Abstract
Low health literacy, associated with poorer outcomes and higher costs for health systems and users, disproportionately affects older adults. In Portugal, 80.6% of individuals aged 65+ have insufficient health literacy. This qualitative study employed a sequential triangulation design to examine television’s role in mediating older adults’ navigational health literacy (HL-NAV). We purposively sampled 112 episodes across seven programmes on four national channels over 13 weeks and conducted focus groups with 22 older adults following curated TV screenings. Data were analysed using content and discourse analysis separately, then comparatively integrated across domains, guided by the HLS19-NAV framework. Findings reveal that televised health narratives are fragmented, biased, and predominantly promote individual responsibility and self-care, offering limited support for navigating the health system. These representations intersect with older adults’ accounts, highlighting gaps and barriers to HL-NAV. Results underscore the need to integrate TV into national health literacy strategies and develop targeted media interventions.
Keywords
Introduction
Low health literacy has been consistently identified over past decades as a determinant of poorer health outcomes, inappropriate use of health care services, higher emergency department utilisation and recidivism, and increased costs for individuals and health systems, with evidence spanning both foundational and recent research (Berkman et al., 2011; Eichler et al., 2009; Okur et al., 2025; Shahid et al., 2022; WHO, 2025). The European Health Literacy Survey (HLS-EU), initiated in 2011, estimates that 50% of the European population has low levels of general health literacy. In Portugal, the HLS19-Q12 questionnaire placed this figure at 30% in 2021. As in other WHO European Region countries, the poorest scores were found in the dimension most critical for effective use of the health care system (HCS) – the ability to “find the right care at the right time in the right place” (WHO, 2015). Overall, 65.5% of the general population exhibited insufficient navigational health literacy (HL-NAV), with 44% in the lowest category of “inadequate” (Arriaga et al., 2022; Griese et al., 2020; Sørensen et al., 2015).
Health literacy is increasingly recognised as both a crucial attribute of health care users and policy lever for aligning cost containment with equity and quality in health systems. Consequently, it has become a central policy concern, regarding health information provision within and outside the health system. Effective communication strategies aimed at improving people’s capacity to stay away from the HCS as well as to effectively navigate it are essential, especially for vulnerable populations.
People’s understandings of health (and how to maintain and restore it) are shaped by lived experiences, social interactions with relatives, close contacts, health professionals, and media sources of various kinds. Improving health information sources is therefore critical (Marques Ribeiro et al., 2025; Özkan et al., 2021), while studies consistently show that vulnerable groups – such as older adults, people with chronic conditions and disabilities, and those facing socioeconomic hardship or social isolation - are overrepresented among those with low health literacy, undermining their engagement with health systems and outcomes (Doetsch et al., 2017; Gonçalves, 2020; MacLeod et al., 2017). In Portugal, the HLS19-Q12 questionnaire revealed that 80.6% of individuals aged 65+ have limited health literacy – more than double the national average (Costa et al., 2023). The DO-HEALTH study further showed that those aged 70+ had the highest rate of physical frailty among five EU countries (Gagesch et al., 2022). As an ageing society, where older adults already comprise a quarter of the country’s population and face multiple vulnerabilities, ensuring their access to appropriate care is therefore essential.
In European countries, television remains a key source of health-related information and representations, influencing the construction and circulation of knowledges on health (Burzyńska et al., 2015; Ferreira et al., 2017). Beyond being a major and trusted source of directly consumed information – as consistently reported by Eurobarometer, Statista, European Broadcasting Union, Reuters – television is a highly versatile medium, delivering health information through multiple formats, including news, talk shows, series, and advertisements (Hoffman et al., 2020; Munguía et al., 2025; Murphy et al., 2008; Scopelliti et al., 2021). Moreover, as social scientists have long argued on mass-mediated societies, “people do not have directly to consume specific media disseminated information for it to enter their lives. Like ripples in a pool, once entering social dialogue, fragments of media representations take on a life of their own” circulating second-hand through everyday conversations (Hodgetts et al., 2005: 126; Lewis, 2021). This highlights TV’s potential role as both strategic ally and potent barrier for health literacy across European countries, particularly among harder-to-reach populations with greater needs, such as older adults.
Despite this, limited research has examined the nature of health information conveyed by European televisions, particularly regarding its potential to support navigational health literacy (HL-NAV) among older adults. This study addresses this gap by exploring the role of television in mediating older adults’ health literacy in Portugal, with a focus on health care navigation, the poorest-performing dimension in HLS-EU assessments and one that is crucial for obtaining timely appropriate care. By combining analysis of televised health contents with older adults’ accounts within a qualitative sequential triangulation design, this study provides novel, context-sensitive evidence to inform health communication and policy interventions. It identifies frailties, strengths, and limitations of televised health information to support the development of context-specific communication strategies aimed at improving health literacy in European populations.
