Abstract
The prominent imagery of Menshen (门神door gods) within traditional Chinese culture has led to the development of a variety of cultural symbols, including military door gods, civil door gods, praying door gods, and other related ones, such as stone lions and Shigandang (stone tablets). This article studies the impact of the belief in Door Gods and their worship on Chinese psychology and behaviour on both a conscious and unconscious level. At the conscious level, from its first articulation to its development into a cultural image and related myths and legends, the belief in Door Gods can be said to have gone through four stages: a primitive worship of reproduction in ancient times, animal worship during the Zhou Dynasty, the worship of anthropomorphic gods during the Han Dynasty and the worship of hero gods worship during the Tang Dynasty. This process corresponds to the four specific symbols of ‘peach branch’, ‘tiger/chicken’, ‘Shēn Shū(神荼)’ and ‘Yù Lǜ(郁垒)’ (‘鬼’: the two spirits guarding the entrance of the house), and ‘hero’. On an unconscious level, the psychological symbolism of the belief in Door Gods belief is interpreted through the Door Gods sacrifice and the Fu(复)” hexagram. Closing the door is related to Kun (坤, the receptive, earth), while opening the door is related to Qian (乾, the creative, heaven). Together, Kun and Qian were held to be in a state of continual transition, one changing into the other, which reflects Chinese philosophy’s emphasis on movement. Traditionally, Chinese people held more than 10 kinds of door-related sacrificial activities every year. Although some of these activities have gradually fallen out of use, the traditional custom of pasting door couplets and images of Door Gods to doorways has been preserved. By repeating the ritual every year, the Chinese gain the strength to protect themselves and their family members. Clinical studies of sandplay therapy have found that the image of Door Gods constitutes a ‘patron saint’ on an unconscious level. Door gods guard the boundary between consciousness and unconsciousness (the inner and outer worlds), thereby protecting the spiritual strength of those who supplicate them. This suggests that using their images in a therapeutic context could help individuals to maintain boundaries and protect themselves. The emergence of the Door Gods image can transform the guardian energy hidden at the border between unconsciousness and consciousness, help the clients keep the boundary and protect themselves.
Keywords
Introduction
Chinese people regard doors as substances and the folk belief in Door Gods contains rich psychological meanings.
Doors
Chinese people often say that ‘food is the paramount necessity of people, and residence is the top priority’. Through thousands of years of cultural heritage, the Chinese people have gradually formed a profound food culture and unique architectural culture. It is said in the Hsi Tzu (an interpretation of the I Ching) from The Book of Changes that, ‘in ancient times, people lived in caves, and later, the sage changed their living places into houses and palaces to shelter from the wind and rain.’ (Yang, 2020, p. 368). This event was epoch-making for human beings. As the entrance and exit between the living spaces and the outside world, doors have always been closely related to people’s living and transportation, which are the most basic forms of material life. In Chinese oracle inscriptions, the term ‘door’ was engraved as
. The top half of the character represents the crossbar that is embedded in the hinge of a door, while the bottom half is intended to resemble two doors. According to Xu’s (2018, p. 79) The Origin of Chinese Characters, ‘the radical of “door” in ancient times was understood as hearing, written in shape as two doors facing each other’, which symbolized that a message could be transmitted inside and outside of the door. The traditional and unsimplified Chinese character 门(door) pronounced ‘men’ in Chinese Pinyin, is an associate compound comprised of two characters, each with the meaning of Hu (户) or single-panel door. In traditional Chinese, ‘door’ and ‘single-panel door’ signified ‘safeguard’, as people believed that doors were gods that protected their homes (Yang, 2000). In modern Chinese, ‘door’ refers not only to the house or the entrance and exit of the house, but also to the ornamentation of building eaves, and independent constructions, like the mountain gate of a temple or the gate of the capital, among others. Besides, the character ‘door’ in Chinese may connote a family clan (Wang, 1996, p. 139).
Thus, ‘door’ carries many meaning connotations in Chinese, such as the door of a house, of a country, of a city, of a palace, of a jail, of a temple, or of a school. Likewise, The Bible associated many words and images with the meaning of ‘door’, like ‘sheep gate’, ‘fish gate’, ‘valley gate’ and ‘fountain gate’. According to Fang (2004, p. 77), the more precious substances a nation holds, the more delicate its language segmentation will be, which its psychology will develop in accordance with. That is to say that both in Chinese and other cultures, doors provide a material basis that is of societal and psychological significance. Doors provide material basis for the society – ranging from families, tribes to the nation, and offer symbolic psychological forms to individuals and communities.
