Nurturing the erotic self: Benefits of women consuming sexually explicit materials

Available accessResearch articleFirst published online October, 2019

Nurturing the erotic self: Benefits of women consuming sexually explicit materials

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Volume 22, Issue 7-8https://doi.org/10.1177/1363460718791898

Abstract

Using a feminist standpoint theoretical orientation, we explored the ways consumption of sexually explicit materials (SEM) could be beneficial to women’s overall well-being. For this study, 28 women were recruited from two female-oriented sexual health education establishments in Ontario, Canada and asked to participate in qualitative interviews. Our findings suggest that women derive personal and social benefits from their engagement with SEM. Overall, this research draws attention to the ways SEM consumption may strengthen women’s sexual subjectivity and provide outlets for women to learn about and experiment with their bodies and erotic selves.

Keywords

Erotic justice feminist standpoint theory qualitative research sexual subjectivity sexually explicit material

Introduction

Academic research into sexually explicit materials (SEM) has traditionally focused on men’s consumption experiences and has frequently highlighted the negative effects posed by these materials on female intimate partners and/or women in society at large (Attwood, 2005a; Dines, 2010; Harcourt, 2016; Hardy, 1998; Kimberly et al., 2017; MacKinnon, 1989; Shaw, 1999; Ward et al., 2006). Ward, Merriwether, and Caruthers (2006), for example, found that male exposure to certain sexually suggestive media, including men’s magazines, was positively correlated with male objectification of women’s bodies. Conversely, Shaw’s (1999) study exploring the impact of heterosexual men’s consumption of pornography found women reporting discomfort related to male engagement with this media—particularly when it depicted acts of sexual violence. These female partners also described the ways they felt mainstream male-centric pornography had contributed to feelings of inadequacy regarding their own bodies. Similar findings relating the potentially harmful psychological effects of SEM for women (e.g. increased pressure to perform certain sex acts, decreased relationship and sexual satisfaction, trust issues, decreased self-esteem) have also been reported previously (Albright, 2008; Stewart and Szymanski, 2012; Szymanski et al., 2015).

More recently, however, a growing subset of the sex and sexuality literature has begun to investigate women as consumers of explicit materials (this includes pornography, as well as other genres of SEM) and has raised questions about the potential benefits erotic outlets could provide to women’s sexual and, in some cases, overall well-being. With regards to traditional gender role expectations for Western women (i.e. wives, mothers, care-givers, self-sacrificing), female SEM consumption for physical, sexual, and/or erotic pleasure has been suggested to be resistive, in that it requires women to disengage physically from day-to-day tasks (e.g. chores, childcare) to make “space to engage with one’s [sexual] imagination” (Smith, 2012: 159). Indeed, in her 2014 book, sociologist Beth Montemurro suggests that the exploration of one’s body and erotic self is essential for women to develop sexual subjectivity, a concept involving “agency in sexual encounters—that is, having sexual desire and the ability to act on it” (Montemurro, 2014: 21–22). Based on her findings from interviews with 95 women concerning their sexual evolution across the life course, Montemurro contends that women who independently explore their bodies and sexualities (e.g. discover what turns them on; what it feels like to be aroused; how, when, and by whom they might want to be erotically touched) are better positioned to experience sexual outlets and/or activities positively in the future. Her argument is bolstered by complementary studies that have reported women experiencing joy, fun, pleasure, tension release, and empowerment through independent sexual activities such as masturbation (Bowman, 2014; Fahs and Frank, 2014; Lamb and Peterson, 2011), and by suggestions that such sexual self-exploration may eventually lead women to experience a sense of erotic justice (Jolly et al., 2013; Van Zyl, 2015). Erotic justice, as Van Zyl (2015: 148) describes, “resonates with the values of dignity and equality that surely we all yearn for in those aspects of our lives that are life-affirming—love, care, connection with others … and our general health and well-being.”

Such inquiry into the potential benefits of SEM has, in turn, opened the door for investigations of women’s consumption of varying types of SEM, including materials that have traditionally been consumed by female audiences. These have included erotic fiction (Illouz, 2014; Juffer, 1998; Parry and Penny Light, 2014; Wilson-Kovacs, 2009), sexualized women’s magazines (Smith, 2007), sexual self-help books (Juffer, 1998), and feminist pornography (Albury, 2009; Penley et al. 2013). Additionally, women’s consumption of technologically-influenced explicit content including online pornography (Döring, 2009; Parry and Penny Light, 2017) and fan fiction (Illouz, 2014; Paris, 2016) has also become an emerging area for inquiry. While the above studies have helped to fill an important gap in the sexuality literature, they have often failed to comprehensively explore the specific benefits explicit materials may provide to female consumers. The few studies that have examined women’s consumption through a positive lens (i.e. by focusing on the pleasure, value, and benefits provided) have mainly focused on hardcore pornographic videos (Benjamin and Tlusten, 2010; Ciclitira, 2004; Parvez, 2006) or have included very few female participants (Petzanova, 2010).