Study approach and methods
The study employs a sequential triangulation design, analysing televised health content followed by older adults’ responses to that content, with integration of both datasets. Both phases are qualitative in nature and are detailed bellow. The study focussed on two domains, also operationalised as research questions:
1. What are the representations conveyed by Portuguese TV about health care and navigating the HCS?
2. How older adult audiences engage with these representations, mobilise and apply them to form judgements and make decisions when using the HCS?
Navigational health literacy: Conceptual framework and operationalisation
As defined in the HLS-EU, HL-NAV encompasses two key aspects: (a) knowing what to expect when moving through the HCS and interacting with health care professionals, (b) having the skills to successfully navigate the HCS, including communication with care providers and self-advocacy. HL-NAV thus involves three levels of skills for health care navigating tasks: macro/systemic, meso/organisational, and micro/interactional levels. The HLS-EU consortium systematised these attributes into the instrument HLS19-NAV questionnaire, a self-report tool designed to assess HL-NAV in adult populations, which has been implemented in several countries, including Portugal (https://m-pohl.net/sites/m-pohl.net/files/inline-files/Factsheet%20HLS19-NAV.pdf; Schaeffer et al., 2021). To ensure consistency with its benchmarks and indicators, we adopted the consortium’s operationalisation of HL-NAV core skill items across the three HCS levels (Griese et al., 2020) and used this framework to examine media contributions to HL-NAV (See Supplemental File: 3).
TV, like all media, is not merely a conduit for information but an active participant in meaning-making processes, producing and circulating representations that shape understandings. This process, known as mediation, is dialectical. Though inherently uneven, due to the unequal distribution of power to control or challenge dominant media meanings, it involves the active appropriation and domestication of media representations by audiences, rather than passive reception (Lievrouw, 2009; Silverstone, 1999, 2009). While analysis of TV health-related content can expose HCS portrayals and how they may contribute to HL-NAV, it cannot alone explain how older adults appropriate these messages, the doxa (Myles, 2004) shaping their interpretations or the processes through which such contents influence understandings of the HCS and ability to navigate it (Hodgetts and Chamberlain, 2002). Hence, the dual focus of the study was essential to fully understand this dynamic.
Sampling and data collection
First study domain
Data were systematically collected from generalist national channels of the four main Portuguese TV broadcasters RTP (public) and SIC, TVI and CMTV (private). A purposive sample of seven daily programmes (three daytime talk shows and four primetime evening newscasts), competing for audiences in similar time slots and broadcast on RTP1, SIC, TVI, and CMTV 1 channels, was analysed approximately every 5 days over 13 weeks, from 1 November 2022 to 31 January 2023.
The timeframe was aligned with a governance transition in the Portuguese health system, a mixed Beveridge-Bismarck model that integrates public (NHS) and private sectors aiming to achieve universal coverage. This period marked a pivotal shift driven by widespread dissatisfaction among civil society and health care professionals with the continued decline in post-pandemic health care provision. The Portuguese government responded with institutional restructuring and the establishment of a NHS Executive Board in early 2023. The timeframe therefore captured a moment in which issues of access, organisation, and system performance were particularly salient in public discourse, making it suitable for analysing media representations of health care navigation. Media sources were selected based on reported most-watched TV channels and programmes regularly consumed by older audiences and likely to include health-related contents (Comissão de Análise de Estudos, 2022; Rebelo et al., 2008; Statista, 2022). The sampling interval was purposely irregular to be more inclusive, as talk shows often feature scheduled thematic segments on specific weekdays and newscasts tend to use the formula “repeat to digest” elected news across consecutive days.
Out of the 112 TV programme episodes examined, 103 included one or more health-related segments, contributing to a total sample of 280 health-related approached topics, corresponding to 1330 minutes (≃22 hours) of coverage.
Second study domain
A modified qualitative focus group (FG) approach was implemented to explore reception and appropriation of televised health content among older adult audiences in the context of their lived experiences and existing views. Participants were included if aged 65+ and able to attend and actively engage in discussions of Portuguese TV content. Data were collected from March to May 2023, involving a total sample of 22 participants aged 65–90 years, 64% of whom were female, none identified as non-binary. All were Portuguese native or fluent speakers. Participants varied in education, socioeconomic position, and self-reported health status, and while nearly all were retired, a minority remained professionally active. These characteristics were not operationalised for analytical comparison, in line with the study’s interpretive and triangulated design focussed on HL-NAV processes and ethical considerations related to anonymity in a small qualitative sample.
FGs were conducted by two researchers at collectivities’ spaces frequently visited by participants, based on their convenience, in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area and lasted 90–120 minutes. Participants were brought together for group screenings of the same three recently broadcast health segments from the media sources under study, immediately followed by a discussion about it. The format was designed to “resemble” everyday television discussion practices, enabling observation and study of these groups’ response as audiences. Participants were invited to comment on what they had just watched/heard, share experiences related to the HCS, and discuss health care issues of importance to them.
