‘Strong is the new skinny’: A content analysis of #fitspiration images on Instagram

Abstract

‘Fitspiration’ is an online trend designed to inspire viewers towards a healthier lifestyle by promoting exercise and healthy food. This study provides a content analysis of fitspiration imagery on the social networking site Instagram. A set of 600 images were coded for body type, activity, objectification and textual elements. Results showed that the majority of images of women contained only one body type: thin and toned. In addition, most images contained objectifying elements. Accordingly, while fitspiration images may be inspirational for viewers, they also contain a number of elements likely to have negative effects on the viewer’s body image.

Keywords

body image content analysis fitspiration Instagram social networking sites

An extensive research literature has documented links between exposure to media images portrayed in fashion magazines or on television and body dissatisfaction or disordered eating (for meta-analyses, see Grabe et al., 2008; Groesz et al., 2002). Likewise, a smaller body of correlational research has demonstrated a link between time spent on the Internet and body image disturbance in adult and adolescent women (Bair et al., 2012; Tiggemann and Miller, 2010; Tiggemann and Slater, 2013, 2014). More recently, research attention has turned to one particular form of Internet use, namely, social networking sites. These (e.g. Facebook, Myspace and Instagram) have become increasingly popular, such that 68 per cent of Australian adults now use social networking sites, with 49 per cent doing so on a daily basis (Sensis, 2015). In contrast to traditional media, social networking sites allow users to create personal profiles, to share photos and information and to interact easily with ‘friends’ in their networks. Thus far, correlational research has demonstrated that use of Facebook (currently, the most popular social networking site) is associated with internalization of the thin ideal, body dissatisfaction and disordered eating (Fardouly and Vartanian, 2015; Mabe et al., 2014; Meier and Gray, 2014; Tiggemann and Miller, 2010; Tiggemann and Slater, 2013).

In a more detailed analysis of activities involved in Facebook use, Meier and Gray (2014) concluded that it was not the total time spent on Facebook, but instead the amount of time spent engaging in Facebook ‘photo activity’ (e.g. posting and viewing photos), that was most related to body image concerns. Likewise, Mabe et al. (2014) found that engaging in certain photo-related activities (e.g. frequent untagging of photos of oneself) was associated with disordered eating. These findings suggest that it may be the appearance-related and visual imagery components of social networking that are most salient with respect to body image concerns.

One recent trend offered by the Internet is ‘fitspiration’. Fitspiration (the amalgamation of the words fitness and inspiration) consists of images that are designed to motivate people to exercise and pursue a healthier lifestyle (Abena, 2013). As a whole, fitspiration promotes health and well-being through the promotion of healthy eating, exercise and self-care, and the overall philosophy is one which emphasizes strength and empowerment. In particular, fitspiration promotes health and fitness, rather than thinness and weight loss. As such, fitspiration has been positioned as a healthy alternative to the Internet-based trend known as ‘thinspiration’ (amalgamation of thin and inspiration). Thinspiration consists largely of images of emaciated women and accompanying text inspiring viewers to lose weight and promoting an eating disorder lifestyle (Ghaznavi and Taylor, 2015). Exposure to thinspiration has been shown to have negative effects on body image in both correlational (Harper et al., 2008) and experimental studies (Bardone-Cone and Cass, 2007).

In contrast to thinspiration, which is largely confined to a relatively small number of pro-eating disorder websites, fitspiration is found on a wide range of websites, with one of the most common being the social networking site of Instagram. Instagram currently has 400 million active users (Instagram, 2015) and is a unique social media player in that it is purely dedicated to the posting and sharing of photos. The website also allows users to ‘tag’ their images with identifying words, making it easy to search for themed content. A search of the ‘fitspiration’ and ‘fitspo’ (shortened form) hashtags on Instagram returned over 28 million images.

Although fitspiration has the potential for considerable positive social influence on physical and mental health, there are several aspects of fitspiration that are potentially concerning. Even a cursory observation of fitspiration images will show that most of the women in the images display a relatively thin and toned figure, consistent with current beauty ideals for women (Krane et al., 2001). The fact that these women are peers (in the sense of being everyday women) rather than fashion models is likely to lead viewers to engage in greater levels of social comparison with them (Cash et al., 1983; Heinberg and Thompson, 1995). In addition, there seems a general emphasis on appearance, with some images containing clearly objectifying features, such as particular poses or focus on particular body parts.

