Body image and sexual orientation: The experiences of lesbian and bisexual women

Abstract

Western cultures promote a thin and curvaceous ideal body size that most women find difficult to achieve by healthy measures, resulting in poor body image and increased risk for eating pathology. Research focusing on body image in lesbian and bisexual women has yielded inconsistent results. In total, 11 lesbian and bisexual women were interviewed regarding their experiences with body image. Interpretative phenomenological analysis revealed that these women experienced similar mainstream pressures to conform to a thin body ideal. Furthermore, participants perceived additional pressure to conform to heteronormative standards of beauty since the normalisation of homosexuality and the increase in Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender representation in mainstream media.

Keywords

body dissatisfaction body image interpretative phenomenological analysis qualitative methods sexuality

Introduction

The sociocultural model (Stice and Agras, 1998) argues that body satisfaction is determined by the degree to which cultural ideals are internalised by the individual. Fredrickson and Roberts’ (1997) objectification model suggests that women are subject to objectification and sexualisation by the media, pressuring them to internalise an observer’s gaze of themselves (Rothblum, 1994; Satinsky et al., 2012). Due to these heteronormative standards of beauty, women will self-objectify and monitor their body and appearance, in order to be desirable to men. Sociocultural models, including the objectification theory, are aimed mainly at heterosexual women and do not consider possible differences in lesbian and bisexual women.

Past literature suggests that lesbian women experience less body dissatisfaction than heterosexual women (e.g. Conner et al., 2004; French et al., 1996; Lakkis et al., 1999). However, more recent research has suggested no significant differences (e.g. Grogan et al., 2006; Huxley et al., 2014; Peplau et al., 2009; Tiggemann, 2015), as well as similar levels of eating pathology (e.g. Austin et al., 2004; Feldman and Meyer, 2007). Conflicting results suggest that body image is a multi-faceted concept, which may be different for lesbian and bisexual women than for heterosexual women.

Brown (1987) suggests that lesbian and bisexual women may be protected from mainstream pressures to conform to a thin ideal, as Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) communities reject heteronormative standards of beauty and are more accepting of larger body sizes. Lesbian women are more likely to refuse oppression by mainstream norms of beauty, as they are not subject to a male gaze (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997). Conversely, Dworkin (1989) argues that lesbian and bisexual women have received the same socialisation process as heterosexual women and are subjected to the same images and pressures from the media. Beren et al. (1996) further suggest that the damaging effect of a heterosexual socialisation may be internalised by the individual, counteracting any protection offered by the LGBT community.

Possible theories relating to body dissatisfaction and lesbian women

Affiliation to LGBT communities and internalised heterosexism

Similar to Brown’s (1987) theory, many researchers have argued that levels of body satisfaction may be influenced by the different attitudes within LGBT and feminist societies.

In Cass’ (1979, 1984) six-stage model of gay identity formation, the person finds acceptance and a sense of belonging through engagement with the LGBT community, further isolating themselves from the heterosexual community and norms. By rejecting heteronormative standards, the person is more likely to accept their new identity and develop new ideals that are cohesive to the LGBT community.

Krakauer and Rose (2002) examined attitudes surrounding physical appearance in lesbian women. The majority of participants expressed feeling more comfortable with their appearance and less concerned with their body size and shape, once they had ‘come out’ as lesbian. Involvement with LGBT communities has been associated with less internalisation of heterosexual standards of beauty and reduced body dissatisfaction (Chmielewski and Yost, 2012; Hanley and McLaren, 2015; Taub, 2003).

In other research, affiliation to LGBT communities has shown little to no effect on body image (Haines et al., 2008; Swami and Tovée, 2006; Wagenbach, 2004). Conflicting findings could highlight tensions experienced by lesbian and bisexual women, as internal body shame or negative body image may be seen as inconsistent with the external values upheld by feminist and LGBT communities (Chmielewski and Yost, 2012; Haines et al., 2008; Kelly, 2007).

Furthermore, Szymanski and Chung (2003a, 2003b) suggest that lesbian and bisexual women are more likely to experience body shame and low self-esteem due to internalisation of their stigmatised status. Minority stress and internalised heterosexism are associated with poorer mental health outcomes (Cochran et al., 2003; Herek and Garnets, 2007; Lewis et al., 2002) and increased risk for suicide (King et al., 2008; Wichstrøm and Hegna, 2003). Sexual minority women also display higher levels of eating pathology and body dissatisfaction (Austin et al., 2009; Hadland et al., 2014) due to low levels of self-esteem, depression and body shame from internalised heterosexism (Huxley, 2013; Jones and Malson, 2011).