Media contents for the FG discussions were selected for their alignment with common broadcast formats and approaches to health issues observed during the study period, their provision of informative HL-NAV-related content, and their potential to stimulate discussion among viewers:
1. health news segment addressing excessive emergency department waiting times (RTP1, newscast Telejornal, 01.03.2023);
2. health informative segment delivered by a medical doctor addressing urinary issues (SIC, talk show Casa Feliz, 14.03.2023);
3. daytime general talk show segment of “everyday people sharing stories of human interest” featuring a healthcare user narrative (TVI, talk show Dois às 10, 16.03.2023).
Sampling procedures for media content and participants, along with the media coding matrix, FG guide, and HL-NAV operationalisation framework, are detailed in the Supplemental Material.
Data analysis
For analysis, televised health narratives and participant accounts were treated as separate datasets. A combined deductive and inductive coding approach was used, guided by the WHO-European Region HL-NAV framework and the research questions, with emergent themes identified across both datasets. All data were transcribed and analysed in Portuguese by the same researchers involved in data collection, with selective translation into English for reporting purposes. To ensure rigour, iterative coding, peer debriefing, thick description, disconfirming case analysis, and sequential triangulation were applied across both domains. The analytical process was informed by reflexivity regarding the researchers’ interpretive role, including how theoretical positioning influenced coding decisions and theme development.
For the first domain, all 112 programmes were analysed using a study-specific coding matrix (see Supplemental File: 2). Data underwent multilevel qualitative content analysis combining thematic framing and discourse analysis. The former provided an overview of the representational framework adopted by selected TV media sources, while the assessment of the 280 health-related topics’ narratives was expanded through a discourse analytic approach (Hardy et al., 2004), providing deeper insight into their contribution to audiences’ repository of knowledges on health care and HCS navigation and enabling a frequency analysis of HL-NAV-related content across system levels.
Detailed findings on what Portuguese television conveys to older adult audiences about health care, the health care system, and how these representations inform HL-NAV will be published separately. This article focuses instead on the comparison method, which involves juxtaposing emerging issues across the two data sets–televised health contents and participant accounts–each initially analysed separately using the same discourse analytical approach. This comparative analysis enabled the exploration of alignments and divergences, overlaps and gaps in understandings, moving from descriptive to higher-order interpretive categories and identifying key patterns across datasets. By examining representational patterns and recurring themes across both datasets, the analysis explored the interplay between televised portrayals and older adults’ accounts, thereby shedding light on how TV shapes HL-NAV among these audiences.
Ethics: This study complied with GDPR and relevant national and European research ethics frameworks. Ethical approval was waived under the host institution’s governance procedures, as the study involved only publicly available media content and non-identifiable data from focus group participants. All participants provided written informed consent prior to participation. Procedures were conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.
Results
Our study confirmed that television remains a regular source of health information for older adults in Portugal, across both public and private broadcasters, with at least one health-related segment broadcast daily on two of the four channels analysed. It was also the primary source of health information referred to by all participants (n =22/22), alongside personal experience and interpersonal exchanges with family, friends, and health professionals, in descending relevance. Regarding other mass media, only four participants reported using the internet for health information.
It was further established that TV plays a significant role in mediating health literacy among older adults. The analysis revealed substantial alignment between televised portrayals and participant accounts, alongside gaps and imbalances in understandings, and few divergences. Findings are presented through the key comparative patterns that emerged across the two datasets.
HL-NAV: The poverty of representations
A similar pattern of limited HL-NAV-related contributions emerged across both televised narratives and participant accounts.
Despite the consistent presence of health-related content in both daily talk shows and newscasts, TV’s contribution to audiences’ understandings on how to navigate the HCS was found to be poor, fragmented, biased, and decontextualised (see Supplemental File: 5. Distribution of media content’s informative contributions across HL-NAV levels and operational skill items). Only 11.5% of televised health-related narratives provided comprehensive information spanning all three HL-NAV levels (n = 32/280), supporting that contributing to navigational health literacy was not an explicit framing priority.
The distribution of these already scarce informative contributions further revealed a significant imbalance across HL-NAV domains. Nearly 70% focussed on the broader system level, and mainly on two of its operational items: “how is the Health System organised and (mainly restraints in) health care coverage” received contributions from 112 of the 280 televised narratives, and the item of “what to do in face of a medical issue, where to go (or not go), which resources exist, and which can be accessed to” followed with scattered contributions from 97 narratives. Notably, nearly half of the latter (43%) focussed on private sector providers, while discussions on constraints in health care organisation and coverage were dominated by the public sector (NHS).