Given the ubiquity of fitspiration as an emerging trend, a comprehensive analysis of fitspiration imagery would provide useful information as a foundation for future research. Recently, Boepple and Thompson (2016) coded the textual elements of 50 thinspiration and 50 fitspiration general websites for dysfunctional messages indicative of disordered eating. They concluded that while fitspiration contained fewer such messages than thinspiration, both types of site contained potentially dangerous thematic content in terms of emphasizing dietary restriction and harmful messages about women’s body ideals. Here, we aimed to examine more broadly the characteristics of fitspiration images posted on Instagram, given the earlier finding that it is the photo-based aspect of social networking that is most salient for body image (Mabe et al., 2014; Meier and Gray, 2014). While fitspiration is designed to have a positive and inspirational effect on intentions to engage in healthy behaviours like exercise and eating well, we postulated that certain aspects of the images might be problematic.

In so doing, we focused on three major aspects. First, we wished to document the body shape displayed in the photos. Although Instagram images are largely of peers, we expected that the majority of photos of women would conform to a thin and toned shape, the current beauty ideal (Krane et al., 2001). We expected any photos of men to conform to a lean and muscled look, the current ideal for male beauty (Thompson and Cafri, 2007; (Thompson and Cafri, 2007; Tiggemann et al., 2007). We also examined the activities displayed in the photos, which we expected to be largely related to exercise. A subsidiary aim was to assess if images contained elements of objectification. Finally, we wanted to analyse the quotations that overlay many of the images for their content and valence, which we expected to be largely positive and inspirational.

Method

Image selection

The sample of images for coding was collected from images posted on the photo-sharing website Instagram. The site was searched for any image marked with the ‘fitspiration’ hashtag. To roughly match Boepple and Thompson’s (2016) analysis, the first 600 images returned were subjected to coding.

Coding procedures

Images were first coded by overall content category: people, food or other. Images of food were further coded as either healthy or unhealthy. Other images were coded on the basis of content.

Images featuring people were subjected to more detailed analysis. First, they were coded on the basis of the number and gender of the individuals shown. Second, the body shape of the individual was coded in terms of both adiposity and muscularity. Third, images were coded for the activity individuals engaged in. Finally, images were coded for the presence of three objectifying features: focus on a specific body part, a sexually suggestive pose and absence of a clearly visible head and/or face. More detailed descriptions of coding categories are provided in Table 1.

Table 1.

Description of coded variables.

Variable	Description	Details	% Agreement	κ
Category	People, food or other	Images of people featured one or more person(s), images of food included a food item and all other images were coded as ‘other’	100	1.00*
Food	Healthiness of food	Healthy (high nutritional value and/or low in fat/kilojoules, e.g., smoothies and salads) or unhealthy (low nutritional value and/or high in fat/kilojoules, e.g., burgers, pizza and fries)	100	1.00*
Gender	The gender of the individual(s)	Male, female or both (where two or more people of different genders were present)	100	1.00*
Adiposity	The individual’s physical build (level of visible fat)	Thin (slight frame with little to no visible fat stores), average (medium frame with moderate level of visible fat) or overweight (high level of excess fat)	94.1	0.89*
Muscularity	The individual’s level of muscular definition	Little to none, visible definition or high-level definition. This may have been unable to be determined due to the framing of the image or clothing covering the body	88.2	0.83*
Action	The action the individual is carrying out in the image	Posing (fitness related, e.g., in fitness clothes or at the gym), posing (fitness unrelated), engaging in a fitness activity (e.g. lifting weights, doing yoga or running), posing in a fitness modelling competition or posing for a before and after photo	94.1	0.91*
Objectification	Presence or absence of elements of objectification	Images featured one or more of the following aspects of objectification:
		A specific body part is the main focus of the image	88.2	0.76*
		Posing in a sexy manner (e.g. alluring/sultry gaze, winking or arching back)	94.1	0.93*
		Individual’s head and/or face absent or not clearly visible	100	1.00*
Quotation content	The content and implied intention of the text	Inspirational (fitness related) – might motivate someone to improve their life and make positive changes in terms of fitness, exercise, diet, weight, muscles or appearance (explicitly mentioned);Inspirational (unrelated to fitness) – might motivate someone to improve their life and make positive changes in an unspecified way;Other – any other text (e.g. joke or promotional)	94.1	0.89*
Dysfunctional quotation	Presence or absence of dysfunctional element in quotation	Quotation that could be taken ‘too far’ or to the extreme – might encourage unhealthy or excessive attitudes and behaviours towards the body, diet or exercise	94.1	0.63*

p < 0.01.