The understudied nature of women’s consumption of SEM could, at least in part, be connected to the historical, political, and feminist implications for women of explicit content—particularly pornographic materials. Beginning in the late 1970s, anti-pornography feminist activists such as Dworkin (1989) and MacKinnon (1989) began critically writing about pornography, proposing that these explicit materials perpetuated the notion of male power over women, resulting in a dehumanizing commodification of women’s bodies. Current anti-pornography scholars have progressed these arguments, raising questions about whether pornography objectifies women’s sex and sexuality, to what degree choice, coercion, and consent are experienced by female pornographic actors, and whether misogynistic politics and social conditions presently influence the realm of sexual fantasy. Over the decades, this anti-pornography discourse has proven to be extremely pervasive and has, debatably, begun to encompass other explicit genres, including those which have targeted a predominately female audience (e.g. erotica, fan fiction). The result has been a subtle conflation of SEM with pornography and, arguably, a vilification of many forms of explicit media (Attwood et al., 2018; Long, 2012).

Embedded throughout such discourse is the notion that sex, sexuality, and SEM are inherently political concepts that must be shaped and contained in order to be viewed as ‘healthy’ from a societal perspective (Attwood et al., 2018). Proponents of this thinking often stress the importance of individuals seeking out ‘healthy’ sexual explicit materials and outlets (most frequently, those occurring within the context of a committed, heterosexual, real world relationship, as opposed to being digital or literary; those occurring between only two people; those which avoid kinky, casual, or rough sexual practices), without acknowledgement that ‘sex’, ‘sexually explicit’, and ‘healthy’ are subjective and frequently fluid concepts that are deeply personal and context dependent (Attwood et al., 2018).

For women in particular, anti-pornography discourse, combined with a conflation of pornography with other forms of SEM, has oftentimes had an additional unintended effect—the censorship of female sexuality, fantasy, and erotic self-exploration (Albury, 2009). For example, Ciclitira (2004: 297) found in her study of the ways feminist ideologies influenced women’s pornography consumption experiences that, “the politicization of porn as negative can also exacerbate women’s guilt, shame and confusion about their own sexuality,” leading some women to avoid interactions with many types of SEM—or avoid consuming at all. Pro-sex feminist scholars thus contend that while ethical practices should be upheld in the production of SEM, explicit materials serve a key role in women’s lives, in that they provides them with an outlet to freely explore their sexual desires, potentially eliminating the need to rely on others for erotic pleasure (Dodson, 2013; Harcourt, 2016; Smith, 2007). It has also been suggested that engagement with SEM may help to empower women to resist traditional gendered expectations related to female sexuality, desires, and erotic appetites (Albury, 2009; Nathan, 2007; Parry and Penny Light, 2014).

Bearing this in mind, the specific purpose of this study was to explore, through participant experiences and perspectives, whether women’s well-being is positively influenced by their consumption of sexually explicit materials. In doing so, we endeavoured to determine whether sexually explicit materials could be beneficial—whether it be physically, psychologically, emotionally, socially, or sexually—to women’s lives. And if so, in what ways?

Theoretical orientation

A feminist standpoint theory orientation informed the methodology, analysis, and discussion presented in this article. Specifically, this feminist approach argues that knowledge is socially situated and that groups that have historically been underrepresented within the literature—either in general or in relation to a topic area—are an untapped knowledge resource capable of expanding our understanding of a phenomenon (Braidotti, 2003; Harding, 2004). As a result, inquiries using feminist standpoint theory often focus on issues of power and privilege within a patriarchal society, frequently drawing from the knowledge possessed by women from diverse backgrounds and with varying identity components (Harding, 2004). While we as researchers reject the notion of a universalized women’s experience and acknowledge that various identity factors (e.g. age, race, sexuality, ability, socioeconomic status, religion) will influence individual experiences and viewpoints (Olesen, 2011), we sought through this work to provide women with a venue to metaphorically come together to speak about their experiences consuming SEM and to articulate the nuances of the political struggles they sometimes faced in this regard—a notion commonly referred to as a ‘standpoint’ (Crasnow, 2014; Harding, 2004).

Methodology

A qualitative approach was used in this study, primarily because it offered the opportunity for us as researchers to explore—in great depth and through multiple vantage points (Streubert and Carpenter, 2007)—the complexities of SEM consumption for women. Specifically, purposeful sampling was used to recruit 28 women who were asked to participate in an in-depth, active interview with a White, female researcher. Holstein and Gubrium (1995: 123) have noted that within an active interview setting, interviewers seek to “incite respondents’ answers, virtually activating narrative production … by indicating—even suggesting—narrative positions, resources, orientations and precedents.” Indeed, Attwood (2005b) has argued that interactive research methods (such as interviews) are particularly useful for inquiry into why women seek out SEM and the associated experiences they may be looking to derive—historically understudied areas within the literature.