Additionally, a substantial number of TV narratives took the form of health-related alerts or public denunciations of HCS faults–again, primarily targeting the NHS, such as, paediatric ER temporary closures, strike warnings, National Institute of Medical Emergency service failures. Most of these, as per their framing, contributed directly to the interactional-level ability to “judge the (un)suitability of health services,” making it the third item receiving the highest number of contributions from televised narratives (n = 74/280). Thus, TV largely highlighted shortcomings in the public sector within the health care system, while guidance on care-seeking was predominantly oriented towards the private sector.
The remaining HL-NAV operational items (11/14) required for performing health care tasks received minimal attention in TV. Barely more than one-quarter of addressed topics contributed any information for navigating distinctive health care organisations and services (28.2%) or for reinforcing skills at the interactional level (29.6%), with critical items such as “how must users behave and interact” and “how to get enough time from health care professionals” for effective communication and self-advocacy being entirely excluded from TV framing.
When comparing the navigational health literacy expressed in the FGs with the analytical distribution of TV informative contributions, a notable convergence emerged. The very HL-NAV items overlooked in TV health coverage were also the least understood by FG participants, while those most frequently emphasised were the ones for which participants showed the highest levels of comprehension–including NHS constraints. The macro-level item “how is the Health System organised and health care coverage” stood out clearly: all but one participant demonstrated some understanding of the overall organisation of the health system and user entitlements, based on user status–solely public insurance, private insurance, or mixed coverage (n = 21/22). The operational item on “what to do in face of a medical issue, where to go, which resources exist, and which can be accessed to” followed at some distance, with most participants expressing sufficient understanding. Notably, that majority coincided with having access to private health care services (n = 15/22). Participants depending solely on the public system often felt disoriented or lacked clear pathways to adequate health care. Additionally, participants’ understandings were mostly self-referential and situational –grounded in their own positioning at the time – rather than extending to a broader awareness of others’ situations: Massamá [my area of residence] has a beautiful, spectacular HC [public Health Centre for primary care], but I’m not entitled to use it. When it was first built, I went there to try to transfer my file (. . .), and they told me there was no space to accommodate me. So, I’ve only been to the HC, once in my life, to get the tetanus vaccine–I was going to travel and needed the vaccine updated–and I never went back. (. . .) So, I have private health care, covered through ADSE
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. Lately, I’ve been thinking that if I ever need any kind of service that must be provided by a HC–for example, a referral for surgery or to a hospital–I really have no idea how I’d go about it. I guess we’ll see then (laughs) (P20, F, 69 yrs). They tell us to go to the family doctor. But there isn’t one! (. . .) Where are we supposed to go then? Nowhere! If we go to the HC here [of Alta de Lisboa, which we are assigned to in my area of residence], they won’t accept us! (P11, M, 82 yrs)
Continuing the pattern closely echoing the framing observed in TV content, the operational item “judge the suitability of health care services” was also among those for which a prevalent comprehension was observed among our sample of older adult audiences (n = 13/22). The following quote from the newscast segment selected for FG viewing is an example of the type of narrative framed as a public denunciation of HCS faults: Journalist: The waiting time at Santa Maria Hospital's emergency department for patients with a yellow wristband reached 14 hours! Most of the patients were from outside the hospital's service area due to overcrowding in peripheral hospital emergency services (. . .) (TV segment I viewed in FGs, newscast Telejornal, 01.03. 2023, RTP1 channel).
While its primary intent seemed rooted in alarm and denunciation, its effect went beyond emotional activation. The colour-coded Manchester Triage System (MTS), introduced in NHS emergency departments (ER) in 2000, was known to all older adults participating in this study. Also, the yellow wristband (signalling an urgent condition that allows for up to 60 minutes of wait time) was widely recognised. Even though none of the participants were aware of exact MTS waiting time thresholds, reports of 10+ hour waiting times for urgent cases – frequently broadcast during the period of analysis – were consistently perceived as “awful,” “unacceptable,” “frightening”: They do the triage fast and give you a yellow wristband but it’s awful. You end up waiting there for hours! If we’re in pain, we can’t give up, we must see a doctor to try to get better. Those who have money, if they can afford it, can go to the private sector. Those who don’t, just have to endure the wait! (P14, F, 90 yrs)
Beyond the emotional reactions aligned with the alarmist tone adopted in primetime newscasts, FG audiences’ response also showed that most older adults had acquired some ability to critically judge the plausibility and inadequacy of ER responses. This ability, however, emerged less from systemic health education than from sustained exposure to mediated signs of system failure–reinforcing a reactive rather than proactive form of HL-NAV. In this sense, by persistently framing access barriers and care inadequacies (mainly of the NHS) as concrete and recurring risks, such TV narratives ended up reinforcing not only caution and scepticism, but also the interactional-level skill of judging the suitability of health services.
