Mapping resilience pathways of Indigenous youth in five circumpolar communities

Abstract

This introduction to the Special Issue Indigenous Youth Resilience in the Arctic reviews relevant resilience theory and research, with particular attention to Arctic Indigenous youth. Current perspectives on resilience, as well as the role of social determinants, and community resilience processes in understanding resilience in Indigenous circumpolar settings are reviewed. The distinctive role for qualitative inquiry in understanding these frameworks is emphasized, as is the uniquely informative lens youth narratives can offer in understanding Indigenous, cultural, and community resilience processes during times of social transition. We then describe key shared cross-site methodological elements of the Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood study, including sampling, research design, procedures, and analytic strategies. The site-specific papers further elaborate on methods, focusing on those elements unique to each site, and describe in considerable detail locally salient stressors and culturally patterned resilience strategies operating in each community. The concluding paper considers these across sites, exploring continuities and discontinuities, and the influence of cross-national social policies.

Keywords

adolescence Arctic Indigenous qualitative resilience

Cultural change and social transformation occur in any society, but their pace and reach can vary considerably. Circumpolar Indigenous people are responding to rapid changes affecting their core political, economic, and cultural systems. This study looks at young people growing up in five such communities, seeking to identify the stressors that make for difficult passages and the resilience processes that safeguard transition into adulthood. Using collaborative and interdisciplinary methods of inquiry, the Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood (CIPA) project seeks to analyze qualitative life history narratives of youth from Northeastern Siberian Eveny, Northern Norwegian Sámi, Northeastern Canada Inuit, Northwestern Alaska Inupiat, and Southwestern Alaska Yup’ik communities. The study aims to explore how sweeping transitions and globalization are affecting young people’s lives, and the ways these communities shape youth resilience as they face and overcome these unique challenges (Kirmayer, 2006). Study of resilience processes in adolescence can also provide keys to understanding broader sociocultural tensions that often come into focus during many of the developmental tasks young people navigate on the pathway to adulthood. In this way, the narratives of youth coming of age in circumpolar communities hold potential to also tell a still-evolving story of cultural continuity wrested from disruptive colonial legacies. Youth experience can provide a lens through which to explore ways certain resilience processes might remain deeply patterned within traditional cultural practices, alongside with new emergent strategies representing innovations.

In addition to its developmental emphasis and international, interdisciplinary scope, the current study is distinguished by a commitment to principles of community-based participatory research (CBPR; Minkler & Wallerstein, 2008). The work at each study site is rooted in long-standing research relationships that span a decade or longer, and that predate this current project. This time invested in the research relationship positions our research group to tap multilevel understandings of local resilience processes, brought into sharp relief through young people’s stories of challenge and accomplishment. Familial and community resources are defined and bound together in these accounts, along with the improvisations of inventive young people and their allies. This allows exploration of both culture-specific elements of resilience processes, as well as commonalities and divergences across sites.

Indigenous participants, local institutions, and community coresearchers functioned as collaborative partners with our interdisciplinary, international team of university researchers throughout all phases of this project. The research was initiated through a local process at each site, culminating in a circumpolar consensus meeting with youth and adult community representatives that arrived at a shared core set of cross-site research questions (Ulturgasheva et al., 2011). Interviewing, data collection, and analytic procedures at each site involved shared university and community coresearcher direction. Provisional local findings were disseminated back to each community, where community coresearchers provided interpretive guidance. With an eye to sustainability, this project is also intended to build local community research capacity, and to gather baseline data for future prospective inquiry that will follow this group of research participants through adulthood.

This Introduction to the Special Issue Indigenous Youth Resilience in the Arctic reviews relevant resilience theory and research, with an emphasis on recent developments in the resilience literature, recent work in resilience theory and research across cultures and in Indigenous communities, and research in circumpolar settings and with Arctic Indigenous youth. It then describes elements of the cross-site methodology shared across the sites of the Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood (CIPA) study. The five papers that follow each makes use of flexibility also built into this shared methodology, allowing distinct, site-specific, and highly localized portraits of resilience processes in each international community. These portraits afford views of the stressors and resources shaping culturally patterned resilience processes emergent through life histories of Indigenous young people, analyzed by age group (early and late adolescence) and gender. A sixth paper compares stressors and resilience strategies across sites, tracing the influence of diverse cross-national educational and social policies. We believe the series can be usefully drawn upon to guide future collaborative, interdisciplinary, international research, to inform Arctic social policy, and to support Indigenous efforts promoting youth resilience across the circumpolar north.