Door Gods
Modern studies have found that the mysticism of door established by Chinese people since ancient times has had a long historical influence (Wang, 1996, p. 1), resulting in more than 10 festive folk activities related to doors, such as hanging lanterns by the doors during the Lantern Festival and plugging willow branches in the slots of doors. These customs have formed a unique Chinese Door Gods culture that is an important part of Chinese folk culture. The expression ‘Door God’ first emerged in notes related to funeral ceremonies in The Book of Rites, as exemplified by the following annotation by Zheng Xuan: ‘Even emperors should pay respects to the door gods at the funeral of officials’ (Wang & Zheng, 2021, p. 286). Although the worship of Door Gods weakened as society developed, the psychological function and belief in them has not disappeared, and continues to be more associated with the Chinese cultural unconscious. Henderson (1962, pp. 8–9) defined the cultural unconscious as an area of historical memory that lies between the collective unconscious and the manifest pattern of the culture, which assists in the formation of myth and ritual, and also promotes the process of development in individuals. At the same time, the cultural unconsciousness is also part of the collective cultural model that is transmitted through the environment before our conscious self can affirm its correctness (Henderson, 1989, pp. 108–109). It may include the modalities of both conscious and unconscious, but it possesses some kind of identity that has arisen from the archetypes of the collective unconscious, the psyche is expressed through the production of various cultural symbols. The concept of the cultural unconscious allows us to begin the long process of becoming conscious of our cultural attitudes in a new way and to view (our) selves with greater cultural objectivity. The oft-used term ‘collective’ in Jungian psychology can now take on greater specificity with the introduction of cultural attitudes and the cultural unconscious (Kimbles, 2003).
When doors were first constructed, they signified passage and protection. While they still serve the function of defence in modern society, the object of the defence has changed. However, different cultural foundations endow the door with different cultural connotations. Contemporary Chinese still paste new couplets and images of Door Gods in the new year to pray for family peace and prosperity. The door sacrifice and worship of Door Gods in ancient China exemplify the complex relationship that Chinese people have had with doors, and how Door Gods are carriers of Chinese cultural attributes (Shu & Shen, 2012, p. 14). For example, certain national characteristics that endured for a long time, such as being cautious in communication and simple in travel, can be traced back to the influence of the latter (Wang, 1996, p. 4). Moreover, the pattern of Chinese traditional architecture often adopts multiple-enclosed patterns, paying special attention to external defence and self-defence. Thus, Chinese people have formed a relatively introverted and stable character. Wilhelm Wundt, the founder of experimental psychology, believed that the study of psychology should not be confined to the laboratory, but should study social experience, collective consciousness and ‘the history of human psychological development’ in a broader sense (Wundt, 2008, pp. 7–8). While there currently exists an abundance of studies on Chinese Door Gods, they have mainly focused on the origins and evolution of the image of Door Gods, and their artistic expression of the Door Gods images (Wang, 2018). Based on Chinese traditional culture and Carl Gustav Jung’s analytic psychology, this paper provides a psychological analysis of how not only the image of Chinese Door Gods, but also the beliefs, worship, sacrificial customs, and myths associated with them, have impacted the deep psychology and behaviour of Chinese people from the perspective of cultural unconsciousness. The question of consciousness and unconsciousness is a basic theoretical problem that has been debated for a long time in psychology (Che, 1987, p. 1). This study adopts the perspective of cultural psychology by distinguishing between conscious and unconscious levels based on the duality of psychological structure outlined by Professor Guo (1992). In other words, this study is founded on the premise that Chinese culture, as an integral part of the entirety of human culture, has a duality consisting of an organic combination of surface structure and deep psychological structure. Images of Menshen and mythical evolution are primarily concrete manifestations of the Menshen that are presented in mythical texts, images, and archaeological materials. Hence, this study takes this evolutionary process as the level of consciousness. Belief in Menshen and the subsequent worship encompasses an intangible connotation and spirit. This intangible existence is accumulated through the prolonged development of Menshen culture, which reflects the unique survival and development of a nation and has an identical meaning for most Chinese people, as per the concept of cultural unconsciousness mentioned by Jung. Therefore, this study regards this as the level of unconsciousness.
The Conscious Level: The Evolution of the Images and Myths of Door Gods
An awareness of defence and territory is the most basic guarantee of human survival (Luo, 2008, p. 47). The space outside and inside of doors have different attributes. As guardians for transition from one space to another, the Door Gods play an irreplaceable role in Chinese people’s hearts. Throughout China’s long history of belief in Door Gods, their images have repeatedly changed, from the initial images of plants, birds and beasts, to the later warrior generals, and then to countless human-like Door Gods with names (Tan, 2018). In primitive times, the space outside of doors represented turbulence, insecurity, danger, and death, while the space inside implied safety, reproduction, and vitality. Therefore, it was deemed particularly important to guard the entrance and exit of one’s living space. Many cultures have Door Gods customs. For example, the Naxi (the minority living in Southwest China) culture especially emphasizes the guard of entrance and exit. According to the Naxi ancient books, gods and beasts guarded the doors of legendary mountain in five directions (Liang, 2021). In order to enhance the holy power of Door Gods and their protective function, people depicted them through images that they presented on doors and developed ritual practices.
