacific expertise at every level of decision making. Both authors strongly advocate that when there is a difference in cultural interpretations, then a decision gives way to the research advisor who holds the Māori or specific Pacific expertise. Another option is to create a negotiated space or an in-between terrain where distinctive worldviews and knowledge bases enter some form of engagement or relationship to potentially be expanded and innovated (L. T. Smith, 2012). This closely negotiated space between Indigenous peoples, such as that of Māori and Pacific peoples, is also referred to by Allen (2012) in his book Trans-Indigenous. Having described work to date on combining Māori and PRMs, we will now present our proposal – the Tangata Hourua Framework.
Tangata Hourua Framework – strength in combining
To explain the name of this framework, we first ponder the historical Polynesian debate on whether a waka (canoe) or a whare (house) should be built first, as conceptually they are upturned versions of the other (Brown, 2009). This debate is based on shared ancestry, as both waka and whare are highly regarded structures in Polynesian architectural culture, connected by the fundamental skills needed to build them and their high value for both their intended dual purposes (Refiti, 2002). In contemplating this debate, it was decided to build a waka hourua (double-hulled canoe) first, which requires, like a framework, the correct resources and order of events to ensure the right construction (Chun & Racoma, 1995). Traditionally, waka hourua were built to be sturdier, to withstand the longer journeys from the broader Pacific oceans to Aotearoa (Figure 1). Thus, the waka has inspired the name Tangata Hourua for a framework in which peoples and worldviews Indigenous to the Pacific are brought together, utilising two hulls to make a waka and strengthening the means with which their journey or research achieves the intended destination and outcome.

A waka hourua (double-hulled canoe). Drawing by Hone (2021a). The combination of the double hull formation represents the strength needed for intended purposes, such as the multiple vast oceanic journeys around the wider Pacific region to Aotearoa (New Zealand) historically undertaken by Māori. Each hull of the waka hourua has designs that are unique to Māori and Pacific people, showing not only the uniqueness but the shared relations that were built during these journeys and continue to the Aotearoa context of today.
Importantly, drawing on these two cultural approaches allows not only a natural recognition of cohesive strengths and similarities, but retains uniqueness, which refers to the populations that this framework aims to address. These are outlined in Supplementary Table 5, which highlights some of the similarities shared by Māori and Pacific core principles.
Key principles of Tangata Hourua Framework
Te Takarangi: dual spiral that creates space and light; defined and undefined
Te Takarangi (the spiral) is used extensively in Māori carving on waka, paepae (ground in front of meeting house), and whare whakairo (carved meeting house), and is a prominent pattern in tā moko (tattooing) on places of movement, including face and buttocks (Witehira, 2013). In Figure 2, the Takarangi consists of taka (revolutions or rotations) and rangi (heavens or heavenly realm). The double spiral can also mirror the double helix of DNA that has a generational link to metaphysical whakapapa and genealogies that connect Māori to the Pacific (A. Durie, 1997; Mahuika, 2019). The Takarangi dual spiral was chosen to depict the dual purpose and representation of the Tangata Hourua Framework, with the spiral originating from a single point, and splitting to allow space between the spirals that allow the Tangata Hourua Framework to deliberately mirror the reverential space and shared origin of Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of New Zealand) and Tagata Pasifika (Indigenous people from the Pacific Islands). The spirals’ defined and undefined lines, spaces, and core Māori and Pacific values allow an individual’s identity and culture to be represented. The bold lines representing a known or decided aspect of their culture or identity and, in contrast, the undefined spaces represent what has not yet been discovered; defined and undefined spaces allow a natural self-determined motivation to choose one’s own current positioning. A. Durie (1997) and L. T. Smith et al. (2016) explain this as an intercultural, in-between space involving an evolutionary process where distinctive worldviews and knowledge bases relationally engage, expand, and innovate, whilst maintaining whakapapa. Tevita Ka’ili uses the term ‘trans-indigeneity’ in a Radio New Zealand article (‘World’s Indigenous People Gather in New Zealand’, 2019, para. 7), which describes the concept of Indigenous people moving outside of their homeland, resulting in contact with other Indigenous people.

Tangata Hourua (Strength in Combining). Drawing by Hone (2021b). The dual spiral design has been used to depict core Kaupapa Māori (Māori principles) and Pacific values within the Tangata Hourua Framework. Commonly used Māori and Pacific designs have been embedded within the spiral to visually position their relationship with each other. The larger twin designs represent whale tales, which signify reciprocal movement within the framework. (ako Māori, culturally preferred pedagogy; aroha, to love, feel compassion, empathise; kaitiakitanga, guardianship; kaupapa, collective vision; kia piki ake i ngā raruraru o te kainga, socio-economic mediation; mana, authoritative, valid, respect; manaakitanga, showing respect and care for others; noa, without restraint or conditions; taonga tuku iho, cultural aspirations; tapu, sacredness, restricted; tika, to be correct, right, just or fair; tikanga, correct procedure, custom, practice; tino rangatiratanga, self-determination; wairua, spirituality; whakapapa, family connections; whanau, extended family; whanaungatanga, relationships)
It was what it was, Is what it is, It will be what it will be
L. T. Smith (2011) contends that Indigenous research theory has had its own particular journey, which the Tangata Hourua Framework attempts to support. Each step is outlined as follows.
It was what it was: recognises that Māori and other Indigenous people’s ways of understanding and knowing were, and are, subject to colonisation (O’Sullivan, 2001), which in Aotearoa has resulted in health, education, welfare, employment, living standards, cultural identity, and social connectedness inequities shared by Māori and Pacific peoples (Carter et al., 2009; Dorling, 2019).