Nevertheless, as participants’ accounts suggested, information is processed through the lens of lived experience and shaped just enough to guide decision-making for immediate individual health care needs. This leads to the main divergences found between the two sets of narratives.
Despite TV’s residual informative contribution to all other tasks required for navigating the HCS, more than half of the older adults expressed having sufficient understanding at the macro level item of “what to expect from different health care services and professionals” (n = 15/22). Although entirely absent from television contents, nearly one-third of participants – most of whom engaged in senior rights activism – also showed sufficient skills concerning “how must users behave and interact” (n = 7/22). These divergences clearly indicate that individuals’ repositories of knowledge grow through multiple inputs and everyday practice.
More specifically, information from various sources is added to support health care tasks and is appraised alongside what is known from lived experiences, both their own and those of family and peers – “we keep learning from each other” (P16, F, 80 yrs) – and retained as long as it remains relevant for individual use. For example, though all participants were familiar with the MTS for ER admission, only a minority (n = 5/22) were aware that a nurse conducted triage. That is, knowing the process was relevant for decision-making; knowing the kind of professional involved was not. Health literacy “assets” encompass individuals’ knowledge, motivation, and competences to access, understand, appraise, and apply information on health effectively (Gugglberger, 2019). These results also suggest that participants with stronger literacy resources-linked in this case to prior activism and broader social engagement–are better equipped to critically engage with and benefit from health information acquired from multiple sources.
Representational traps for navigating the HCS
Significant overlaps between TV representational constructs about health care and the HCS and older adults’ accounts further revealed that TV coverage displays several biases and misrepresentations unlikely to support, and potentially hindering, audiences’ HL-NAV improvement.
Overrepresentation of “health promotion” and “disease prevention” domains
For eight of the 14 operational items assessed in HL-NAV, none to fewer than half of the study participants expressed having sufficient understanding. HL-NAV primarily pertains to the domain of “health care,” the knowledge required to find the right care at the right time in the right place. While the aim of enhancing general health literacy was evident in the narrative construction of some TV contents – notably talk show conversations with invited health care professionals –, emphasis was placed on the domains of “health promotion” and “disease prevention.” As a result, information often offered limited or no guidance on navigating the HCS.
A daytime general talk show selected for FG viewing exemplifies this pattern: A medical doctor, using real urine samples, provided explanations on simple tests to assess and monitor urinary health at home, highlighting when individuals should seek medical advice.
Doctor (showing the urine sample): As we age, everything droops–and then some! Isn’t that so? (. . .) Here, it’s not about the colour. It's about it being non-transparent. You see? This urine is turbid. That means this urine, commonly, has a urinary infection. Okay, broadly speaking. So, anyone experiencing burning during urination, urinating frequently throughout the day, and so on, can use this trick to quickly realize they have a urinary infection. Now, the antibiotic must be prescribed by a doctor, of course; not by the neighbour downstairs! (TV segment II viewed in FGs, talk show Casa Feliz, 14.03.2023, SIC channel)
Visual demonstrations and the doctor’s humour (he himself an older adult) made explanations more engaging, particularly for older audiences. However, on what to do after detecting a urinary problem – the domain of health care–no information was provided on where to seek care, secure appointments, which specialist to consult, acceptable waiting times for effective treatment, or costs of exams and medication. This pattern was consistent across all talk shows, where invited health care professionals rarely discussed health care services, leaving audiences without essential guidance to effectively navigate the HCS.
“Health care” domain: NHS-based and hospital-based care centrisms
Alongside offering little guidance on HCS navigation, public sector services figured prominently in TV health-related contents, assuming a representational weight of 52%, while those offered by the private sector, non-profit organisations included (23%), shared remaining representational space with retail trade services for pharmaceuticals, medical and other health-related products (25%). However, the private sector has outweighed the public sector of the Portuguese health system for over a decade. Since 2016, private hospitals outnumber public ones and private provision already accounts for over 95% of long-term and continuous care, over 85% of ancillary services (patient transportation, clinical laboratories, etc.), and over 70% of mental health hospitals’ care and primary care (Gouveia, 2023; Maia, 2021). As a result of this unbalanced depiction, the broader landscape of private health sector actors in the Portuguese HCS–their activities, organisation, functioning and suitability of services–remained largely invisible, opaque, and beyond the scope of the public awareness.
Regarding types of care across the health system boundaries, hospital-based services (emergency, secondary, and tertiary care) were the dominant focus of TV – addressed in 48% of health-related segments. Meanwhile, primary care and long-term care–including assisted living, subacute, custodial, and skilled continuing care, particularly relevant to older adults – were given less than 9% of airtime.