Worship of Primordial Reproductive Gods in Ancient Times
In ancient China, beliefs about doors were related to the primitive worship of a reproductive goddess. Wang (1996) believes that a large number of Chinese folk customs and superstitions related to portal worship and superstition still retain the characteristics of early primitive worship, which may be related to the cultural characteristic of being unable to ‘clearly realize their selves’ and cannot ‘truly distinguish himself from the community he feels he belongs to’ (p.53). Wu (2002) has suggested that the Door Gods culture originated from the matriarchal society, and that the early Door Gods were all symbols of the vulva. According to the existing documents and references, there were no specific visual representations of Door Gods (Liu & Zhang, 2011), but they consisted of a piece of wood or peach wood. Mu (木: wood) referred to mu (母: maternity), 1 and wood was the incubator for arboreal habitats (Luo, 2008, p. 53). Peach trees were the symbols of vulva and deceased mothers, which later evolved into peach-figured gods before becoming animal and human-like gods. During the Ming Dynasty, Feng Yingjing wrote in Volumes of Yueling that, ‘the Door Gods in Taoism are civil and military Door Gods. The former is pasted on the left panel of the door, while the latter on the right like couplets’ (Shu & Shen, 2012, p. 15). The primitive ancestors of the Chinese thought that doors possessed some mysterious power and were vital in communicating with ghosts and gods. The powerful and mysterious vitality of the reproductive organs of deceased mothers was thought capable of assisting in driving away evil spirits and protecting creatures inside the doors. Neumann et al. (1998, pp.45–160) has posited that the countless entrance rituals developed by humans are manifestations of the sacred reproductive organ of women. The doors of the vulva and womb are the original symbol of the Great Mother, and courtyard doors and room doors are maternal containers, that represent the entrance of womb, which is a protective cultural symbol. Among the remains of the prehistoric cemeteries, the most ancient form of door to be found is a horizontal stone positioned top two stone pillars. Above this door is the pillar of the Great Mother. As the cave leads into a temple, the door is considered to be the symbol of the Great Mother, as well as of the house and shelter.
Animal God Worship During the Zhou Dynasty
The figurative image of Door Gods began during the Zhou Dynasty with the worship of animal gods, of which the most common were tigers and chickens (Liu & Zhang, 2011). In addition, the worship of lions, chickens, birds, monkeys and other animals exists. Even if Door Gods have the image of human, the animal god images are still handed down as supplements. The Door Gods worship in Zhou Dynasty has the nature of animal god worship. At that time, people began drawing tigers on their door, because they symbolized bravery and strength, and were thought to protect the family. This practice continued until the Han Dynasty. According to the ancient books of the Naxi cultural minority that inhabits Southwest China, gods and beasts guard the doors of a legendary mountain in five directions (Liang, 2021). The Naxi regard tigers and yaks as their Door Gods, which are also respectively taken to represent the concepts of yin and yang (Liang, 2021). Apart from tigers, the tradition of using roosters as guards of Door Gods was also widely spread, as they are the manifestation of male genitals and ancestors. During the Ming Dynasty, Feng Yingjing recorded in Volumes of Yueling that after welcoming the kitchen god from 11p.m. to 1a.m. on the first day of new year, people usually nail peach-wood and draw chongming bird (the bird, with two eyeballs in each eye, can ward off evil spirits), and paste Door Gods image on doors. (Wang, 1996, p. 107).
The rooster is associated with phenomena like the sunrise in the East, light replacing darkness, yang conquering yin, or the cold winter transition to spring (Ye, 1992, pp. 264–265). It is said that the roosters, Shēn Shū and Yù Lǜ guard the ghost gate together. The golden rooster lives on the peach tree in Dushuo mountain. When the sun rises, the first ray of the sunlight shines on the golden rooster, which leads it and all other roosters worldwide to immediately starts crowing (Shu & Shen, 2012, p. 18). (Figure 1) Stone inscription of the Han Dynasty – Tiger Head with Ring-handle Held in Mouth – in Mi county, Henan Province, picture from Yang & Chen (2021, p. 7).
Worship of Human-figure Door Gods
After the Han Dynasty, the image of Door Gods in China became personified evolving into Shēn Shū and Yù Lǜ (Wang, 1996, P. 52). Due to the unification of the Qin and Han Dynasties, the cultures of different nationalities collided, leading to changes in the culture of the Door Gods. The reproductive power ascribed to the Door Gods gradually faded, and the original vulva symbols were eventually replaced by the images of goddesses, male gods, and national heroes (Wang, 2018). While speaking about gods and ghosts, Wang Chong of the Eastern Han Dynasty quoted from the Classic of Mountains and Seas as follows: In the northeast of Dushuo mountain’s big peach tree, there is a ghost gate. Standing on the left and right are ‘shēn shū’ and ‘yù lǜ’, respectively. They keep watch on all kinds of ghosts wandering from the human world. If a ghost is found to be doing evil in the world, they will immediately tie up the ghost with a reed rope to feed the white tiger. (Zheng, 1999, p. 853).