Internalised heterosexism may influence levels of self-esteem and body shame in lesbian and bisexual women, and these factors may indirectly impact the levels of body satisfaction, rather than pressure to conform to a thin body ideal, as proposed by the objectification theory (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997).

Partner choice and appearance norms within the LGBT society

Different standards of beauty and appearance norms are prevalent within LGBT communities (Lev, 2008; Levitt and Hiestand, 2004; Taub, 2003). Lesbian and bisexual women were found to prefer a larger ideal body size (Alvy, 2013; Markey and Markey, 2013; Swami and Tovée, 2006) and placed more value on physical fitness and muscular physiques than heterosexual women (Aaron et al., 2001).

Discrepancies between body satisfactions could be explained by different sub-cultures among lesbian and bisexual women, such as ‘butch’ and ‘femme’ cultures, which emphasise different appearance norms and levels of femininity. Femininity may influence levels of body satisfaction and internalisation of heteronormative ideals, with more feminine lesbian and bisexual women experiencing greater body dissatisfaction and eating pathology than less feminine, ‘butch’, lesbians (Meyer et al., 2001). Additionally, ‘butch’ lesbians reject traditional female gender roles and objectification of women (Crawley, 2002; Nguyen, 2008), resulting in less internalisation of heteronormative standards of beauty and greater body satisfaction.

Lesbian and bisexual women report feeling constrained to a different set of appearance rules to aid identification (Clarke and Turner, 2007). Eves (2004) concluded that ‘femme’ lesbians often felt frustrated at not being seen as an ‘authentic’ lesbian and feeling unidentifiable to other lesbians. As well as internalising more heterosexual beauty norms, ‘femme’ and bisexual women may feel less connected to the LGBT community, due to feeling invisible and inauthentic, which may affect their overall well-being and body satisfaction.

The role of partner choice may also offer an explanation to the different levels of body satisfaction among heterosexual and lesbian women. Evolutionary perspectives of sexual attraction and partner choice (e.g. Bailey et al., 1994; Buss and Schmitt, 2011) predict that women prioritise emotional connectedness over physical attractiveness when selecting a potential mate, ensuring stability for their offspring. Lesbian women may not prioritise physical appearance in a potential partner, but rather emotional bonds, therefore inadvertently protecting themselves from negative body image (Schäfer, 1977). Furthermore, as lesbian women are not trying to connect with male partners, they may be less inclined to conform to heteronormative standards of beauty (Siever, 1994).

Due to being attracted to both men and women, bisexual women experience different challenges and may prioritise their physical appearance in order to be desirable to men. Chmielewski and Yost (2012) concluded that bisexual women experienced more body satisfaction when in relationships with women. Bisexual women were also found to provide and request more physical descriptors when advertising in a dating page of a LGBT magazine (Smith and Stillman, 2002), suggesting that they may be more influenced by heterosexual relationship norms. Evolutionary perspectives may offer an alternative explanation for differences in body satisfaction between heterosexual and lesbian and bisexual women.

Aims of this study

This study aims to contribute to existing literature by exploring possible factors that may influence body satisfaction in non-heterosexual women. This research will investigate the attitudes of lesbian and bisexual women focusing on body image, body-related pressures, social and media influences and the impact of LGBT communities. Qualitative inquiry will be used to incorporate these factors, as well as allowing for any new themes or ideas to emerge. To the researcher’s knowledge, this is the first study to address these issues among lesbian and bisexual women.

Method

This study investigated body image issues in lesbian and bisexual women using semi-structured interviews and qualitative analysis. Ethical approval was awarded by Swansea University’s Department of Psychology Ethics Committee. Participants were over 18 years of age, female, non-heterosexual and had no objections to being interviewed, which was audio recorded.

Recruitment

Participants were recruited through the Swansea University Psychology Subject Pool, where the study was advertised for subject credits. The study was also advertised to Swansea University Staff and Student LGBT societies and committees and through the student newsletter. The advertisement detailed the inclusion criteria, and interested participants were provided the email address of the researcher.