Two of three TV segments used in FGs as discussion triggers addressed the domain of health care. To reflect representational patterns without reproducing the media sample’s bias and preconditioning audience, one focussed on the public sector and hospital-based emergency care, while the other incorporated both public and private sectors across hospital, primary, and long-term care. Nevertheless, older adults’ discussions repeatedly returned to the NHS and hospital-based care. Revealing how deeply these entrenched centrisms permeate perceptions, half of the participants presumed there were more public than private hospitals, with only one correctly identifying the current situation (n = 1/22). Limited or unclear understandings of the organisations providing primary and long-term care, how to access them, and care pathways, were evident across all participants’ accounts (n = 22/22): Are nursing homes for the elderly considered part of health care? Are they part of the NHS? (. . .) Don’t they make our health worse? They cost 1800 euros [per month]! That’s frightening! (P7, M, 68 yrs) I have ADSE [subsystem]for over 40 years, and now I’ve got myself into this 65+ thing
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, which I still don’t really understand. (. . .) I went to the pharmacy because my computer class teacher told me to go. This is something from the current [Lisbon] mayor – if some other comes in and doesn’t want it to continue, it’ll be over. (. . .) In the meantime, they gave me a paper at the pharmacy that I signed, but I haven’t really read it yet. I don’t know if it actually works or not–I haven’t needed to use it yet–it could be fake (. . .) I just wanted to say the following: at present, I’m afraid to go to the NHS (P22, F, 80yrs)
The health expertise bias: Authority and exclusion
Our comparative analysis revealed a final convergence in distortions in portrayals of health care expertise, knowledges diversity, and authority.
There were 355 instances of “non-journalistic voices” (communicators other than TV hosts, anchors, or journalists) conveying information on health matters in our TV sample. Sociodemographically, male gender’s point of view dominated (60.3%), and non-binary gender did not figure at all. Although not fully quantifiable, most appeared middle-aged and older adults (i.e. > 36 years) of so-called “white or European” appearance. A few individuals with visible or disclosed disabilities/health impairments were given voice, but only as health care users (n = 14/99).
Regarding expertise, health care professionals were notably underrepresented on TV. Health care users and family members, along with non-health care professionals–lay experts–were the most frequently heard, together comprising 56% of communicators of health-related matters in analysed segments. In contrast, health care professionals accounted for only 22% of all voices (n = 79/355), while adding a strong class and gender bias on the representativeness of the nearly 30 distinct health care-oriented professions commonly providing direct care within the Portuguese HCS. Medical doctors (mostly male) comprised 61% of these appearances (n = 48/79), followed at a distance by psychologists (n = 6/79), nurses (n = 4/79), pharmacists/pharmacy technicians (n = 3/79), and a few others with only one or two appearances.
HL-NAV items like “how to communicate personal views and preferences towards a workable solution that can be jointly discussed and agreed upon” (n = 1/22) and “how to get enough time from health care professionals” (n = 0/22) were among the least understood by study participants. Their accounts also revealed internalised biases and blurred health care professional distinctions that mirrored those observed in televised portrayals. We argue that these biases and distortions further constrain the development of critical interactional skills. When directly asked about the diversity of health care expertise, participants were able to spontaneously identify between three and six different kinds of professionals and their roles within the health system. Medical doctors consistently came first, represented as the epistemic authorities in health care professional knowledge and practice. Notably, all participants also affirmed that, in their experience, health care professionals typically did not introduce themselves or disclose their specific professional category (n = 22/22). As a result – except for those more educated and/or engaged in senior rights activism, who tended to ask – in the absence of any indication, participants tended to assume by default that the professional they were interacting with was a medical doctor.
They did the registration, [my mother] was immediately called for triage and was indeed assigned the yellow wristband. [3 hours later] we went inside the ER and someone from in there came–honestly, I don’t know if he was a doctor. . . I thought he was a doctor–and he told me the waiting time was 5 hours. (. . .) Meanwhile, someone else–again, I don’t know who–came to my mother and asked for her name (. . .) and said nothing more. (. . .) and so, I took my mother home (P1, M, 70yrs) They’re all wearing white coats–how are we supposed to know who they are! (. . .) [I know] the ones who perform the exams are technicians (P11, M, 82yrs).
Despite women outnumbering across all health care professional categories in Portugal (INE, 2024), participants also consistently assumed the “He” archetype as the default authority figure, typically adding descriptors when referring to someone perceived as non-male, young, of foreign appearance, and/or speaking with an accent. The naturalisation of these biases in televised communication – and particularly the combination of overrepresentation of lay voices and the near invisibility of professionals other than medical doctors – not only omits the range of perspectives and skilled professional insights available. It further undermines the ability to recognise distinct health care-oriented professionals and their roles within the HCS, which is critical for effective care communication and self-advocacy.