Since then, the position of Shēn Shū and Yù Lǜ changed from being that of Door Gods monitoring the ‘ghost gate’ to that of the first human-figure Door Gods in China. Moreover, this altered their function from ‘supervising the entrance and exit’ to ‘avoiding ghosts and evils’. (Figure 2) Stone inscription in Han Dynasty -- the Door Gods Shēn Shū and Yù Lǜ
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Hero Worship During the Tang Dynasty
After the Tang Dynasty, the images of Door Gods came to play a closer role in people’s lives, and gradually evolved into the heroic image of valiant generals. These Door Gods were totally armed and fierce, and prevented anything ominous. These figures included Zhong Kui (钟馗), Qin Shubao (秦叔宝) and Yu Chigong (尉迟恭), also known as Qin Qiong (秦琼) and Jing De (敬德). The Ancient Chinese often pasted images of Qin Shubao and Yu Chigong on their front doors (Ancient Chinese people often had front and back doors, always pasted the image of Qin Shubao and Yu Chigong on the front door which called ‘men’ in Chinese). Among the different forms through which Door Gods were represented over time, their use has had the most extensive influence upon folk culture (Wang, 1996, p. 129). In contrast to Qin Shubao and Yu Chigong, Zhong Kui, who is an exorciser of evil spirits, is obliquely pasted on the back door, which is called hu (户) in Chinese. In the seventh volume of The Book of Gods of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism – Two Military Door Gods, ‘it is said that Li Shimin, Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty, was in poor health after he ascended the throne. He was restless at night and had many nightmares. In his dreams, the filthy demons threw bricks and tiles inside and outside the bedchamber. Ghosts haunted and shouted, which made the imperial harem, palaces and chambers turbulent. Li Shimin was very scared. He told officials but said nothing to people in his imperial palace. Only Li Shimin could feel the fear day and night. More than a month later, he could not bear the torment of evil spirits. He called on his ministers to discuss with each other. Qin Shubao proposed that he and general Jing De guard the palace gate every night with arms. As expected, nothing happened that night. Emperor Taizong was grateful for their hard work, so he asked the painters in the palace to draw the two generals in military uniforms. Their images were serious, holding a whip and mace, and were hung on both sides of the palace door. After that, all the evil activities disappeared". (Shu & Shen, 2012, p. 5–6). (Figure 3) Door Gods Painting – Qian Qiong (on the left) and Jing De (on the right) Shixing Bureau of Painting.
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The images of the Door Gods during the Sui, Tang and Five Dynasties were handed down from grotto sculptures and tombs. The relief god sculpture outside the Ta-chu-sheng Grotto of Lingquan temple in Anyang, Henan Province, is known as the earliest Door God in China. With a history of more than 1400 years, the most famous door god figure from the Tang Dynasty is the guard figure on the stone coffin unearthed from Li Shou’s tomb (Yang & Chen, 2011, p. 30–37). By the time of the Song Dynasty, Chinese printing had matured and become widely spread. Under the reign of Emperor Shenzong in the Northern Song Dynasty, there were many records of door god portraits. In Meng Yuanlao’s The Dream of Teokyo, it was recorded that (Meng, 2020, p. 87), ‘near the end of December, the streets were prosperous. Pictures and posts of door gods, the image of Zhong Kui, couplets and image of the door of fortune were printed and sold everywhere'. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Door Gods really began to prevail in people’s lives, and various kinds of Door Gods appeared in competition, involving a variety of contents. Rather than the single or pair of Door Gods of the past (Wang, 2018), the two gods of Wen (温) and Yue (岳) emerged, accompanied by cultural symbols such as wine vessels, deer, bats, fine horses, bottle saddles, etc. Many kinds of door gods existed, including military, civil and praying door gods (Wang, 1996, p. 125–126).
Doors occupy an extremely important position in the daily life of Chinese people. The first book of Detailed Etiquette in the Book of Rites records that, ‘when entering a country, people ask about the customs; when entering a family house door, they ask about taboos’ (Wang & Zheng, 2021, p. 9). Generally speaking, with the progress of the times, the development of the image of Chinese Door Gods image changed from an abstract or divine to a concrete or human form, while people’s manner of worshipping them shifted from deterrence to praying (Yang, 2000). This evolution promoted the improvement of human consciousness, autonomy and mobility. Although image of Door Gods changed into human figures, warriors and spring festival couplets due to the gradual fading of divinity (Wu, 2002). Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the country has undergone significant economic and social progress, and people’s living standards have been greatly improved. With the founding of New China, the underpainting colour of Menshen paintings was changed to bright vermilion. According to Zhou (2002), this change completely altered the function and significance of Menshen paintings. Colour is the most prominent and eye-catching part of national culture (Liang, 1994, p. 218). For Chinese people, red not only symbolizes life, vitality, and passion, but also has the function of deterring monsters and ghosts. Nevertheless, every year during the Lunar New Year, new couplets and images of Door Gods are pasted on doors by Chinese people to pray for a better life, survival, development and happiness, gain inner stability and protection through the Menshen. (Figure 4) Couplets and images of Door Gods images pasted during the Chinese Lunar New Year (Pictures taken by the author in February, 2020). (Note: The two pictures represent couplets and images of Door Gods. The left ones on the left are pasted during the Chinese Lunar New Year, while the ones on the right ones are pasted when someone in the family has died. During the first year, the background of the image and the couplets is white, while the second year is yellow, the third year is green, and the fourth year is red onwards).
The Unconsciousness Level: Worship of Door Gods and the Fu (复) Hexagram
Both door and Menshen are human creations. As mentioned earlier, the earliest object of Menshen worship is the door. Subsequent developments, combined with enhanced human consciousness, witness the emergence of the visualization image of Menshen. Thus, it can be said that the keeper is the visualized representation of Menshen worship (Chen & Su, 2015). As noted by Neumann (1989, p. XVI): the ability to perceive, to understand, and to interpret these images changes as ego consciousness changes in the course of man’s phylogenetic and ontogenetic history. However, irrespective of the manner in which the image of the Menshen evolves, its inner spiritual symbolic meaning remains closely related to the door, the meaning of which is extended the encompass the idea that the door is the heart. This is linked to traditional Chinese philosophy and manifested as the door of change of Tao.