Images containing quotations (regardless of category) were coded on the basis of the content of the quotation. Quotations were coded as fitness-related inspirational, inspirational in a general sense (i.e. not explicitly related to fitness) or other. In addition, a separate judgement was made as to whether the quotation might be considered potentially dysfunctional in encouraging unhealthy, extreme or perfectionist behaviours or attitudes towards the body, exercise or diet.

Coding reliability

A codebook with instructions and examples was created for use during the coding process. Using this codebook, 10 per cent (n = 60) of the images were coded independently by a second coder. As it can be seen in Table 1, this produced high levels of agreement on all variables. The total agreement level across all judgements of 96.3 per cent indicated a high level of inter-coder reliability.

Results

Overall content category

The majority of images were of people (63.7%), followed by food (19.0%), and other (17.3%). Of the food images, most (91.2%) were of healthy food items, such as fruit smoothies or protein shakes. Images categorized as ‘other’ were mostly backgrounds (plain or patterned) for quotations (41.4%), followed by statistics (14.4%), and pictures of gym equipment (11.5%) or exercise clothing (8.7%).

Images of people: physical characteristics

The majority of images containing people were of women (67.3%), but fully 28.8 per cent were of men, and 3.9 per cent contained both. By far the great majority of images featured just one person (92.6% women, 83.6% men).

With respect to body shape, Table 2 presents both the adiposity and muscularity of the women and men in the images. Where images featured multiple people, each individual was coded separately. It can readily be seen that the majority of women featured were thin (75.2%) and had a visible level of muscle tone (56.2%). For men, the great majority was of average build (98.6%) and most had a high level of muscularity (60.0%).

Table 2.

Body shape (adiposity and muscularity) of image by gender.

	Women (N = 290)	Men (N = 145)
Adiposity, n (%)
Thin	218 (75.2)	0 (0)
Average	50 (17.2)	143 (98.6)
Overweight	22 (7.6)	2 (1.4)
Muscularity, n (%)
Little to none	25 (8.6)	1 (0.7)
Visible	163 (56.2)	45 (31.0)
High level	31 (10.7)	87 (60.0)
Unable to determine	71 (24.5)	12 (8.3)

Activities and objectification

The activities depicted in the images are presented in Table 3. It can be seen that most images were posed shots. Approximately one quarter (25.7% women, 27.3% men) showed people engaged in some exercise activity.

Table 3.

Actions and objectification by gender.

	Women (N = 257)	Men (N = 110)
Action, n (%)
Posing (not fitness related)	90 (35.0)	34 (30.9)
Posing (fitness related)	83 (32.3)	45 (40.9)
Engaging in fitness activity	66 (25.7)	30 (27.3)
Fitness modelling competition	2 (0.8)	0 (0)
Before and after shots	16(6.2)	1(0.9)
Objectification, n (%)
Some degree objectification	139 (54.1)	71 (64.5)
Body part main focus	129 (50.2)	68 (61.8)
Sexy posing	66 (25.7)	12 (10.9)
Face/head not clearly visible	80 (31.1)	25 (22.7)

In terms of objectification, the majority of images (56.0%) featured at least one of the specified aspects of objectification. This was the case for both women (54.1%) and men (64.6%). As it can be seen in Table 3, a body part (e.g. the abdominal muscles) was the focus of most of the images, and the face/head was not clearly visible in a number. A ‘sexy’ pose was adopted by a quarter (25.7%) of women in the images, compared to just over 10 per cent of men.

Quotations

Of the total set of images, 17.6 per cent featured quotations. The majority of these were positive and general in nature (58.5%), followed by inspirational quotations that were fitness related (39.6%). Of all the quotations, 11.3 per cent were judged as potentially dysfunctional in encouraging extreme or excessive behaviours. Exemplars of each of these types of quotation are provided in Table 4.

Table 4.

Examples of quotations.