Participants

A total of 11 self-reported lesbian and bisexual women (7 students and 4 staff) responded to the advertisement and were invited to attend an interview at one of the research laboratories within the University’s Psychology Department. Participants were given the opportunity to describe their gender and sexuality in their own words, as well as declare their age, occupation, marital status and ethnicity. Each participant was assigned a pseudonym by the researcher to ensure full anonymity. The age of participants ranged from 18 to 54 years (mean age = 27) and described themselves as female (n = 11). The sample comprised of lesbian women (n = 4), bisexual women (n = 6) and a pansexual individual (n = 1); the majority classing themselves as White/White British/White Welsh/Welsh/British (n = 10), except for one who described her ethnicity as Indian. Four participants responded as ‘Single’, two were in a ‘Civil Partnership’, one responded as ‘Not married/In a relationship’, one as ‘In a relationship with a woman’ and three as ‘In a relationship with a man’.

Procedure

The advertisement outlined the procedure of the study and provided a brief explanation of the study’s aims, which were to explore body image dissatisfaction and the effect of societal norms on lesbian and bisexual groups.

Participants were reminded that any identifiable information, such as names or places, would be amended, and any quotations would remain unidentifiable through the use of pseudonyms. Participants were also informed that the researcher was a heterosexual woman, as this has found to encourage openness and trust between the two parties (Asher and Asher, 1999).

A semi-structured interview style was used to allow for any new ideas or themes to emerge and to gain an insight into individual experiences and opinions. The interview schedule was constructed around the current literature surrounding body image, sexual orientation, LGBT communities, sociocultural influences and beauty and body ideals. Questioning began by determining general levels of body satisfaction. Questions further developed this theme by asking their opinions on their ideal body, how appearance ideals affect their overall well-being and a historical look at their experiences of body image dissatisfaction/satisfaction throughout their lifespan. Questions then focused on motivations, pressures and any other influences that may affect their body image, with further probing about their level of affiliation to LGBT communities. The final part of the interview focused on how LGBT is presented within the media and whether this has any effect on their body image, their appearance preferences in potential partners and appearance norms and ideals within the LGBT community. Bisexual women were asked an additional question regarding their partner choice and focused on whether levels of body satisfaction were influenced by the gender of a potential partner. Interviews lasted between 30 and 60 minutes and were recorded using a digital voice recorder and transcribed verbatim.

At the end of the interview, participants were provided with a debrief form detailing relevant support services should they feel affected by any of the issues raised, as well as the contact details of the researcher and study supervisor. Participants were also given the opportunity to ask any further questions and discuss the research that is being conducted.

Data analysis

Analysis was conducted using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA; Smith, 1996, 2004; Smith and Osborn, 2003). Following recommendations by Storey (2007), IPA was performed via a series of stages. The first stage was an iterative process of reading each transcript separately and making notes in the left-hand margin regarding possible interpretations of experiences and concerns. The researcher then returned to each transcript individually, and using the preliminary notes, formulated themes in the right-hand margin to encapsulate the original interpretations. Following this, the transcripts were analysed collectively to consolidate preliminary themes into subordinate themes to reflect any similarities across transcripts. The final stage involved grouping subordinate themes together to form a set of superordinate themes. The process was iterative and each theme was checked against the transcripts to ensure accuracy and reliable interpretations. A peer repeated this process to ensure validity and accuracy of the original interpretation. Once superordinate and subordinate themes were identified, the researcher began to select representative quotations from the transcripts.

IPAs

Three superordinate themes are presented: body-related pressures and influences; LGBT pressures and influences; and partner choice and relationships. The themes presented will be supported with quotations from the original interviews.

Body-related pressures and influences

All participants displayed an awareness of the heteronormative body ideal, implicating the ideal body as being tall, thin, toned and flawless. They also perceived the ideal body as curvy with large breasts, while remaining thin and slender. Most participants emphasised wanting to look healthy, rather than too thin, and aspired for a fit, athletic body.