The Sacrificial Culture of the Door Gods and its Impact on the Traditional Chinese Character
As beliefs related to the Chinese Door Gods evolved, the etiquette and taboos respective to the sacrificial rituals directed at them took on a diversity of forms across different regions. Archaeological evidence, such as a bronze animal mask that was found hanging on a lintel, indicates that the worship of Door Gods can be traced back to the pre-Qin period, when the door itself was worshipped as a god (Wang, 2018). The act of offering sacrifices to the Door Gods was meant to protect the family and prevent damage.
With the development of Door Gods belief, Door Gods worship gradually rose and became popular in the whole country since the Zhou Dynasty. The most primitive function of Door Gods belief is to protect the house and ward off evil spirits (Tan, 2018). The activities of offering sacrifices to the Door Gods carry out the ritual of protecting the family and preventing damage. In The Book of Rites, five sacrifices are referred to as being important in ancient China, namely: sacrifices to Door Gods, the Household God, the Earth God (Zhongliu), the Kitchen God, and the Road God. These sacrificial activities conform to the five elements (Wang & Zheng, 2021, p. 67). When the emperor prayed for the new year, he was expected to offer sacrifices to the Door Gods. People offered sacrifices to the Household God in spring when everything comes out of the house while during autumn, they offered sacrifices to the Door Gods because it is the time at which the door is ready to close in anticipation of the winter. According to the research of Zhan (1992, p. 75), the worship of the five sacrifices during the Zhou Dynasty was of a primitive nature, while the worship of doors in the Han Dynasty became part of Confucian ethics and thus national etiquette. Due to this, the worship of the door changed from being focused on self-defence or maintaining the boundary between internal and external, human and ghost, and, good and evil, to being increasingly imbued with moral meaning. As long as the things and people related to doors could enter the ranks of the Door Gods, there was no fixed time limit for sacrifice, and the purpose of the latter gradually changed from that of exorcism to blessing. It is recorded in the Shunde County Annals in the 15th year of Qianlong reign of the Qing Dynasty that ‘on Chinses New Year’s Eve, people will clean the house, replace the painting of Chinese Menshen and couplets, and burn firecrackers to worship Menshen’. (Zhao, 1999, p. 146). During the Qing Dynasty, people held more than 10 kinds of related customs and sacrificial activities for the Door Gods every year.
Today, the sacrifices to the Door Gods have been largely simplified. Most people only hold these sacrificial ceremonies during the spring Festival. In addition to pasting images of Door Gods and couplets on doorways, those who are wealthy place stone tablets known as Shigandang at the gate of their courtyards. In front of many important buildings, a pair of stone lions can also often be seen guarding both sides of the gates, such as those that guard the gate of the Imperial City on the Jinshui River in front of Tian’anmen Gate in Beijing. Stone lions are usually in pairs, with the left one being male and representing yang, and the one on the right being female and representing yin. Together, they symbolize the harmony between heaven and earth, as well as masculinity and femininity, and thus a compatible relationship that is responsible for the creation of all things (Liang et al., 2021)
The Chinese cultural tradition has formed many norms and taboos related to doors throughout its history. The emphasis on ‘family status’ and the taboo of doors have strictly controlled people’s contact, forming a tradition of ‘less communication and less interpersonal connection’ (Wei & Wang, 2011). This tradition of doors imprinted in the Chinese cultural gene is the cultural basis that made China’s government call for the successful home quarantine during the outbreak of COVID-19 in early 2020. The research of Li Yiyuan and Yang Guoshu found that Chinese individuals tend to adopt a coordinated and harmonious attitude towards the existence of the whole environment that leads them to suppress the expression of any sudden feelings and to conform to their fate. This is because they believe that the laws of nature and the universe should be followed in order to maintain the overall balance, harmony, and coordination at both a micro and macrocosmic level (Li, 1996, pp. 64–67; Li & Yang, 2012, pp.194–201). Therefore, the Chinese regard the act of closing the door and turning inwards to be more of an active choice. This is represented by the concept of hengmen (衡门, the horizontal wood) which is a crossbar embedded in the door that has become a synonym for a hermit’s residence. In this sense, the act of ‘closing the door’ refers to seeking spiritual freedom in order to pursue a natural, quiet, and indifferent life. In doing so, one will eventually achieve the transcendental state of ‘harmony between man and nature’.
The Worship of Door Gods and the Hexagram Fu/Return
The belief, sacrifice rituals, and taboos related to the Door Gods are closely related to the hexagram Fu(复) in The Book of Changes(Xiang, 2021, p. 129). The lines of the hexagram Fu (
) literally symbolize the earth (Kun: the receptive) above and thunder (Zhen: the arousing) that is brewing beneath it. Thus, it represents being prepared to move forward and restart. From the hexagram, it says, ‘All things began from Fu, which enlightened the former kings to believe that the year started from the Lunar New Year, the biggest event of the year for Chinese to conserve Yangqi (阳气: masculine life-energy, it goes to and fro, up and down)’, and welcome the return of the natural law, which consists of an eternal cyclic movement that solves all contradictions and problems. On this day, the kings of antiquity closed the passes and the gate of the city. Business and tourism could not be carried out, and the king stopped travelling through the provinces in order to assess the nation’s long-term development (Zhao, 2015, pp. 55–56).