Quotation/text	Examples
Inspirational (fitness related) (39.6%)	‘To change your body you must first change your mind’
Inspirational (fitness related) (39.6%)	‘I don’t want another girl’s body. I want my body, but leaner, stronger, and healthier’
	‘The best excuse not to go to the gym is that you just got back’
Inspirational (unrelated to fitness) (58.5%)	‘You must be willing to do something you have never done before to get to where you have never been before’
Inspirational (unrelated to fitness) (58.5%)	‘Do something today that your future self will thank you for’
	‘Wake up with determination, go to bed with satisfaction’
Other/miscellaneous (1.9%)	‘This could be us but we eat chipotle, pizza, French fries and brownies’
	‘Flying crow yoga pose’
	‘Turkey sausage, peppers, & mushrooms’
Potentially dysfunctional (11.3%)	‘Sore? Tired? Out of breath? Sweaty? Good … it’s working’
Potentially dysfunctional (11.3%)	‘I don’t stop when I’m tired. I stop when I’m done’
	‘Crawling is acceptable, falling is acceptable, puking is acceptable, crying is acceptable, blood is acceptable, pain is acceptable. Quitting is not’

Discussion

This study aimed to present a detailed content analysis of fitspiration images posted on Instagram. On one hand, it is easy to see how fitspiration has become so popular. Close to one-fifth of images under the fitspiration hashtag were of healthy food, while the majority of images were of healthy and attractive (by current cultural standards) women and men, often dressed in exercise gear. A sizable number of images were overlain with quotations that our analysis indicated were largely positive. Thus, fitspiration images do seem to have the potential to motivate individuals towards a healthier lifestyle through exercise and healthy eating. On the other hand, our analysis also identified a number of potentially negative aspects of fitspiration imagery.

Our first research focus was on body shape. What is very clear from the analysis is that fitspiration images of women feature a very limited range of body types; indeed, one body shape was overwhelmingly represented. As predicted, this was a thin and toned body, in accord with current sociocultural ideals (Krane et al., 2001). While fitspiration images may feature women whose bodies are less thin than those of fashion models, they are still relatively thin, in addition to being toned and strong. A large body of research has documented negative effects on body image from exposure to thin idealized images (Grabe et al., 2008; Groesz et al., 2002). Recently, Marks (2015) has proposed a homeostatic theory of obesity in which the thin ideal plays a role in both body dissatisfaction and obesity. Here, the added prescription to be toned, in addition to thin, may well make the ideal even less attainable for most women. Sociocultural models (Thompson et al., 1999; Tiggemann, 2011) attribute the negative effects of exposure to idealized images to social comparison with the ideal. Here, comparisons on both dimensions of thinness and tone are likely to be upward, resulting in dissatisfaction with one’s own body. Furthermore, social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) would argue that these effects should be further exacerbated because comparison targets are ‘similar’ peers rather than ‘dissimilar’ fashion models. This suggestion is consistent with the results of an experimental study which showed that while exposure to fitspiration images led to increased feelings of inspiration to exercise and eat healthily in young women, it also resulted in increased body dissatisfaction, with this effect mediated by appearance comparison (Tiggemann and Zaccardo., 2015).

Perhaps, more surprising was the fact that nearly 30 per cent of the fitspiration images of people were of men. This clearly distinguishes fitspiration imagery from its thinspiration counterpart, as the latter is almost exclusively directed at women and girls. The images of men also conformed to only one body type that of a medium build with a high degree of muscularity. This is consistent with the current beauty ideal for men (Thompson and Cafri, 2007; Tiggemann et al., 2007). Parallel to the case for women, previous research has shown that exposure to muscular ideals also results in body image decrements for men (for a meta-analysis, see Barlett et al., 2008). Future research will need to address the impact of fitspiration imagery on men.

In addition to setting almost impossible standards for both women and men, the limited representation of body types displayed in fitspiration imagery likely has other consequences. For example, it carries the strong implication that only a certain body type can be fit and healthy, whereas in fact a diverse range of body types can enjoy fitness and health. Fitspiration’s avowed aim to promote health and fitness over thinness and weight loss for women (unlike its dysfunctional counterpart, thinspiration) is undermined by the great majority of women represented in its images still corresponding to the thin and toned ideal. In addition, the overrepresentation of particular body types serves to inaccurately conflate fitness with thinness (or muscularity), suggesting that adequate fitness cannot be achieved unless one also looks a certain way. This may lead people to engage in dysfunctional behaviours surrounding diet or exercise in order to achieve the ideal figure, despite being fit and healthy. Alternatively, it may dissuade individuals who do not have the ideal figure from attempting to improve their health and fitness.