When asked about the ideal body, some of the participants related this to media pressures and referred to celebrities, suggesting the ideal body is tailored around sociocultural influences. All participants were aware of media pressures but the level of internalisation varied between participants. Four participants also related external pressures to other people, including family members and peers in school, suggesting that other people’s responses to body size and shape are heavily influenced by societal pressures:

My sense of worth, my self-concept was hinged on what size I was … to the point that my parents would say things like ‘You will never amount to anything because you’re fat’, ‘You’ll never get a boyfriend’, ‘You’ll never get a husband’, ‘You’ll never get married and have children’, ‘You won’t get a decent job’, ‘You’ll never be successful because you’re fat’. (Carmen, Lesbian)

I think I’m affected mainly by social networking … For me it’s just being fitter I suppose, so when I see someone more toned and defined, I think ‘that’s not me’ and I kind of beat myself up and wonder why I can’t achieve that. (Indiana, Bisexual)

In regard to body satisfaction, the majority of participants expressed low levels of satisfaction, four of which related this to external pressures to conform to a slim body ideal:

I feel under pressure to be slim and to look a certain way as I think all women do, gay or straight … Yeah just to fit in really and fall into this little group of what we are meant to look like. (Crystal, Bisexual)

The participants who expressed high levels of body satisfaction discussed how they have come to terms with their bodies and are now able to accept their bodies for what they are, highlighting adolescence as a time where they were most dissatisfied. Body satisfaction appeared to correlate with weight, with more body dissatisfaction experienced with weight gain in four participants, suggesting that lesbian and bisexual women are susceptible to pressures to conform to a thin body ideal:

I think I have only had a real issue with body image in the last few years, since I have become heavier than I ever was in the past. (May, Lesbian)

One participant also experienced body dissatisfaction as she perceives herself as being too thin, suggesting that there is pressure to conform to a certain body ideal:

I am just skinny, I can’t really move onwards from that really and it just makes me feel a bit uncomfortable … People in general, they are quite critical on people who are skinnier, although there’s a lot of body shaming on bigger people, there’s a lot of body shaming on skinny people too. (Tracey, Bisexual)

Six participants expressed exercise and dieting as a way of achieving a slimmer and more toned body ideal. Out of the remaining five participants, four did not partake in any exercise or dieting and two exercised for enjoyment:

[On dieting] I think I am susceptible to the media perception of the perfect body, and I want to be as attractive as the role models being presented to me … So even though I did say that I want to lose weight because of my health that is only one aspect. There is definitely an aspect of wanting to look better according to these ideals. (Lilly, Bisexual)

Three participants also expressed problematic eating behaviour at some point in their lives, corresponding with times when they were feeling most self-conscious about their bodies:

I went into a cycle of dieting, I went off the diet, dieted often, and got fatter, and fatter, and fatter … I had borderline eating problems in my teenage years. (Carmen, Lesbian)

All participants were aware of external pressures to conform to a thin, slender and toned body ideal, implicating the media as a key influence. All participants expressed body dissatisfaction at some stage of their lives, with just over half of the sample still experiencing low levels of satisfaction in their adult lives. Body dissatisfaction was also apparent in one participant who perceived herself as too thin.

Weight gain also appeared to influence levels of body satisfaction, with exercise and dieting used as a way of trying to gain this ideal figure in just over half of the sample. Three participants also discussed having experienced eating pathology at some point in their lives.

LGBT pressures and influences

Although all of the participants perceived the LGBT community as more accepting and less judgemental, the majority of participants did not feel this offered any protection from mainstream pressures to conform to a thin body ideal. Two participants further suggested that lesbian and bisexual women are at more pressure due to their sexual orientation:

I think you have a bit more of a pressure because obviously you want to be attracted to someone of the same sex, and then you have an ideal of what the sex should [look like], so I think maybe there is a bit more pressure. (Lyndsey, Bisexual)

Four out of five participants over the age of 25 years also expressed that the pressure to conform to an ideal body has increased over time, as there was more acceptance over larger body sizes, prior to the normalisation of homosexuality:

There were a lot more women that I met who were larger and very muscular as well. I think nowadays, I think because it has become more integrated into normative culture, I think there are even greater pressures … What I can see in the social trends over the last twenty years is that identity is being prescribed by the media, just the same as straight identities. (Carmen, Lesbian)

There was a general consensus that there is a pressure to conform to certain fashions and appearance mandates, rather than in body size or shape. The amount of perceived pressure to conform to these appearance norms varied between participants. Some participants stated that they dress a certain way in lesbian spaces to integrate into the community and to be recognised as lesbian:

It’s actually quite important to present yourself to be recognised, so image wise, I would choose things that make me look like a lesbian, but also make me feel like a lesbian as well. (Roxanne, Lesbian)

All participants were aware of different fashion trends among lesbian women, emphasising the difference between butch, femme and lipstick lesbians. The majority of lesbian participants over the age of 25 years did perceive themselves as either butch or femme, whereas the younger participants did not identify to a particular category, suggesting that current trends may be moving away from the butch/femme categories. One participant who identified herself as butch explained how she felt empowered as a butch lesbian, as she was able to escape heteronormative pressures to conform to a thin body ideal:

I had very short hair, tattoos, wore a lot of dungarees and army boots and it made me feel strong, and it made me feel powerful, it didn’t matter what size I was … because no-one could touch me, because I was being a lesbian … I was happier with myself body image … because I was able to step aside a bit from that sort of heteronorm of you know, you got to have this lovely perfect body. (Carmen, Lesbian)

All participants perceived more acceptance of homosexuality in recent years. All of the participants who were over the age of 25 years commented that there is less discrimination against homosexuality than when they were ‘coming out’, suggesting that perhaps homosexuality is now more normalised and more accepted:

I’m nearly 30, and there’s a lot more teenagers who say they’re lesbian now, whereas when I was that age you couldn’t openly say it, was getting bullied or having a hard time, um, whereas now you see them walking hand in hand in the street … I think it’s a lot more acceptable to be lesbian now, especially in schools. (Courtney, Lesbian)

In regard to media, all participants recognised that lesbian and bisexual women are less represented. The majority of participants suggested that lesbian and bisexual characters conformed to heteronormative standards of beauty when represented in the media:

You wouldn’t have less pressure just because you are bi[sexual], lesbian or anything like that. I think everyone has that kind of pressure from a media point. I mean the media does focus on heterosexual women more than anyone else, because that’s the majority, but like women in general will always look at that stereotype, like that idol. (Pearl, Bisexual)

Although participants commented that the LGBT communities are more accepting of different body sizes and appearances, it does not appear to protect them from body dissatisfaction and pressures to conform to a body ideal.

Participants discussed different appearance standards among lesbian women, referring to butch, femme and lipstick sub-groups. Pressure to conform to these appearance norms varied between participants, with many referring to issues with identification and recognition as a contributory factor. Among those identified as butch, empowerment and strength were reported, as well as the rejection of heteronormative standards of attractiveness. Current appearance trends were also discussed, with many participants expressing the disappearance of the butch/femme groups in recent years, and a current trend towards a thin and boyish appearance.

All participants expressed an improvement in LGBT representation in mainstream media. The majority of participants perceived LGBT characters to promote heteronormative standards of beauty, referring their experiences to television series and magazines. These participants also inferred that this media representation can be very influential, as there is little representation of lesbian and bisexual women in mainstream media.

Partner choice and relationships

Out of all the participants, only three women gave a preferred body type in a partner. Among them, the desired body type was thin, but not too thin. Each of these participants believed that this attraction influenced their own body ideal. The remaining eight participants all discussed no preference in the physical appearance of a partner, selecting personality as the main attraction. One participant suggested that personality is an important factor when finding a partner as there is little choice due to being a minority group. Similarly, one participant believed that her preference for personality was due to her sexual orientation, as, being pansexual, she is attracted to others regardless of their biological gender, gender identity, sexual orientation or ethnicity or background:

I’m attracted to people regardless of like gender or sex, so if they’re trans[Sexual/Gender], fine; if they’re inner sex, fine; if they’re straight … that’s fine; just whatever they’re doing it’s fine, I’m OK with it … It probably helps to be honest, because I just don’t really care, they can just do whatever they want and I don’t care. If I like you, I like you. It doesn’t matter what else you got going on. (Sue, Pansexual)

Three out of four lesbian participants expressed feeling more comfortable with their bodies when in a relationship. They discussed how being in a relationship with another woman promoted more understanding and reassurance regarding body satisfaction. However, the majority of bisexual/pansexual participants believed being with a woman resulted in less body satisfaction, as they would compare themselves to their partner:

When I’m with a woman, because we’ve got the same sort of thing … I tend to compare us, so I’m like ‘You’ve got bigger boobs than me’ and like ‘this is the way your body shape is, and mine is different from yours’ … When I’m with a guy, it’s totally different. (Sue, Pansexual)

The majority of participants prioritised personality over physical appearance. Those who suggested a preference, appeared to prefer someone similar to that prescribed by the body ideal: slim, but not too thin. Those who stated a preference for a certain body type also felt that this influenced their own body ideal and body satisfaction. Similarly, five out of eight participants who preferred personality to physical appearance presented with moderate to high levels of body satisfaction, although only two participants believed their body satisfaction to be determined by their preference for personality.