The women who agreed to participate in this study were all over the age of 18 and were consumers of material that they classified as being ‘sexually explicit’. As this study used a feminist standpoint theory approach, the decision was made to provide the participants with the opportunity to offer their own interpretation of sexually explicit material, as opposed using parameters outlined by the researcher. Additionally, this approach allowed for discussion of media genres that have historically fallen outside mainstream considerations of SEM (e.g. still images, literary works, television shows, mainstream movies, fan fiction, chat room content, audio clips, cartoons). Approval was obtained from the appropriate institutional ethics review board for all procedures related to the collection, analysis, and storage of data.

Recruitment efforts primarily involved advertising (via posters and social media postings) directed at women who frequented two female-oriented sexual health education establishments in a large city in Ontario, Canada. Both organizations are known for providing those who identify as women—both in person and online—with a safe and comfortable environment in which to learn about their sexuality and bodies. Given that these businesses have built up a considerable online consumer following, many of the women recruited through social media advertising resided in urban and rural locations across Canada, as well as overseas. As a result, interviews were conducted in-person (i.e. in coffee shops and on university campuses), over the phone, or using telecommunication software (i.e. Skype), depending on the preference and geographic location of the participant. A few of the women also passed along information about their study to other women in their lives (e.g. friends, daughters); consequently, snowball sampling was used to recruit two participants.

The collection of basic demographic data was essential for this feminist standpoint work, largely because it was necessary to our understanding of the ways the women’s knowledge about SEM was socially situated. Specifically, among the 28 women who participated (who ranged in age from 21 to 54, with an average age of 32 years), five identified as straight, six as bisexual, six as pansexual, two as queer, one as gay, and one as sexually fluid. The remaining women did not disclose their sexuality. Four of the women stated that they were married, seven were in a common-law or cohabitating relationship, five reported being in a committed relationship, and 12 described themselves as being single. Five of the women stated that they were mothers of children that ranged in age from five to 32 years. The average age of these mothers was 42 years. All but one of the women had some form of post-secondary education (i.e. college diploma, university degree), with seven reporting that they had a master’s degree or higher. One woman was unemployed, while the remainder reported that they worked in a variety of industries (e.g. retail, health care, education, manufacturing, finance, technology). Among those who reported their income, most had an average household income of less than CAD$60,000. While there was some racial diversity among the women (one self-identified as being of Indian Caribbean descent, one identified as South Asian, and two stated that they were of mixed race), the majority identified as White.

Participant interviews typically began with some brief discussion about the women’s first interactions with SEM. These discussions expanded to include a broad range of topics related to SEM, including current consumption patterns (e.g. types of material, frequency), social aspects of consumption (e.g. whether material was consumed alone or with a partner, whether consumption was discussed with others), the perceived benefits and/or drawbacks of consumption, and any negative feelings or experiences the women may have encountered related to their consumption (e.g. social stigma and judgement, privacy concerns). Such in-depth discussion provided space for exploration into the individual reasons why each woman sought out SEM, as well as the benefits they took from this consumption—information that was important for us to situate and understand their viewpoints and experiences.

Interviews normally lasted between 1 and 1.5 hours and were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim with the participants’ permission. Readily identifying information was subsequently removed from these transcripts and the participants were assigned pseudonyms to protect their anonymity. The first stage of the analysis process was conducted by the female researcher, who completed all but one of the participant interviews, and involved reading and re-reading the transcripts. Complete immersion with the data in this way allowed common elements in participant responses to be identified and recorded in a reflexive journal, along with thoughts and feelings that the data inspired for the researcher. Transcripts were then coded in NVivo 11 using thematic analysis—a process that involves researchers assigning codes to qualitative data (e.g. transcripts, field notes, other documents) to identify the salient ‘themes’ that the sources might contain (Nowell et al., 2017; Schwandt, 2014). Initially, the researcher worked with the first 10 interview transcripts to produce a list of codes that were then refined—through several rounds of coding—to make boundaries between codes clear and to eliminate redundancy (Nowell et al., 2017). The NVivo 11 tree diagram feature was used to help organize this coding into major thematic areas (e.g. types of SEM consumed, who women consumed SEM with, benefits of SEM consumption), as well as related sub-themes (e.g., within the theme of ‘benefits of consumption’, sub-themes such as empowerment and liberation, opening one’s mind, self-discovery, and confidence building were identified). Miscellaneous codes that did not readily fit into a theme or sub-theme (e.g. first experiences consuming SEM) were preserved as free codes (Nowell et al., 2017). Finally, the codes contained within each theme and sub-theme identified for these first 10 transcripts were reviewed to ensure internal consistency. Only after this code refinement process had fully taken place did the researcher turn her attention to coding the remaining 18 interview transcripts—making sure to add and refine new codes, themes, and/or sub-themes when they emerged. To help increase validity, identified themes and sub-themes were compared to an analysis carried out independently by another female researcher on the project. Having outlined our analysis process, we will now turn our attention to a discussion of the identified themes and sub-themes that relate to: 1) reasons for consuming SEM, 2) benefits of SEM consumption, and 3) tensions related to SEM consumption.