The second research focus was on identifying the activities involved in the images and any objectifying elements. Most of the images were fitness related, although only a quarter were of people undertaking exercise activity. The majority of images also featured at least one objectifying feature, most commonly a focus on a particular body part (e.g. abdominal muscles or legs), rather than the whole individual. This was the case for both photos of women and men. Other research has demonstrated that exposure to objectified images is associated with self-objectification and body dissatisfaction (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997; Harper and Tiggemann, 2008). More generally, the components described contribute to an overall emphasis on appearance and seem to attempt to inspire individuals towards health and fitness by promoting the appearance-related benefits of such a lifestyle. Perhaps, such an emphasis on appearance is inherent to a photo-based platform like Instagram, where users post photos, often of themselves, explicitly for viewing by others. Nevertheless, other research has demonstrated that unlike exercise motivated by health and enjoyment, exercise motivated by appearance reasons is associated with negative body image (e.g. Prichard and Tiggemann, 2008; Strelan et al., 2003).

Our analysis of the text of the quotations indicated that these were largely positive, encouraging and sometimes wise. It is possible that they are the primary source of the inspiration people feel. Anecdotally, it is not uncommon to find these quotations (and associated images) used as posters on bedroom walls or as computer or mobile phone backgrounds (Tiggemann and Zaccardo, 2015). However, around one-tenth of the quotations were judged to be dysfunctional. These quotations endorse a more extreme, obsessive or perfectionistic attitude towards health and fitness and explicitly or implicitly promote disordered eating and excessive exercise behaviours among viewers. In this way, our analysis of Instagram images supports Boepple and Thompson’s (2016) textual analysis of general websites.

There are a number of theoretical and practical implications arising from the present results. Together with the results of the one experimental study (Tiggemann and Zaccardo, 2015), the present findings suggest that women (and men) might usefully be educated about the potential negative effects on body image from exposure to fitspiration images. More generally, media literacy programmes need to include a focus on the Internet, particularly social networking media (Tiggemann and Slater, 2014). As pointed out by Ghaznavi and Taylor (2015) in their analysis of thinspiration images, it also needs to be noted that effects cannot be inferred from a content analysis. Put differently, a content analysis cannot determine whether the concerning aspects of fitspiration images identified actually have the presumed (or any) effect on those viewing them. In addition, the size and nature of effects are likely to depend on individual characteristics of the viewer (e.g. level of perfectionism). Finally, in contrast to fashion magazines, the photographic imagery occurring on Instagram or other social networking platforms is not (in the main) posted by commercial interests, but rather by ‘ordinary’ individuals. Future research could usefully examine the characteristics and motivations of individuals who post fitspiration images to Instagram, as well as the gratifications they receive, for example, whether sharing photos engenders a sense of empowerment. Such research could take the form of interviews or focus groups, but might be able to develop novel methodologies using the Instagram platform itself.

Like all studies, the present findings need to be interpreted in the context of a number of limitations. First, the sample consisted of 600 Instagram images at a particular point in time. While we chose Instagram as a common photo-based social networking site hosting fitspiration imagery, future research might usefully analyse fitspiration on other types of social networking sites. Second, content analyses are always limited by the decisions made concerning attributes investigated and coded. Here, we assessed a number of dimensions and demonstrated high levels of inter-coder reliability, but there are a host of other possible dimensions on which to code (e.g. ethnicity, age or facial expression). Third, the images were categorized on single dimensions, rather than in combination. For example, an inspirational quotation like ‘Be the best you, you can be’ likely carries a different meaning when paired with a blue sky than when applied to an image of a very thin and toned woman. Finally, our content analysis looked at individual images. We made no attempt to code the number of ‘likes’ or comments an image may have received, although it is this interactivity which most clearly distinguishes social media technologies from traditional mass media (Perloff, 2014).

Despite these limitations, this study has clearly demonstrated that the fitspiration images posted on Instagram share common characteristics that other research has shown to be negative for body image. In particular, the clear overrepresentation of the ideal body shape for both women and men, the overall focus on appearance, and the presence of objectifying features have been linked to poorer body image and disordered eating. More generally, the content analysis illustrates how fitspiration images have the potential to simultaneously be both inspiring and detrimental to body image. In so doing, the findings provide a useful foundation for future research.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

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