According to Wang Fusi’s annotation of the hexagram Fu in The Book of Changes, Fu is the root or centre of Heaven and earth (Lai, 2016). Heaven and earth operate in a circular, cyclical manner, the starting and ending points of which are interwoven, causing all things that are born and live to eventually end. The hexagram is associated with the month of the winter solstice, when Yangqi (the returning yang force) is still weak and must therefore be strengthened by rest. Man should follow the example of the natural law in order to return to a normal state of operation. Besides, ‘the hexagram Fu is also the gateway of I Ching. Those who enter the room must start from this gate/door’ (Chen, 2000, p. 26). Similarly, Confucius asked ‘Who can get out the house without going through the door?’ (Yang, 2005, p. 61). There is a close tie between doors and travelling, as the former constitute both the starting point and destination of the latter (Wang, 1996, p. 171). The ‘door switch’ means ‘start and end’, ‘start point and destination’, ‘Yin and Yang’. There are two basic forms of doors – those that are open, and those that are closed. In The Book of Changes, Hsi Tzu stated that ‘Kun means closing the door, Qian means opening the door’ (Li, 1991, p.286). After closing the door, the interior space presents a dark and closed state known as Kun, which represents the space of the Great Mother God. After opening the door, the outer space appears, which is called Qian and represents the strength of masculinity. The harmony of yin and yang is realized through the opening and closing of doors. The Book of Changes states that, ‘Yin and yang are united in the Tao(道: the law of nature)’ (Yang, 2020, p. 340). Two panels form a door, and men and women form a family. Hehu (阖户: closing the door) symbolizes containing all things, while Bihu (辟户: opening the door) symbolizes welcoming all things, which reflects people’s understanding of change and unity. It is said in The Book of Changes that ‘the combination of closure and opening is called “change”, and constant communication is called “connection”’ (Yang, 2020, p. 356).
For Chinese people, the door does not simply signify an entrance and exit, but also a boundary between ‘home’ and ‘a world where everything has spirits and ghosts are everywhere’, meaning a world in which danger is prevalent. The ‘door’ is regarded as a boundary between inside and outside, between human and ghost, between good and evil, yin and yang, and this life and past life (Wang, 1996, p. 21). Therefore, the foremost significance of the door for Chinese people is protection. It is recorded in the third book of interpretation of the Guangya (the ancient Chinese encyclopaedia) that, “the door symbolizes safeguarding” (Wang, 2019, p. 352). Moreover, The Origin of Chinese Characters states that ‘the Chinese character -- “Hu (户: single-panel door)” -- is the homonym of “Hu (护: protection)”’ (Xu, 2018, p. 462). Beyond China, Door Gods myths and images can be found worldwide. Almost all cultures and religions possess two identical demons or gods that serve as symbolic guardians standing at the entrance of transcendence (Liang, 2021), such as the double lions in front of the Sphinx of Egypt that silently guard the cycle of death and rebirth of the sun. The archetypal meaning behind the culture of Door Gods stems, to some extent, from the human desire for security, certainty, and stable order. This was especially the case in earlier times of low productivity, when having a safe place to live was particularly important for human survival and reproduction. As human civilization progressed, Menshen culture is progressively symbolized and abstracted. It is now integral to Chinese collective memory. Moreover, it is employed as a metaphor, wherein its symbolic connotations cannot be separated from the basic function and archetype meaning of the door. By the way of opening and closing, ‘gate’ not only manifests its function of distinguishing the inside and outside world, but also identifies its role in connection and separation. It has further evolved into the symbol of social status and the metaphor for spiritual communication (Xie, 2022). Therefore, the Menshen has symbolic functions that relate to protection, isolation, and communication. This protection is not simply protection at a material level, but also the protection of the inner sacred space. This form of safeguarding is not only relevant to the protection of the external objective space, but also denotes the human desire to maintain inner spiritual order. The need for this kind of internal and external environmental security has given rise to the Menshen and patron saint culture (Liang, 2021).
A Clinical Case: An Expression of Personal Consciousness and Unconsciousness
The Door occupies a prominent position in human life (Xie, 2022), and the symbolic image of Menshen is unceasing in the spiritual world of the Chinese people. The image of Menshen plays a role in the communication between the tangible world and the intangible world. For example, when people encounter things that they do not wish to face or are afraid to face, they express their refusal by ‘closing the door’ in either literal or spiritual terms. This is commonly encountered in clinical psychology practice. Having established the long-standing history and impact of Door Gods in Chinese culture, this section will now offer an example of how the symbol of Door Gods can be applied in clinical work through sandplay therapy (SPT). The latter is a method of psychotherapy and personal development, the roots of which lie in the analytical psychology of C.G. Jung’s theory, While SPT has been used in the counselling environment worldwide for several decades primarily with children, its use has more recently been expanded to include counselling work with adolescents, adults, couples, families and groups of all ages. It has been successfully applied to treat a variety of mental health problems, such as the depression and generalized anxiety disorder, among others (Foo et al., 2020; Garrett, 2014; Liang et al., 2021; Punnett & Canfield, 2020). Jungian Sandplay Therapy (SPT) is a psychotherapy method utilized worldwide.