Findings

Our findings suggest that women access SEM for a variety of reasons and that these reasons likely have an effect on the personal and social benefits they experience from their consumption. In this section, we will specifically outline these reasons, as well as the associated benefits, while also providing supporting participant quotes for the reader. In order to socially situate the knowledge and experiences shared by the women, we have contextualized interview quotes by providing some basic details about the individual women (e.g. their self-identified sexuality, ethnicity, religious history, or sexual history). As a reminder, the participant names are assigned pseudonyms.

Reasons for consuming

One of the most common reasons the women discussed for consuming SEM was for arousal and as an aid for masturbation (e.g. to provide visual or audio stimulation; to inspire visualization). While the participants described using a variety of SEM for this purpose (e.g. still images, fan fiction, explicit television shows), pornographic videos (primarily accessed online using websites or ‘tube’ streaming sites, such as YouPorn or XHamster) and written materials (e.g. primarily books and online written content) were most frequently mentioned. According to Ruby, “when I watch [a pornographic video], it’s for the sole purpose of, you know, getting my ‘business’ done,” while Maggie conveyed: “I would probably just read [erotic stories] to feel aroused and then maybe masturbate after”). In many instances, SEM consumption appeared to directly service self-recognized erotic needs and allowed the women to experience positive physical sensations. As Jill matter-of-factly explained: “I’m not interested in watching porn as a movie. I like to watch it because it’s got a purpose for me and that’s to get me turned on so that I can get off.” For Fiona, consumption of SEM for physical ‘release’ went a step further, in that it also allowed her to experience emotional benefits: “I personally need to get off several times a week, otherwise I’m a cranky bitch. I’m cranky and I have no patience. So that is strictly my reason to watch porn.”

Our interviews also found that a number of women used SEM to explore erotic fantasies that were not necessarily part of their present intimate encounters (e.g. Lulu: “I would say [through pornographic outlets] that I’m exploring things that aren’t in my current reality versus expanding on what I already am experiencing”; Sylvia: “you’ll never be—or at least for me—you’ll probably never be in a threesome with two beautiful men. [Through videos], you know, you can watch it and kind of experience it that way”). Other women appeared to use SEM for escapism—often in much the same way that other individuals might use other types of media to unwind and disconnect. According to Cora, “… [erotica] takes you into another world. It’s like reading any kind of fiction or watching a movie, right? It takes you out of your reality for however long you’re doing it.” Having established some of the primary reasons the women appeared to consume SEM, we will now turn our attention to the personal and social benefits the women were able to access through their engagement with explicit materials.

Personal benefits of consumption

When discussing their consumption of SEM, the women frequently mentioned ways that it was personally beneficial. Specifically, they articulated how explicit materials had helped them discover aspects of their erotic selves, learn about sexualities and sexual practices, and/or gain a sense of sexual liberation or empowerment. For instance, having been raised in a deeply religious family that discouraged talk of sex, Maggie turned to SEM in her mid-20s as a way of independently exploring her body:

I kind of made this very intentional decision at some point [that] this was something I wanted to explore and I did that through lots of means. I bought erotica. I looked at porn. I bought a vibrator … exploring what turns me on and learning about myself a little bit more through it.

For Fiona, who experienced same-sex attractions growing up in a conservative rural community, a cable television show that showcased lesbian sex and relationships proved to be an important catalyst for self-discovery and acceptance:

I went to a Catholic school and had never heard the word “lesbian” until I was 16. So I didn’t really know completely what was going on and if I did I was kind of trying to suppress it … I remember watching [The L-Word] and just like loving it, loving every minute of it. Like the only thing I had access to growing up would have been female hockey players with the short haircuts. And I remember thinking … when I realized I was gay, this has nothing to do with me. I don’t want that … I don’t want to cut my hair off. So I was watching the L-word and seeing more feminine lesbians and seeing relationships work. I was like, “OK, I can do that. This is OK.”

SEM consumption was also found to be helpful for the women when it came to learning about how to accept their bodies and aspects of their identities. As a bisexual woman of color, Jacinta described feeling more positive about herself when she could access explicit videos that showcased women who looked like her and were aroused by similar activities: “finding porn with people of your color, people who have your kinks and stuff like that. That for sure is a benefit.” Conversely, Keshana, as a self-described “full-sized woman,” used SEM to help reinforce the notion that big, beautiful women (BBW) were sexually desirable:

… then there’s the pornography that builds my self-esteem … in that case I would go to the BBW porn and I would look at it, because I am a full-sized woman, on those days that I need reminding that a vast majority of the population has sex with fat women.