Discussion
Overall, the contribution of TV health-related narratives to audiences’ repositories of knowledge on how to navigate the HCS was found to be poor, fragmented, and unbalanced. Persistent trends of misrepresentation and bias, rooted in enduring national and international perspectives and unconscious, bias-based discriminatory media practices, were also identified (Leask et al., 2010; Lopes et al., 2012; Seale, 2002). At best, these narratives distort the current realities and complexities of the Portuguese health system and its approaches to care; at worst, they undermine audiences’ ability to determine what, when, where, and which health professionals’ expertise to seek, and therefore to navigate the HCS.
Epistemic oppression and asymmetry refer to the ways in which systems for producing and distributing knowledge generate disparities in authority and access, through inefficient or inadequate epistemic resources (Dotson, 2014; Holroyd and Puddifoot, 2022). Whether intended or not, biases in televised health narratives reinforce dominant authority figures while obscuring the perspectives and roles of a wide range of health professional knowledges, as reflected in the uneven visibility and allocation of authority to health professions, in which medical doctors remain disproportionately centred in relation to other professional groups. This, in turn, constrains audiences’ capacity to engage critically and effectively with health care services and with the diverse professionals responsible for their provision across the health system.
The promotion of lay expertise and of healthism were also notable framing mechanisms of TV narratives. As argued by Habermas (1987) and echoed by many later social theorists, the idea of an expert culture, whether in medicine or any other sphere of activity, is inherently anti-democratic. This has led to calls for the democratisation of knowledge, which in the health sciences and medical fields is manifested both in the increased recognition of lay people’s insights into health and illness and in the argument for considering these knowledges as equally valuable to professional expertise. These ideas converge in the 1990s concept of the “lay expert” – an oxymoron, referring to a person who, rather than possessing credentialed authority, has become an expert through experiential knowledge or self-directed learning. Our findings indicate, however, that the prominence of lay expertise in these televised narratives operates not as a genuine pluralisation of knowledge, but as a form of false democratisation that displaces the already marginal visibility of nearly all other non-medical health professions. Rather than expanding epistemic diversity, these representations reproduce a stratified field of credibility, further reinforcing the epistemic oppression of already subalternized health professional groups, in which medical doctors’ authority remains ultimately unchallenged.
As for healthism (Crawford, 1980), it emphatically prioritises individual responsibility for health, personal practices and lifestyle choices as key determinants of well-being, while obscuring the structural and political determinants of illness. Over the past four decades, this perspective has permeated public discourse, government documents, popular culture and media narratives. As evidenced in the data, this framing was consistently reproduced in the analysed television content across formats, where health-related messages emphasised individual prevention and self-management while offering limited guidance on health care system navigation, service organisation, or access pathways relevant to HL-NAV. In this way, health discourse is reframed from a basic human right of collective responsibility to a private duty (Hodgetts et al., 2005; Seale, 2002) and health literacy from a critical competence rooted in structural understanding and citizenship to the adoption of prescribed “correct” self-care to avoid illness.
Hospital-based and NHS failures dominated televised representations, while primary and long-term care were largely marginalised (<9% airtime), reinforcing a crisis-oriented and system-deficit framing. Collectively, study findings reveal a shared representation across television sources of a failing HCS – one that, according to the Portuguese Constitution, was meant to be universal and largely free at the point of delivery, but is now depicted as beyond recovery –, with individual responsibility positioned as the primary locus of action. The persistence of health promotion, healthism, lay expertise, self-management, and self-care discourses across the analysed media contents points to an underlying assumption: that the most viable responses to this systemic failure involve shifting responsibility onto individuals, encouraging them to minimise reliance on a system perceived as no longer capable of meeting the health needs of the majority.
Reflecting the predominance of these rhetorical frameworks, even the few health care professionals typically chosen for communication roles also exhibited similar ingrained framing biases, and the content featuring planned public health communication initiatives/campaigns overwhelmingly favoured individual-level preventive practices, focussing primarily on contributing to the “health promotion” and “disease prevention” domains of health literacy, rather than on “health care.” When it came to structured contributions to the general health literacy of audiences, HL-NAV was never considered. This individualising framing of responsibility for health and for seeking adequate information and care is particularly resonant in modern societies where health care systems are perceived as under strain, such as the Portuguese case. It forms part of a neoliberal welfare view that effectively relieves both governments and decision-makers from critical failures in health care provision and health care professionals from the duty to provide equal treatment (Doetsch et al., 2017). Above all, it absolves society of its responsibility to care for vulnerable populations, even when their vulnerability stems from systemic political decisions that they had no influence over (El Kheir-Mataria and Chun, 2024; Raphael and Bryant, 2022). These framing logics found in televised health narratives – strikingly uniform across public and private channels, news and talk shows – and mirrored in older adults’ accounts, ultimately act as a trap. By shifting attention away from structural factors or system-level accountability, they further obscure potential responses to health care system dysfunction, particularly in relation to navigation.