In regard to gender, three out of four lesbian women felt more confident with their bodies when in a relationship. Among the bisexual and pansexual participants, only one woman expressed feeling more self-conscious when with a man. Three of the bisexual and pansexual participants felt more dissatisfied with their bodies when they were with a woman, as they believed they compared themselves to their partners’ bodies.

Discussion

This study explored body image issues of lesbian and bisexual women using IPA. Analyses suggest that body image is a multi-faceted concept among lesbian and bisexual women, of which cannot be explained solely by sociocultural models.

Body-related pressures and influences

All participants described themselves as being aware of external pressures to conform to a thin, slender and toned body ideal, implicating the media as a key influence. Family and peers were also mentioned as influential pressures but related this back to societal expectations of attractiveness. These findings provide support for Dworkin’s (1989) hypothesis that lesbian and bisexual women are as susceptible to body dissatisfaction as heterosexual women due to receiving the same socialisation process. With regard to the objectification model (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997), only one participant felt that their success was dependent on achieving the thin body ideal, suggesting some support for the theory.

All participants aspired to a fit and athletic body, providing some support for Aaron et al. (2001), who found that lesbian and bisexual women placed more value on physical fitness and muscular physiques. Just over half of the sample still experience low levels of satisfaction in their adult lives, supporting previous research that lesbian and bisexual women are as susceptible to body dissatisfaction as heterosexual women (e.g. Grogan et al., 2006; Huxley et al., 2014; Peplau et al., 2009; Tiggemann, 2015). Body dissatisfaction was also apparent in one participant who perceived herself as ‘too thin’, suggesting there is a certain body ideal to conform to.

Furthermore, a majority of participants described exercise and dieting as a tool to try to gain their perceived ideal figure, suggesting that there is a pressure among lesbian and bisexual women to conform to mainstream body ideals. These findings are in line with research by Grogan et al. (2006) who found that lesbian women engaged in similar levels of exercise and dieting as heterosexual women in order to achieve a thinner, more toned, body. Furthermore, three participants discussed having experienced eating pathology at some point in their lives, suggesting that lesbian and bisexual women are also at risk for eating disorders, in line with previous research (e.g. Austin et al., 2004; Feldman and Meyer, 2007).

There did not appear to be any differences between the amount of pressure and the body satisfaction levels, or dieting and exercise behaviour between women of different ages or sexual orientation. These findings suggest that lesbian and bisexual women experience similar levels of body dissatisfaction regardless of age or sexual orientation.

LGBT pressures and influences

Affiliation to the LGBT community did not appear to influence body satisfaction, as six participants expressed low levels of body satisfaction regardless of their attitudes and involvement with LGBT communities. These findings provide support for research carried out by Haines et al. (2008), Swami and Tovée (2006) and Wagenbach (2004), who found that affiliation to LGBT communities had little to no effect on body satisfaction. Furthermore, the majority of participants perceived the LGBT community as more accepting of different body sizes and appearances but did not feel that this protected them from body dissatisfaction and pressures to conform to a body ideal. The findings here do not support Brown’s (1987) theory that LGBT communities offer protection from heteronormative pressures regarding beauty and appearance.

Appearance norms among lesbian and bisexual women highlighted the presence of different sub-groups, namely, ‘butch’ and ‘femme’ sub-cultures. Most women did not identify as either a ‘butch’ or ‘femme’ lesbian; so, it was not possible to explore whether femininity effects body satisfaction. Some participants did discuss changing their appearance when in LGBT environments, suggesting that appearance norms may be an important aid for identification and recognition, supporting findings by Clarke and Turner (2007) and Eves (2004).

Participants discussed how these sub-cultures appear to be disappearing along with the normalisation of homosexuality. Due to the perceived disappearance of the ‘butch’ lesbian, many participants expressed that there is an increased pressure to conform to the heterosexual body ideal. Furthermore, the disappearance of the butch/femme cultures may have resulted in less rejection of heteronormative standards of beauty and more internalisation of mainstream appearance norms and body ideals.

Participants over the age of 25 years also expressed levels of discrimination during times when perhaps homosexuality was less accepted by society. They discussed rejecting heterosexual norms and identifying as a ‘butch’ lesbian as a result of discrimination, describing how this resulted in them feeling empowered. These findings are in line with Crawley (2002) and Nguyen (2008), who found that the butch appearance is related to the rejection of heteronormative standards of beauty. Since the normalisation of homosexuality, however, there is less shame and stigma attached to homosexuality (Ahmad and Bhugra, 2010; Hooghe and Meeusen, 2013), and so, there may be less need to reject heteronormative standards.