We found that among the women in this study, education and the expansion of one’s mind were both reasons for—as well as benefits from—consuming SEM. For example, some of the women would turn to SEM as an instructional resource for certain sexual activities or positions. In the words of Sylvia:

I’ve also used videos almost for education, especially when you’re learning about stuff that previous partners haven’t been comfortable with … like videos about finding the prostate, things like that. You’re not watching it to get turned on or to get off; you’re watching it to like figure out how to do this … I mostly use videos for that.

Sylvia also noted that erotic writing and fan fiction could be useful to individuals interested in learning about how to practice certain kinks in safe and enjoyable ways (“I find from good [erotic] literature and fan fiction, I’ve learned a lot more about safe BDSM practices”), while Ariel stated that SEM had taught her more about female bodies and erotic pleasure (“learning that the clitoris was not just a little ball of nerves at the end … I first found that out through reading something”).

The women in this study also consistently discussed one additional personal benefit from SEM consumption, arousal, and masturbation—the experience of aspects of erotic empowerment. For example, Georgina articulates aspects of empowerment through her knowledge that her consumption of pornographic videos was self-motivated and freely chosen (“the sexually explicit material that I consume now and have consumed for years has been independent. It’s been driven by my own preferences and choices”), while Phoebe expressed feeling empowered when relating to other women’s pleasure (“I think just seeing or reading other people enjoying experiences that I want to try or have tried and just relating to that and being like “yes, we can do this and have a good time”).

For Cora, her SEM consumption served as an outlet to defy perceived social forces that might seek to suppress or control female sexuality: “it’s a bit of a fuck you to society. I’m not going to let you tell me what I can and cannot do, watch, cannot watch [or] read.” Jacinta professed similar sentiments, proclaiming: “I feel empowered just by getting off … I’m a woman and I watch porn!” Finally, for Geeta, SEM consumption provided her with permission to pursue her own sexual desires: “women are allowed to be sexual beings. We’re allowed to explore our bodies.”

Social benefits of consumption

In addition to personal benefits, the women in this study vocalized the ways their SEM consumption had affected social relationships with intimate partners and friends. Our findings suggest that SEM consumption helped to improve or expand the women’s communication abilities, while also helping to promote a deeper experience of intimacy with others. For instance, Lulu articulated how her attitude to her own SEM consumption had encouraged her to become more vocal about her wants and needs in intimate relationships:

I think that for me, normalizing consumption of porn and erotica, being more comfortable with that helps me be more comfortable with myself and my own sexuality, which helps me choose better partners, be more vocal about consent and what I’m interested in, and not shy away from things.

Interestingly, this liberated approach also appeared to provide benefits for the women’s intimate partners. Lulu, for example, described that her partners were able to “to participate in some of [the] sexual energy” fueled by her SEM consumption, while Tabitha noted that consuming SEM with her partner allowed them both to “be more free,” often providing tangible benefits to their sex life together: “Whenever we’re consuming [SEM], being able to be more free and put ourselves into it and so it definitely helps with the sexual aspects of it which helps with the communication and just all around security.” SEM consumption was also found to play an integral role in expanding intimate communication for the women when it came to their partners. For example, Keshana described the ways explicit videos and stories had helped her to find an erotic vocabulary: “I’ll admit, having a vocabulary, an understanding of some things. That opened me up to be able to have conversations with partners.” Conversely, for Frieda, SEM sometimes served as intimate telegrams to her long-distance boyfriend, helping her to convey feelings and desires that often confounded language: “just some of the beautiful kind of erotic pictures online, they’re just a lovely thing to share … I suppose it’s intimate and so evocative or something that you can’t say in words.”

Engagement with SEM also helped the women to communicate with individuals outside their intimate relationships, often allowing them to feel more confident and comfortable having discussions about sex with friends. It should be noted that outside of intimate partners, female friends were, by far, the individuals the women most often mentioned discussing explicit content with. Within these relationships, SEM could serve as a conversation starter (Jacinta: “I can text [my female friends] and be like, ‘yo, I just watched this really weird porn’ and they’ll be like ‘tell me about it. Why did you find it so weird?’”) or as inspiration for dialogue about shared experiences:

Women tend to be like “oh, that’s interesting,” then … they’ll start talking about their explicit material consumption. Not in a like “oh let’s get aroused” [kind of way]. It’s kind of like “thank God I can talk about this with someone. (Phoebe)

Tensions related to consumption

Many of the women in this study described a belief that society expected men to engage with SEM (mainly pornographic images and videos), but felt it was much less socially acceptable for women to do the same (literary erotic content was the notable exception mentioned):