SPT is carried out in the ‘free and protected space’ created by counsellors. It is also known as nonverbal therapy, as the symbolic expressions of the sandplay miniatures that are used constitute its ‘language’ that enables counsellors to understand the unconscious world of clients. Symbolization happens when an individual’s internal energy reaches a certain level. The divinity or religious content of the symbol represents the inner spiritual order, which can give the individual a sense of security and guarantee the development of their personality (Kalff, 2014, p. 6). Jung once said in his Psychology and Religion: East and West: Those symbols that point to wholeness can lead the unconscious mind and posture to the level of consciousness, and bring the effect of release and healing. They are the representation of ‘collective unconscious’, which makes the connection between consciousness and unconsciousness possible. (Jung complete works, Vol. 11, p. 208).
The communication and dialogue that is conducted between the conscious and unconscious through SPT is a means of achieving healing, facilitating internal development and obtaining meaning (Liang et al., 2021). Therefore, when the images of the sandplay are presented, they usually follow delayed interpretation instead of immediate interpretation. Only when the Self is revealed through symbolic language can it develop healthily on this basis.
A case study: Miss Wang, a 21-year-old female, unmarried, senior student in university. At the end of 2019, she repeatedly went to the department of psychiatry for treatment due to a skin allergy and was diagnosed with moderate depression. The psychiatrist prescribed medicine for her and suggested that she cooperate with psychological consultation, which she began doing in the middle of March 2020. During this time, she explained that she had been prone to depression since her father’s death in November 2019, which resulted not only in a strong sense of abandonment and insecurity, but also insomnia and a lack of motivation. Sometimes she found it difficult to get up, brush her teeth and wash her face. A total of 30 consultations were conducted, and the first three mainly collected data on and evaluated how Miss Wang was brought up. Her mother was a full-time housewife that gave birth to her when she was nearly 45 years old, making her the second child of the family. When Miss Wang was a child, her mother was strict with her. By contrast, despite being very busy, her father always spent time with her and provided her with a lot of love and support, especially when she took the college entrance examination as an art student. Besides, Miss Wang has a sister who is 15 years older than her. Her sister lived another city for university studies, when Miss Wang was about 3 years old. After graduating, Miss Wang’s sister settled down in other places, while she remained with her parents, which has limited the communication between them.
During the 19th consultation, Miss Wang took the initiative of setting the sandplay table. First, she stroked the sand with her hands repeatedly. A few minutes later, she went to the sand rack and carefully selected the sandplay miniatures. She would take several each time. Then she placed a fence and a door close to the counsellor. The door was open, and an old man was guarding the door. Miss Wang said that this was a small town far away from the modern city and named Paradise Island. There were beautiful houses and residents that were familiar with one another in it. The old man at the gate was the patron saint of the town and had been guarding there for many years. Miss Wang picked up the model of the patron saint and said to the counsellor: ‘This is the patron saint of my spiritual world. Maybe today this fence door is open so that I can talk to you about my feelings towards my father. For a long time, I’ve been reluctant to talk about the death of my father, to you or to my mother, sister or anyone else. In my heart, my father has always been like a mountain, always supporting me. When my father was ill, I was planning to go abroad for further study. He has always supported me to do what I like. When he was diagnosed with cancer and was hospitalized, my family kept it from me until he was about to die. I didn’t expect that my father, who was like a mountain in my heart, would suddenly fall down and leave the world in just three months after being diagnosed. I’ll never forget seeing him the last time in the ICU. He was skinny, but he still tried to comfort me, “My dear daughter, don’t cry. I will always be watching you in the sky. I hope you may keep yourself happy all the time’.
Miss Wang sobbed at the end of this narration, and then was silent for a short time. The counsellor accompanied her to feel this emotion. As the counsellor cannot change the fact that her father has died or eliminate the pain that this has caused, the only thing that can be done is to assist her through the mourning process by working through the images that emerge during her sandplay, thereby integrating the conscious and unconscious content of her mind. (Figure 5) Pictures of Ms. Wang’s sandplay table from Zhuhai, China, a cicada (Pictures taken by the author in July, 2020).
After a moment of silence, Miss Wang said: The Song Dynasty is in the upper left corner. Do you see the stone lion at the gate? This is the Door God who guards the famous painting Riverside Scene at Qingming Festival. After passing through the Door Gods, the residents of the small town can travel through the painting. It seems that I had a vague impression of this scene in my mind before, but after setting the sandplay table, my impression becomes clear. This part guarded by the stone lion Door Gods is the source of my artistic creation. Many people have praised me for my painting talent since I was a child, but this praise did not make me feel very happy. Now, I know that my father gave me enough freedom and support to choose my favourite art career. He has always guarded my spiritual world. After he died, I once fell into decadence and lost confidence in my life and career, and became unwilling to communicate with my mother and sister, or with my friends. I completely closed my heart. Now I seem to be able to find some strength. Maybe I can open myself again.