With the increase in LGBT representation in mainstream media, many women expressed feeling liberated and able to freely express their individual styles. However, many noted that heterosexual standards of beauty are represented within LGBT media, which may increase pressures to conform to mainstream ideals of body and appearance. Furthermore, in relation to the gay identity formation theory (Cass, 1979, 1984), lesbian and bisexual women may depend on LGBT characters in mainstream media when coming to terms with their sexuality and dealing with isolation (Gomillion and Giuliano, 2011; McKee, 2000), resulting in more internalisation of mainstream body ideals.

Partner choice and relationships

The majority of participants prioritised personality over physical appearance, thus providing support for evolutionary perspectives of sexual attraction and partner choice (e.g. Bailey et al., 1994; Buss and Schmitt, 2011). Those who stated a preference for a certain body type also felt that this influenced their own body ideal and body satisfaction. Similarly, most participants who preferred personality to physical appearance presented with moderate to high levels of body satisfaction, suggesting their own body satisfaction may be determined by their preference for personality.

With regard to gender, the majority of lesbian women felt more confident with their bodies when in a relationship. Among the bisexual and pansexual participants, only one woman expressed feeling more self-conscious when with a man, whereas the majority were more dissatisfied with their bodies when with a woman. Participants explained that they were more likely to compare their body size and shape with their partner, if their partner was a woman, contradicting findings by Chmielewski and Yost (2012).

Study limitations and future research

Due to lesbian and bisexual women being a minority group, there were difficulties in recruiting participants to the study. The sample included both staff and students of different age groups and backgrounds. Participants were, therefore, diverse in terms of their employment status and represented an older population than originally anticipated. This did raise an important discussion point regarding changes in attitudes since the normalisation of homosexuality, which was not anticipated by the researcher.

Furthermore, one participant did not identify as either lesbian or bisexual. As far as the researcher is aware, there is no body image research regarding other LGBT groups, such as pansexual. Future research should consider focusing on other LGBT groups, as well as body image issues in transgender individuals at various stages of gender reassignment.

Furthermore, it is recognised that although not all participants were students, they were all from a University population. Therefore, participants here were predominately White women with high educational status. Therefore, future research should seek to explore ethnicity in the context of body dissatisfaction and sexual orientation. However, it is recognised that it is difficult to recruit a wide range of diverse women among LGBT samples (Clarke and Peel, 2007).

Future research focusing on body image issues in lesbian and bisexual women may benefit from exploring different age groups to identify whether the normalisation of homosexuality has influenced pressures to conform to mainstream notions of appearance and beauty. Furthermore, future research should seek to explore rural and urban areas to see whether perceived discrimination results in a greater rejection of heteronormative standards of beauty and appearance.

Conclusion

The study presented here found that lesbian and bisexual women do not appear to be protected from mainstream body ideals and appearance norms. Although LGBT communities are perceived by participants, as more accepting of larger body sizes and alternative styles, this does not appear to protect them from body dissatisfaction. Media representation of LGBT, fashion norms among lesbian and bisexual women and partner choice appear to influence levels of body satisfaction. Body image among lesbian and bisexual women is therefore a multi-faceted concept, which cannot be solely accounted for by any one theory, such as the objectification (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997) and sociocultural models (Stice and Agras, 1998).

One framework, which may clarify the results presented in this study, is the gay identity formation model by Cass (1979, 1984). Prior to the formation of a gay identity, lesbian and bisexual women would have received the same socialisation process as heterosexual women, including external pressures from the media. Upon realisation of their sexual orientation, the individual undergoes a process of cognitive and behavioural changes. During this time, the individual may seek acceptance from other LGBT individuals, therefore rejecting the heterosexual society and their associated norms (Cass, 1979, 1984). Since the normalisation of homosexuality, however, there is less shame and stigma attached to homosexuality, and the individual may not feel the need to reject heteronormative standards as they feel accepted within the general society (Ahmad and Bhugra, 2010; Hooghe and Meeusen, 2013). Although they may seek other LGBT individuals during the gay identity formation, the individual may not discard their heterosexual socialisation process, as they have not been rejected by that society. This would lead to the same mainstream pressures as heterosexual women, making them susceptible to body dissatisfaction.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors thank all of the participants for sharing their experiences with them.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

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