… [it’s] more taboo for women to consume [porn]. I think it’s still an oddity to speak about it frankly or even if a female friend of mine said “Oh yeah, I watch porn like once or twice a week,” I’d probably think woah, that’s pretty crazy. But if a male friend said that he watches porn once or twice a week, I’d probably be like “yeah, what else is new?” So I think that there is a bit of a stigma or it’s a little more taboo, and it’s actually bullshit because it is really couched in “it’s not very ladylike to do that kind of thing,” which is crazy. I do think that probably women don’t get to be overly sexual without that being criticized or interrogated. (Georgina)

[Between porn and erotica], maybe one is more taboo, I think. I don’t know, I don’t know. I would say it’s still probably not as OK for women to watch porn as much as it is for them to read porn. (Bobbi)

As a result, the benefits the women could derive from their consumption were often tempered by certain tensions, many of which related to feelings of shame or unease. For Allison, who had grown up in a Catholic family, lingering religious shame related to sex sometimes crept into her mind when watching explicit videos or reading erotic novels: “you’re taught that anything ‘sex’ is kind of bad or evil.” Jacinta conveyed similar residual shame surrounding consumption, which appeared to stem from an incident when she was a teenager:

My family found my search history because I didn’t know about search histories. It was like a very big thing, so I really felt like “oh this is very wrong” having my family react so badly to it … it’s obviously very weird for someone my age to look at [that type of material].

For other women, concerns surrounding the origins and context of their explicit materials created concerns related to consumption, particularly if the explicit content sat in opposition to strongly held social values and beliefs. Keshana, for example, can be seen struggling with this type of unease in the following quote:

I’m processing what I’m looking at. I mean, I’m female and I can see that there are many reasons for this woman, this visual that I’m looking at, for her … choosing to use her body in this particular way, Is this an act of solidarity on my part [or] is this an act of complete betrayal that I continue to consume this?

Georgina and Brigitte expressed similar trepidation when they touched upon the perceived objectification of women in the media (Georgina: “sometimes I question whether it’s acceptable for myself and my own values that I have around the depiction of women in media in general, the porn industry and its impacts on women in a lot of ways;” Brigitte: “all the bad things we hear about the [porn] industry and how the women are treated. And I don’t want to contribute to that [by watching it]”). To help mitigate this apprehension, some women in this study chose to seek out more ethically produced materials (e.g. feminist pornography; by women, for women content).

Discussion

Through this study, we aimed to explore whether aspects of women’s well-being might be affected—in positive ways—through their consumption of SEM. The interpretations of our findings, however, should be viewed with the understanding that the participants in this research were recruited through female-oriented sexual health education establishments (i.e. they were actively seeking out sexual resources). Consequently, the participants’ perspectives and experiences with SEM (in addition to their bodies, sexualities, and standpoint) could be argued to be more positive than what might be expressed among women in the general population. That being said, the candor of these women in their interviews provided us with an opportunity to delve not only into the numerous reasons why women might choose to access SEM, but also into the potential benefits—whether they be personal or social—that these individuals experienced through their consumption.

Our findings suggest that many women recognize that they are erotic beings and frequently choose to seek out SEM as a way of meeting certain physical, psychological, and/or emotional needs. For the women in this study, arousal and orgasm, fantasy exploration, stress and anxiety relief, and escapism were some of the most frequently mentioned reasons for accessing SEM. These findings echo those of Bowman (2014), Fahs and Frank (2014), and Attwood, Smith, and Barker (2018), who have suggested that women may chose to self-pleasure and incorporate SEM when they are aroused, want to reach orgasm, are looking for an outlet for stress and tension, or are simply looking to have fun.

With regards to the personal benefits the participants accessed through SEM, the women’s personal accounts imply that their consumption may help to develop a sense of sexual subjectivity (Montemurro, 2014). By engaging with explicit materials to experiment with erotic aspects of the bodies, the women were, arguably, demonstrating sexual subjectivity, in that they were in control of their sexual decision-making and appeared able to act on their erotic interests. Further, our findings reinforce the notion that this type of sexual agency may help to bolster the comfort and confidence that women have in their bodies, sexualities, and sexual selves—a benefit that has been described previously in the literature (Montemurro, 2014). This shift in thinking could, in turn, also provide the women with greater knowledge and agency when defining and ascribing meaning to concepts such as ‘sex’ and ‘sexuality’ (Attwood et al., 2018). The participant accounts also support the argument that factors that discourage women from discussing sexuality (e.g. a conservative religious upbringing, growing up in a household that discourages discussion about sex, communities that are intolerant of LGBTQIA individuals) may stunt the development of women’s sexual subjectivity—at least until a time when they are able to practice greater agency in relation to their sexual selves (Montemurro, 2014).

