Abstract
What does it mean to be a feminist? Is there one right way to ‘practice’ feminism? These questions have been up for debate among feminist activists and academics for many years. The book, Czech Feminisms edited by Iveta Jusová and Jiřina Šiklová, sheds some light on these questions and highlights the distinctiveness of Czech feminisms amidst the Europeanization of Europe’s many distinct communities. This book contributes to the growing body of literature on feminist identity and practices outside the western context.
In part one the authors address the origins and obstacles of the women’s movement in pre-1989 Czechoslovakia including chapters on Czech identity (Jusová), the relationship between the nationalist movement and the women’s movement (Malečková), the interwar period and the artist Toyen (Huebner), and women’s emancipation and identity under socialism (Wagnerová and Frýdlová). They argue that the specific historical and cultural experiences of women within post-socialist East Central Europe have influenced women’s movements and made the feminisms employed in this region distinct from the feminisms of Western Europe and North America.
In Chapter 1, ‘Situating Czech Identity,’ Jusová addresses the misunderstandings between western and eastern feminists following the end of the Cold War and shows how these misunderstandings led to frustration for many Eastern European women’s right advocates. She introduces the term ‘European Divided,’ which she derives from the term ‘patriarchal divided’ used in critical masculinity studies, to describe how East Central European societies share in the privilege of their relative whiteness even though they inhabit a ‘non-hegemonic, peripheral (but still) European position’ (p. 41). Therefore, East Central European, and specifically Czech, feminists must work within the dominant feminist discourses without playing a role in their creation.
As much as Jusová critiques the West for imposing a specific version of ‘feminism’ on the rest of Europe she does not leave East Central European feminisms unexamined. She argues that Eastern European feminisms would do well to think critically about the intersectionality of oppression and take race, ethnicity and sexual identity more seriously within their social justice platform, particularly with regard to the Romany and LGBT communities.
To further flesh out the historical distinctiveness of Czech feminism, Malečková’s chapter, ‘The Importance of Being Nationalist,’ shows how Czech women in the nineteenth century worked alongside their male counterparts to build a Czech national identity. Due to the importance of national identity at the time, the building of a Czech identity was deemed more important than a collective female identity. However, the incorporation of the women’s movement into the nationalist movement continues to influence Czech feminism today.
In Alena Wagnerová and Pavla Frýdlová’s chapters, they discuss the form that the Czech women’s movement took during the socialist era and the way in which feminist identity was constructed under socialism, respectively. Wagnerová argues that women under socialism developed their own forms of resistance, what she calls ‘emancipatory models’ which were distinct from the ways in which feminist resistance was understood within democratic and capitalist contexts (p. 79). She argues that the way in which the socialist model disrupted traditional forms of patriarchal power, by stripping men of their economic power and officially allowing for equal rights for women, should not be so easily dismissed by western academics. Additionally, Frýdlová addresses the shock that East Central European feminists found after the end of the Cold War when western feminists, holding stereotypes about the ‘socialist woman,’ rushed into East Central Europe with the aim of teaching Eastern European women about feminism (p. 95). Although this chapter highlights the relatively high standard of emancipation of women in Czech society, it also brings to light the ways in which the socialist state used pre-existing notions of masculinity and femininity to accomplish socialist goals without truly breaking down the patriarchal social structure.
In part two, the contributors address gender issues in post-1989 Czech Republic including the contention between east and west feminist encounters (Fojtová), Czech women’s NGOs (Hašková and Uhde), anarchofeminism (Sokačová), sex work and migration (Fojtová), sex and gender in Romany communities (Ryvolová), Vietnamese women in the Czech Republic (Strašáková), the LGBT community (Nedbálková), the masculinities of doctors in maternity wards (Šmídová), the issues faced by retired and elderly women in the Czech Republic (Šiklová), the framing of gender in Czech and Slovak art (Štefková), and issues of gender equality through language (Valdrová).
Simona Fojtová’s chapter, ‘Sex Work, Migration, and Law,’ effectively highlights conflicts between east and west feminisms through her discussion of human trafficking, a contemporary issue for transnational feminist activists. She argues that the dominant framework for dealing with sex trafficking, developed in the US, has focused on regulating prostitution. However, such policies do not accurately reflect how sexual labor is understood within the Czech Republic and can serve to reduce women’s agency and current protections for sex workers. This chapter provides valuable insight into the Czech response to the dominant discourse regarding prostitution and trafficking.
Another example of the different experiences Czech women face is brought to light in the chapter ‘Some Issues and Challenges Faced by Elderly and Retired Women in the Czech Republic’ by the renowned sociologist and former dissident, Jiřina Šiklová. Šiklová argues that those women who are considered ‘elderly’ in the Czech Republic today were in many ways ‘emancipated’ women even if they do not identify as feminists. These women are still an active part of family and civic life. However, she calls for greater cross-cultural understanding among women and a concern for women’s issues globally rather than just in local communities.
The authors contribute valuable insights for those interested in transnational activism, such as how can the uniqueness of each feminism be respected while still contributing to a broader feminist agenda? And whose interests does the dominant feminist discourse reflect? However, while this is one of the advantages of the book, it also raises a problem. By encouraging respect for differences between feminist communities the book does not fully explore the ways in which feminist communities can be bridged and ideas can be shared for a broader, more transnational feminist agenda. In doing so, it unintentionally creates a unitary picture of Czech feminism rather than highlighting the various feminist ideas and practices present within the Czech Republic itself.
Overall this book makes a valuable contribution to the literature on feminism in East Central Europe. The authors not only highlight the uniqueness of Czech feminism, they eloquently place the Czech feminist experience within the broader context of East Central Europe and provide compelling arguments about why the various feminisms that have developed throughout the region should be studied on their own terms.