Is what it is: acknowledges Māori as Tangata Whenua of Aotearoa, placing Māori methodologies, frameworks, and models at the centre of all research in Aotearoa. This has been acknowledged by incorporating the give-way rule (Airini et al., 2010; Naepi, 2015) to address the need for Māori to be front and centre in the creation and development of the Tangata Hourua Framework.
It will be what it will be: articulates the need for frameworks such as Tangata Hourua to address several issues. The first issue is to purposefully create safe cultural spaces that are flexible and adaptable for future use (Cohen, 1998). The second, as articulated by Matire Harwood, is to challenge the status quo (“‘I don’t accept the status quo’: Dr Matire Harwood on achieving health equity in Aotearoa”, 2020) in ways that achieve equity and inform the development of services and systems that advance Indigenous people’s health (Reid et al., 2017).
Strengths and limitations
A strength of the Tangata Hourua Framework is that it allows research of Māori and Pacific people together (Curtis, 2016; Harwood et al., 2018; Naepi, 2015), which is especially important for people who identify as Māori and Pacific multi-ethnic identities, who may experience a sense of not belonging (Agee & Culbertson, 2013; Berking et al., 2007; Keddell, 2014). Another strength is that it is simple or free of clutter, allowing core Māori and Pacific values to be clearly represented, so as to allow those who identify as Māori or Pacific to clearly see themselves reflected in the framework, the research, and the outcomes (Anae, 2001; Grimes et al., 2015; Royal, 2005). A third strength is its adaptability. Future researchers can adapt and develop the framework as needed to be accessible to future generations to achieve and sustain better lives (Rudnev, 2015).
There are also limitations, however, and we do not suggest that the Tangata Hourua Framework should be used for all research involving both Māori and Pacific peoples, as researcher or participant, just in the same way that KMR is not pan-Māori (Rangihau, 1975) nor are Pacific methodologies pan-Pacific (MPP, 2018). However, as this framework proposes, support for cross-cultural partnerships between and among Indigenous researchers can create something stronger, more impactful, and thus it may deliver greater equity (Swadener & Mutua, 2008).
Non-Māori, non-Pacific
There has been and will be ongoing debate as to whether non-Māori and non-Pacific can meaningfully engage in KMR and PRM that is culturally respectful (A. Jones, 2012; Naepi, 2019b). Māori and Pacific scholars alike advocate for research involving Māori or Pacific peoples to be led by Māori or Pacific people (Airini et al., 2010; L. T. Smith, 1992; Walker et al., 2006). There is a school of thought that supports non-Māori researchers’ participation and collaboration in KMR, so long as it is Māori-led (Carpenter & McMurchy-Pilkington, 2008; A. Jones, 2012). If Māori and Pacific people are being researched together, both Kaupapa Māori and pan-PRMs should engage to support Māori and Pacific people’s empowerment and strengths-based interventions (Ponton, 2018) with Kaupapa Māori as a guide to ensure practice is culturally safe (Naepi, 2019b). As Tangata Hourua engages both methodologies and embodies a relational element that allows movement and space for researchers, its use by non-Māori and non-Pacific should be undertaken with the following caveat: if Māori are being researched, then it is Māori-led with support from a multicultural team which may include Pacific people (A. Jones, 2020; Naepi, 2019b).
Conclusion
Tangata Hourua can accommodate, move with, and adapt to the ever-increasing complexities of the growing Māori and Pacific populations in Aotearoa. In addition, this model can be utilised within a variety of domains, including health, education, social service, justice, and the public and private sectors. Utilisation would require a genuine desire for a combined cultural approach that engages Māori and Pacific people in research that positively contributes to knowledge and well-being. A combined Māori and Pacific methodology has the potential to inform robust research into Māori and Pacific inequalities across a variety of sectors and, ideally, help others to challenge these going forward (Carter et al., 2009; Dorling, 2019).
Ultimately, combining methodologies that are Indigenous to Aotearoa with those who have whakapapa connection was not an easy decision. There was an element of fear about getting it wrong, which may lead to paralysis (A. Barnes, 2013; Tolich, 2002); however, as argued above, there were many reasons to continue the journey of research methodology development in Aotearoa. Introducing a new, or at least adapted way of doing research that was both respectful to Tangata Whenua and open to Pacific principles and diverse Māori and Pacific identities has potential. The first aspect of that potential is to build on Māori and Pacific worldviews, the second is to address the methodological tensions in combining Kaupapa Māori with Pacific methodologies, and the last is to ultimately advance knowledge and well-being for future generations of Māori and Pacific people.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-aln-10.1177_11771801221116727 – Supplemental material for Tangata Hourua: a framework drawing from Kaupapa Māori and Pacific research methodologies
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-aln-10.1177_11771801221116727 for Tangata Hourua: a framework drawing from Kaupapa Māori and Pacific research methodologies by Tania Mullane, Matire Harwood and Isaac Warbrick in AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-2-aln-10.1177_11771801221116727 – Supplemental material for Tangata Hourua: a framework drawing from Kaupapa Māori and Pacific research methodologies
Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-aln-10.1177_11771801221116727 for Tangata Hourua: a framework drawing from Kaupapa Māori and Pacific research methodologies by Tania Mullane, Matire Harwood and Isaac Warbrick in AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples
Footnotes
Authors’ note
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and publication of this article.
Supplemental material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
References
Supplementary Material
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