Closely tied to sexual subjectivity in this study was a sense of erotic empowerment that appeared to be catalyzed by the women’s SEM consumption. This empowerment was specifically demonstrated when the women described their consumption as being personally driven, being focused on their own preferences and choices, being resistive to dominant social and/or cultural expectations, and/or allowing them to better advocate for their sexual wants and needs. It is important, however, to acknowledge that the experience of sexual empowerment can be a deeply personal one for women. Indeed, Lamb and Peterson (2011) have argued that the concept of sexual empowerment among women can be difficult to define, in that it is likely multidimensional and composed of numerous subjective elements (e.g. sexual desire, experiences of pleasure, the ability to successfully negotiate with partners about wanted/unwanted activities). However, among the women in this study, the claiming of one’s own sexual desire and right to pleasure appeared particularly important to self-perceived notions of sexual empowerment. Additionally, viewing SEM consumption through the lens of defiance—against societal beliefs, family, and/or religion—it was clear that several of the women in this study sought to push back against gender expectations by engaging with explicit materials, an additional component of sexual empowerment outlined by Lamb and Peterson (2011).

The notion of erotic justice may help to explain these connections, in part because it is based on the belief that individuals are entitled to dignity and equality with regards to their bodies and erotic identities (Jolly et al., 2013; Van Zyl, 2015). Interestingly, it has been suggested that individuals striving for erotic justice may also find themselves empowered in non-sexual aspects of their lives. As Jolly, Cornwall, and Hawkins (2013: 21) have stated, women may often “move from negotiations for orgasms to demands for a guarantee to other rights.” Consequently, women’s use of SEM in their quest for arousal and erotic pleasure could be viewed as a political act (Parry and Penny Light, 2014). While the concept of erotic justice has recently begun to be explored in projects working with women in the developing world (Jolly et al., 2013; Van Zyl, 2015), it would be interesting for future research to examine how women who experience other types of marginalization (e.g. due to race, sexuality, socioeconomic class, ability, language barriers) may negotiate power and privilege in their sexual lives. Thus, we would suggest that future studies examining SEM consumption should aim to recruit women from these groups.

The women in this study also described the ways their sexuality-related learning had benefitted from their consumption of SEM. On a more superficial level, we found women using SEM as a tool to assist them in learning about new sexual positions and activities (e.g. BDSM play). This benefit has been described previously by authors such as Albury (2009) and Benjamin and Tlusten (2010) in examinations of women’s and men’s engagement with pornography and online sexual material. Attwood, Smith, and Barker (2018: 19) offered similar sentiments in their study exploring young people’s encounters with sexually explicit media: “sex may be a site of bodily knowledge, self-exploration, transformation, and sexual practices—physical or imaginative—a place for human learning, sociability, performance, and play.”

The utility of SEM as effective and reliable learning tools for consumers, however, may be dependent on such factors as the desire of consumers to carry out an act/sexual position in safe and boundary respecting ways, the ethics and approach of the creator/director, how realistic the material is trying to be in its depiction (e.g. not heavily edited to remove preceding activities or safeguards), the decision-making capabilities held by any participating actors, and the general quality of the material. Indeed, in our study, this notion was specifically alluded to by Sylvia when she stated “I find from good literature and fan fiction, I’ve learned a lot more about safe BDSM practices”). As a result, we would suggest that an examination of how the factors listed above might influence women’s consumption of SEM and how individual women might critically evaluate explicit materials is warranted in future research.

On a deeper level, the consumption of SEM in this study was found to help some women learn about self-acceptance and self-esteem while also normalizing their sexual desires—often allowing them to reconcile identity factors (e.g. race, body size, sexuality, kinks, and turn-ons) with sex and eroticism. Additionally, it could be argued that by seeking out materials that represented certain identity traits and/or sexual interests, women may be able to use SEM consumption as a gateway to a sense of belonging and community (Albury, 2009). Nonetheless, it is again important to consider that these types of psychological benefits would depend on the ability of women to access materials that portray diversity with regards to race, bodies, and sexualities.

Many of the personal benefits the women experienced through their consumption of SEM were found to also improve certain aspects of their social lives. For example, explicit materials were found to positively benefit the women’s general sexual communication skills by helping to build erotic language, by serving as an opening topic for sexual discussion, or by serving as a mode of erotic communication when words were simply not enough (Harcourt, 2016). Explicit materials were also found to inspire the women to become more open in their communications with intimate partners, potentially contributing to a deeper connection within couples. Previous studies have also linked women’s SEM consumption with increased sexual communication and satisfaction among intimate partners (Parvez, 2006; Petzanova, 2010). One potential reason for this connection could be that SEM provides women with inspiration for new erotic activities (e.g. positions, toys, scenarios) while also providing examples of sexually confident women experiencing pleasure. Unfortunately, it is also always possible that explicit materials could present unsafe scenarios or practices to consumers or offer a representation of women that is objectifying or exploitive (Attwood, 2005b; Penley et al., 2013), suggesting that access to ethical and/or responsibly made SEM is valuable for consumers.

