Abstract
Many studies of migration document the experiences of ‘non-white’, ‘non-Western’ migrants who encounter various forms of disadvantage and discrimination in their Western destinations. Lundström’s book tells a very different story of migration, a story whose protagonists are affluent Swedish-speaking migrant women in the USA, Singapore and Spain. The starting point for Lundström’s analysis is that ‘white’ migrants tend to be dissociated from the predicaments of migration, seen as moving relatively unproblematically across borders, or not even perceived as ‘migrants’. Whiteness is, according to the author, consequently downplayed in migration studies. By focusing on Swedish women abroad, the book seeks to redress the balance and reveal how whiteness critically shapes the experiences of privileged migrants in different national contexts and racialized hierarchies.
By bridging migration studies and critical whiteness studies, the book’s aim is thus to shed light on two areas that have so far received limited academic attention, according to the author: (1) the ways in which whiteness and ‘race’ inform current forms of transnational migration, and, related to this, (2) the different ‘expressions of whiteness and their complex intersections with other axes of inequality in the contemporary dynamics of global power relations’ (p. 4). The focus lies specifically on how whiteness intersects with gender and class (and sexuality and nationhood) to reinforce, enhance, but also undermine migrants’ privileged status in intriguing ways. The analysis draws on participant observation and interviews with 66 Swedish-speaking migrant women (and 3 men) in the USA, Singapore and Spain, conducted between 2006 and 2010.
After insightfully reflecting on how her background and whiteness shaped relationships with participants, the author takes us through participants’ journeys in each of the three migration cases: ‘settler migration’ in the USA, ‘expatriate migration’ in Singapore and ‘lifestyle migration’ in Spain. One of the major strengths of the book lies in the remarkably rich insight it provides into the lives of the migrant women studied. These affluent Northern European women are spared the usual hurdles of migration and, what is more, often see their privileges enhanced after migration. Nevertheless, they also experience – to a greater or lesser degree – various forms of insecurity, vulnerability and non-integration in their destination countries. The analysis of how white women’s privileged status is at times overshadowed by more negative outcomes of migration is extremely nuanced, sharp and insightful.
In the US case, the Swedish women receive a warm welcome, which sets them apart from the wider category of disadvantaged migrants. Contrary to common accounts of migration, their Swedish origin raises interest and curiosity among the local population. Their white femininity is emphasized in positive (albeit stereotypical) ways. In this case of ‘settler migration’, the migrant women studied by Lundström can convert their ‘white Swedish femininity into economic capital’ (p. 67) and achieve upward social mobility through marriage or employment. However, this entails a change of status, from pursuing a career in Sweden to becoming housewives or stay-at-home mothers. Some women see this change as enabling them to express their ‘femininity’ and experience greater leisure time, relieving them from the perceived ‘stress’ of meeting the ideals of gender equality prevailing in Sweden and juggling families and careers. Nevertheless, becoming economically dependent on their spouses generates a number of anxieties related to the possibility of losing this privileged status, divorce, unemployment, health problems or infidelity. In this context, the women look to their Swedish citizenship (and welfare benefits attached to it) as a safety net for unintended outcomes of migration.
The chapter on ‘expatriate migration’ to Singapore provides further insights into the complex mix of privileges and vulnerability affecting white affluent migrant women. Like in the US case, the women studied increase their class privilege by becoming ‘expatriate wives’ living in affluent ‘enclaves’. But this also means moving from the ‘dual-earner model’ to economic dependence on spouses, and managing household-related duties. A theme that already appears in the US case becomes crucial here in understanding migrant women’s trajectories. To minimize ‘gendered battles over domestic labour’ (p. 102), these women hire live-in domestic workers to take on household and childcare responsibilities, a practice relatively uncommon in Sweden, which reveals new forms of gendered and racialized inequality. That these domestic workers are also migrant women (from Asian countries) powerfully shows how some migrant women’s privileged position and ‘sense of individuality’ (p. 124) are maintained at the expense of other migrant women. Yet, the Swedish women’s privileged lifestyles are pursued in relative isolation from the local society, and their white femininity is no longer experienced as a resource in Singapore, where local versions and ideals of whiteness and attractiveness prevail.
The chapter on Spain raises somewhat different questions, partly related to the different type of migration we witness here, motivated by lifestyle considerations. Unlike in the previous two cases, those who move to Spain sometimes experience ‘downward’ mobility. However, they gain in terms of climate, lifestyle and freedom from the prevalent social norms at home. Furthermore, Swedish citizenship is retained as a safety net for those who seek to get ‘the best from the two countries’ (p. 160). The analysis of migrant experiences in Spain brings into focus questions of migrant integration and social positioning more generally beyond gendered aspects. Although poorly integrated in Spanish social circles, Swedish migrants retain a privileged status in comparison with migrants from non-European countries. This is reflected in their socialization patterns, revolving around other ‘white’ migrants based on ‘cultural similarities’ (p. 141). The ties they build, however, are particularly with British migrants, or Northern European migrants more generally. This highlights national divisions within Europe alongside, or perhaps greater than, the racialized ones emphasized by the author.
One of the greatest strengths of the book is its exploration of the experiences of white migrants, and how their privileged status intersects with various forms of vulnerability. I was somewhat surprised, however, that the book did not engage more with other studies on white migrants (for example, East Europeans), where distinctions between white and non-white, and privileged and non-privileged migrants are far from clear-cut. Furthermore, participants were mainly sampled through a Swedish network (Swedish Women’s Educational Association), which may explain their similar experiences and (affluent) status, as the author herself acknowledges (p. 25). Recruiting more widely might have resulted in a more differentiated picture of the privileges and insecurities characterizing white migrant women’s trajectories in their various countries of destination.
Overall, however, the book does a wonderful job at exploring the complex intersections of whiteness, gender and class, sexuality and national identity experienced by affluent migrant women in different national contexts. The analysis of the rich ethnographic material is theoretically sophisticated and the methodological reflections are perceptive. With its focus on a neglected case of ‘white migration’, the book makes a valuable and refreshing contribution to the increasingly diverse scholarship on migration, and should also appeal to anyone interested in whiteness or gender studies more generally.