The sudden death of Miss Wang’s father was a major trauma that positioned her in a period of grief and broken her original inner psychological world. Overwhelming sadness is difficult to accept on the conscious level. She responded in an evasive way, and her state began expressing itself physically on an unconscious level. Firstly, through a hypersensitivity of the skin. Skin is a very important barrier of self-protection. Skin is critical in the evolution of the infant’s sense of a bounded internal space that is separated from the external world. Skin allergies indicate that this self-protection barrier has been damaged. When the defences of the self are operative the processes of deintegration–reintegration are interfered with, and the unfolding of archetypal and symbolic experience is thwarted. Tustinas and Bick have emphasized that the defences of the self are often experienced in a sensory and bodily way – when bodily defences are dominant in the personality, emotional development can be severely impacted (Brain, 2020). When the sandplay table was finished, Miss Wang realized that she could begin facing her inner feelings, as exemplified by her statement that ‘This door is for my protection, and now I’m willing to open it to you’.
As with the image of the ‘door’ in the Oracle Bone Inscriptions, the door is not completely closed. In other words, it is also a medium for communication between the inside and outside (Xie, 2020). The Chinese aesthetician Zong (2008, pp. 33–48) has suggested that ancient architectural ideas, such as doors and windows, are related to the ‘Li Hexagram’ that is based on the social function of architecture. Chinese people communicate with the outside world through doors and windows. Her previous unwillingness to open the heart (心:
) corresponds to the Chinese character men (stuffy). In Oracle script, it is written as
(闷: 门+心), which is a combination of men (door:
) and xin (heart:
). It means that one has locked their heart, making themselves unhappy due to a poor communication of their emotions. There are more than 10 collocations of ‘door’ in The Origin of Chinese Characters, most of which mean ‘closure’. When Miss Wang became willing to open the door, it enabled the unconscious content of her mind to communicate with the conscious ones.
During the subsequent consultation, Miss Wang recounted many memories and details of her father and organized her feelings of love, hate and guilt towards him. She had always blamed herself for not being able to take care of him when he was ill. She had also resented how her parents and sister concealed the fact that he was sick from her, as it made her feel as though they regarded her as an immature child. The image of Door Gods on the sandplay table can help clients to maintain the order of their inner world, as it symbolizes self-healing through a protective force, as well as the return of spiritual energy that lies hidden at the border between unconsciousness and consciousness. At the same time, opening the door in the sandplay table signifies building a sense of trust and security with the counsellor, and being willing to face, talk about, and deal with trauma in the company of the counsellor and under the protection of the Door Gods. Since undergoing these consultations, Miss Wang’s physical symptoms have been significantly alleviated – her skin allergy symptoms almost no longer appear, and she sleeps much better than before. This manifestation of an inner conflict is transferred to the outside may be said to demonstrate how sandplay promotes the realization of the transcendental function. Whenever a latent unconscious content pushes up into consciousness, it appears first as a twofold oneness. For this reason, nearly all cosmogonies begin their tales of the emergence of world-consciousness with a duality (Franz, 1974, p. 92).
Conclusion and Discussion
Although culture is highly fluid and changes continuously over time, it is nevertheless stable in the sense that much of its content can be inherited across generations (Steven, 2021, p. 87). The concept of Door Gods, which can be found in many cultures, is based on communication and fulfils the role of maintaining the space security and order within a space, thereby preventing conflicts and chaos. Western Door Gods tend to be in charge of opening and closing the heavenly gate. This is the case with Janus, the ancient Roman Door Gods that holds a key in one hand and a cane in the other to symbolize opening and starting. Janus is regarded as the god of all beginnings, whose function is not limited to doors as he is also the patron saint of travellers. Future research on Door Gods should expand to include the cultural image of patron saints. Many cultures have their own national or tribal patron saints. For example, Liang’s (2021) doctoral dissertation found that the Naxi people still regard wamao (tile-cat) as the patron saint of their families; thus, nearly every Naxi family puts one on their roof. By exploring the connotations behind these cultural images, future research may gain a deeper understanding of their impact on people’s psychological mechanisms.
Compared to Western examples like Janus, Chinese Door Gods are endowed with more functions of protection and defence, and place more emphasis on family protection. As the culture of Chinese Door Gods has proved capable of maintaining people’s psychological stability and security over time, it has endured to the present day. Indeed, the symbolic meaning of the archetypal image of Door Gods has been an important source of inspiration for the clinical practice of psychological counselling, and has emphasized the importance of the stability of the counselling setting and the protection of boundaries. That is to say, that the clinical application of Door Gods, such as it is done via sandplay therapy, has demonstrated how the stability of the counselling setting ensures the stability of security and the consultation relationship, as well as how the protection of boundaries is of great significance to people’s inner psychology. When an individual’s boundary is stable and safe, it serves as a silent background to their life. Although the boundary plays an important role, it is difficult to attract people’s attention. It is ‘dumb’ but not nonexistent (Bleger, 1967). Kalff (2014) once said:
Real freedom must have its border, and only within the border can transformation happen. The boundary which matches the individual is very important. When the energy becomes boundless, there is no way to transform it. Only in the boundary can the energy complete the positive transformation needed by the individual (p.7).
The development of symbolization processes throughout the evaluation of a patient is dependent upon the analyst’s capacity to maintain a symbolic attitude that provides a secure internal space in which the meanings of images, reveries, memories and sensory experiences can unfold and take shape in the potential space of the analytical encounter (Brian, 2020). This further serves to promote the client’s willingness to communicate their unconscious fantasies to the analyst, allowing for the gradual unification between the conscious and unconscious content of their minds.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