While the women in this study frequently articulated many perceived benefits from their engagement with SEM, many also described a sense of unease accompanying their consumption, particularly with regard to pornographic videos and films. Such a finding has been described previously by Smith (2012: 167), who contends that “female consumers of pornography are constantly dogged by questions of harm, subordination, objectification, authenticity and the need to consider women’s well-being before their own pleasures when watching or reading pornography.” This tension was evident for the women in this study, who often struggled to reconcile their own sexual desires and curiosities with their personal values and beliefs—particularly those concerning the ways explicit materials could exploit or objectify women. While female-oriented or feminist forms of SEM could be one avenue to help women consume with clear consciences (Wilson-Kovacs, 2009), it is important to remember that for many individuals, who and what turns them on can be integral to how they view their erotic selves (Albury, 2009). Restrictions on consumption—whether they be self or externally imposed, could therefore prove to be detrimental to women and the sexual well-being they define for themselves (Attwood et al., 2018). As a result, we would advocate further study into how consumption of SEM might be done in a way that attends to both women’s safety and their individual conceptions of health and well-being.

It remains important to note that while this study included 28 women of varying ages and self-identified sexualities, there was a lack of diversity with regard to race (i.e. 24 identified as White) and education (i.e. all but one of the women had some form of post-secondary education). Therefore, we would suggest that future studies in the area of women’s consumption of SEM seek to recruit more non-White women and women who were early school leavers or who did not pursue post-secondary education.

Conclusion

The women in this study were found to access SEM to meet a multitude of needs that appeared to affect their well-being in generally positive ways. These included physical (e.g. arousal, masturbation), emotional, and psychological needs (e.g. anxiety and stress relief, escapism, fantasy exploration, as a creative outlet) that, in turn, catalyzed several benefits for the women. On a personal level, we found the women were able to use SEM to explore their bodies and sexualities. At times, they also engaged with materials that allowed them to build confidence in their bodies and sexual interests, particularly if either the woman or the activity were in some way marginalized. Erotic empowerment also proved to be a powerful benefit provided by consumption that allowed the women to build sexual subjectivity and develop a sense of erotic justice, thus often allowing them to become better self-advocates. Social aspects of the women’s well-being were also found to benefit through their SEM consumption—particularly those related to communication with intimate partners and expanding their general level of comfort discussing sex and sexuality. However, any personal or social benefits the women experienced were frequently complicated by tensions that often related to the ways their consumption went against their own values or societal beliefs regarding women’s sexuality. Given these complexities, we contend that it is important for women to be able to decide where, why, and if they engage with SEM and what benefits they might choose to access through their consumption.

The social implications of our findings are numerous and include just some of the following. First, our findings indicate that women may be using sexual release through engagement with SEM as a way of coping with the stresses they encounter in today’s fast-paced, Western lifestyle. This, combined with a desire by some to use sex and sexuality as a way of challenging gendered feminine role expectations, suggests that women may be an important target demographic for producers of explicit materials, in both traditional and emerging SEM genres. The varied interests and curiosities discussed by the women in this study, however, imply that SEM marketed towards women would likely need to present wide-ranging content, while also providing information to consumers about the ethics surrounding its creation. Second, our findings suggest that women’s consumption of SEM may have a valuable role to play in forming and nurturing more open and informed lines of communication within intimate relationships—potentially providing benefits to an even wider range of the population (e.g. male partners, female partners who are not consumers of SEM). Finally, the perspectives shared by the women in this study imply that SEM may be integral to the process of building sexual knowledge, confidence, and agency among women—important components that contribute to building overall female empowerment.

Footnotes

Stephanie Chesser, PhD, is a Research Associate at the Centre on Aging at the University of Manitoba in Winnipeg, Canada. Her doctoral work, completed through the University of Waterloo’s Department of Recreation and Leisure Studies (specialization in aging, health, and well-being), explored decision-making surrounding first-time parenthood among doctoral and postdoctoral trainees. Stephanie’s research interests include gender, well-being, and leisure across the life course, as well as qualitative methodologies and feminist theory.

Diana Parry, PhD, is a Professor (Recreation and Leisure Studies) and Associate Vice-President Human Rights, Equity and Inclusion at the University of Waterloo in Ontario, Canada. As a feminist scholar, Diana uses her research to advance a social justice agenda by advocating for a holistic understanding and conceptualization of health for women. Her research has explored women’s consumption of sexually explicit material, women’s use of erotic capital, as well as women’s encounters with menopause, infertility, pregnancy, midwifery, cancer, and motherhood.

Tracy Penny Light, PhD, is an Associate Professor of History at Thompson Rivers University in British Columbia, Canada. Tracy was formerly an Associate Professor in the Sexuality, Marriage, and Family Studies and History departments (St. Jerome’s University) and Director of Women’s Studies at the University of Waterloo, Canada. Her research explores the medical discourse on gender and sexuality in Canada and the United States in the 20th century.

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