As highlighted by the HLS19 Consortium, widespread HL-NAV deficits across Europe – particularly among vulnerable groups – urgently demand accessible, trustworthy guidance and clearer pathways for navigating the health systems (Schaeffer et al., 2021). In line with other countries, Portugal has already in place The National Plan for Health Literacy and Behavioural Sciences 2023–2030, which acknowledges these gaps, including those affecting older adults. Yet, media strategies remain underdeveloped, with limited recognition of TV’s role. This gap highlights the need for research examining how television contributes to navigational health literacy among older adults, reinforcing the relevance of this work. Overall, the study demonstrates how televised health representations and older adults’ accounts intersect in shaping understandings and experiences of health care navigation.
Conclusion
This study reveals that both public and private Portuguese TVs’ narratives overwhelmingly depict a health system in crisis while promoting individualised solutions centred on self-management and self-care, reflecting broader neoliberal trends in public health communication. These framings – centred on health promotion, healthism, and lay expertise – fail to empower citizens with the knowledge needed to navigate health systems, instead reinforcing ideologies of responsibilisation. By prioritising preventive messages over structural understanding, at best, such portrayals offer no improvement in HL-NAV; at worst, they exacerbate health inequalities.
The examined interplay between televised portrayals and older adults’ accounts in this study reinforces the urgent need to formally integrate TV into national health literacy strategies. As a dominant and trusted information source for older adults, TV must be recognised not merely as a communication channel but as a strategic actor in shaping navigational health knowledge and practices.
From a practical perspective, these findings support the development of equity-oriented media and public communication strategies that explicitly address health care navigation (rather than focussing only on health promotion), and that better reflect the organisation, accessibility, and diversity of health care provision within the Portuguese health system.
The study limitations include its context-specific design, the limited sample of televised content and participants, and its qualitative interpretive approach, which constrains statistical generalisability. However, this design was intentionally adopted to enable in-depth understanding of mediated meaning-making processes and to identify frailties, strengths, and limitations in how televised representations intersect with older adults’ accounts, thereby informing context-specific TV communication strategies aimed at strengthening older adults’ health literacy in Portugal.
Overall, the study calls for targeted, equity-driven media engagement to counter the risk of deepening structural inequalities produced through individual culpability in systemic failures and the displacement of responsibility onto individuals.
Supplemental Material
sj-pdf-1-hpq-10.1177_13591053261458207 – Supplemental material for Television and older adults’ navigational health literacy: A qualitative study of media representations and Audience Reception
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-hpq-10.1177_13591053261458207 for Television and older adults’ navigational health literacy: A qualitative study of media representations and Audience Reception by Sandra C. S. Marques, Deisy de Pina and Julia N. Doetsch in Journal of Health Psychology
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This study would not have been possible without the generous disposition and kindness of all participants who shared their time, thoughts, and experiences. We warmly thank all of them. We also extend our gratitude to all other individuals, including staff, in the collectivities: APRE – Deleg. Lisboa, AURPI–Ameixoeira, CSP Ameixoeira as well as UNISSEIXAL senior university for their support in recruitment, providing space, and overall implementation of the study.
Ethical considerations
In accordance with the internal ethical governance of ICNOVA, NOVA University of Lisbon - the host institution for this study - and the EU research ethics guidelines for the social sciences, including the principles of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), formal ethical approval for this study was waived. The research involved only the analysis of publicly broadcast media content and the collection of non-identifiable opinions and perceptions, with no processing of personal or sensitive data. All procedures adhered to EU research ethics best practices.
Consent to participate
Participants were fully informed about the study’s aims and procedures, and all provided written informed consent prior to participation. Consent included permission to record and transcribe focus group discussions, with anonymity and confidentiality guaranteed throughout the study.
Consent for publication
Participants consented to the publication of anonymised data, including quotations from focus group discussions, while ensuring that no identifying information is disclosed.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia – Portugal), reference FCT UID/05021/2023 ICNOVA, under the auspices of the research unit ICNOVA. DP acknowledges funding from FCT, PhD grant 2023.00878.BD.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data availability statement
In accordance with the signed informed consents of study participants, which guarantee their anonymity and confidentiality, the interviewing data generated for this study may only be accessed and handled for research purposes within the supervision of the research team and under the ethical framework of internal governance at ICNOVA, NOVA University of Lisbon, the host of this study. All personal identifiers have been removed, so the participants are not identifiable including through the details of their stories. Those anonymised transcripts are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. The media data used in this study consist of television programs publicly broadcast on four national Portuguese channels between November 2022 and January 2023. These materials are publicly available from the respective broadcasters’ archives and streaming platforms. The authors do not own or have the right to redistribute the recordings. Coding frames and analysis notes not included in this published article are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.
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Notes
References
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