Abstract
Neoliberalism exists as both an ideology and an approach to policy making, and is typically associated with a resurgence of 19th-century laissez-faire economics in Western societies since the 1980s. Neoliberal governments emphasise the importance of a free market economy, while advocating for minimal state intervention in the economic and social lives of citizens (Springer et al., 2016). Within this model, independence is valorised, and interdependence is downplayed; neoliberalists value individual autonomy and emphasise personal responsibility (Wrenn and Waller, 2017).
The relationship between neoliberalism and responsibility has largely been left unproblematised – until now. Competing Responsibilities is an edited collection which has been carefully curated by two influential anthropological scholars, based in Australia and New Zealand. Over the course of 10 chapters, the book seeks to critically interrogate the concept of ‘responsibility’ in relation to contemporary society. The editors, Susanna Trnka and Catherine Trundle, argue for reclaiming the concept of ‘responsibility’ from dominant use within political rhetoric – whereby being a ‘responsible’ actor is considered to be the normative aim for individuals, corporations, and governments existing within neoliberal societies. Instead, they advocate an approach that considers the ways in which actors possess multiple responsibilities, and emphasise the importance of considering interdependency.
The book begins by problematising our – typically unconscious – use of ‘responsibility’ in relation to neoliberalism. Responsibilities can be constructed in relation to the self, the other, and to the state, where they are typically shaped through presumptions of reciprocity and social contracts. The introduction provides a comprehensive overview of the contemporary debates in this area, and provides a comprehensive theoretical grounding for 10 empirically based chapters.
Competing Responsibilities is divided into four parts. The first, Theoretical Departures, considers the spaces where dominant perceptions of the concept can be challenged. Following this, part 2, States, Companies, and Communities, presents chapters on institutional and corporate responsibility, and the prevalence of ‘audit cultures’ in fostering a sense of responsibility. Deviating from this, part 3, Violence, considers post-conflict responsibility in Cyprus and Sierra Leone. Part 4 focuses on Intimate Ties, bringing together research on responsibility within both sexual and intergenerational familial relationships.
On a personal level, this collection challenged me to think reflexively about how I have irresponsibly used the concept of ‘responsibility’ within my own work. As a sociologist with a particular interest in bodies, health, and wellbeing, chapters from Zigon on drug use and harm reduction (chapter 2), Adam’s work on the responsibilisation of persons with HIV (chapter 8), and Trundle’s research on veterans of nuclear testing (chapter 10) stood out as highlights for me. However, the diverse range of topics covered by this edited collection provided an enjoyable route to exploring topics I held very little knowledge on – such as Trnka’s work on asthma (chapter 3), Davis on missing persons (chapter 6), and Shore’s consideration of audit culture (chapter 4).
Competing Responsibilities: The Ethics and Politics of Contemporary Life makes a valuable theoretical and empirical contribution to critically interrogating the concept of responsibility. Scholars within anthropology, sociology, social policy, politics and beyond will all benefit from engaging with this book. Perhaps rather selfishly, I would have liked more discussion on government responsibility and an ethic of care – particularly given the climate of austerity, and further rollback of state-provided support to those ‘in need’. Hopefully this collection marks the beginning of a much-needed discussion on relationality, responsibility, and neoliberalism – one that will continue across disciplines during a time of great political flux.