Contemporary perspectives on circumpolar Indigenous youth resilience

Rapid social change, attended by colonial and disenfranchising intrusions, has resulted in significant social problems across the circumpolar Arctic. These profound changes have occurred largely in the past 50 years, and have resulted in significant behavioral health disparities for Indigenous young people, and especially young men, along with widespread social concern, associated with substance abuse, violence, and youth suicide as profiled through a broadly interdisciplinary literature.¹ Yet, despite these mounting disparities and inequities in health outcomes when contrasted to majority national populations, large numbers of Indigenous circumpolar youth successfully navigate the passage into adulthood. Understanding how communities across the circumpolar north make such passages feasible has immense implications for prevention, treatment, and social policy in the Arctic.

Coinciding with these disruptive changes in the Arctic, over these same 50 years, an important body of interdisciplinary work has emerged to examine what contributes to healthy development and well-being in the face of adversity (Luthar, 2006; Luthar & Brown, 2007; Masten, 2007). A common definition of the phenomenon, termed resilience, was established a decade ago as a “dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity” (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000, p. 543). This approach to understanding resilience distinguishes between risk, vulnerability, and protection (Luthar & Cicchetti, 2000; Luthar et al., 2000): risk refers broadly to adverse circumstances experienced by a collective; vulnerability to features of history, practice, or circumstance that intensify risk; and protection describes factors that reduce risk or buffer its effects.

In contrast to psychiatry and its allied disciplines, resilience is construed differently by systems biology and ecology through a usage predating its appearance in the human development literature. In ecology, resilience is more broadly understood as “the capacity of a social-ecological system to maintain similar structure, functioning, and feedbacks [emphasis added] despite shocks and perturbations” (Chapin, Matson, & Vitousek, 2011, p. 192). These broad interdisciplinary physical science roots influenced the development of an ecological-transactional model of human resilience (Cicchetti & Lynch, 1993), which views the human context (culture, community, kinship, and family) as nested levels of influence that shape resilience processes. The ecological model underscores the significance of these contextual factors operating at varying levels of proximity to the individual. These multilevel understandings of the role of contextual influences challenge researchers to conceive of resilience beyond the individual level, and beyond earlier resilience research’s focus on such phenomenon as personality traits or life events. That these types of multilevel understandings of resilience are necessary becomes clear when we note that focusing on the individual level alone typically accounts for less than half the variance in studies of the mental health and well-being outcomes of youth (e.g., Beckett et al., 2006; Sroufe, Egeland, Carlson, & Collins, 2005). Accordingly, ecological approaches stress how both ontogenetic development and adaptation on the individual level are shaped by contextual factors operating at multiple levels. One of the many implications of this emphasis on context is acknowledgement that more complete understandings of the strategies that define resilience entail the application of local resources to meet specific local challenges. Because resource utility depends not only on their local availability and accessibility, but also on the ways in which these resources are freighted with local meaning, resilience as a process can vary significantly across different cultural settings as a function of differences in value systems and worldviews (Kirmayer, Sehdev, Whitely, Dandeneau, & Issac, 2009; S. White & Ellison, 2007).

Ungar (2011) notes that “study of resilience should involve context first and the child second” because “positive outcomes are mostly the result of facilitative environments that provide children with the potential to do well” (p. 4). He describes four principles implicit in ecological understandings of resilience—decentrality, complexity, atypicality, and cultural relativity—that can guide a study of context. Decentrality reinforces the shift in focus from the individual to broader social ecological levels of understanding. Decentrality is congruent with Masten’s (2001) distinction between “resiliency” as individual internal trait and “resilience” as multilevel process (Cicchetti & Curtis, 2007). Mindful of this distinction, our gaze shifts to seek out the processes and practices—their timing, triggering mechanisms, titrating of intensity and duration, ability to adjust—by means of which environments provide resources for strategic use. With complexity, Ungar (2011) underscores what it takes to make resources useable—available, accessible, and meaningful to the actors in question—and that their effective uptake requires meshing with the actors’ aptitudes and capacities, as well as those of associates or peers. Complexity also recognizes that effective assemblies of actors are not fixed, but instead change “as individuals move between contexts and through time” (2011, p. 7). Stated differently, we must attend to interactive functions and their ripple effects across complex systems. Complexity reinforces the organizing principle of decentrality, that environmental factors beyond the individual level are overriding determinants in resilience. The implicit relational perspective in both principles is both expressed and magnified within the tight, kinship-based organizational structures of many Indigenous communities (Allen, Mohatt, Markstrom, Novins, & Byers, 2011).

Atypicality recognizes what can appear as unusual behavior judged from outside, may instead prove contextually relevant and adaptive within certain settings. This can be of particular relevance in the unique physical and social environmental contexts in the Arctic. Understanding how “unusual” behavior patterns may be locally functional in a distinctively configured cultural ecology, when alternative and more conventional pathways to development are blocked, may be critical to understanding resilience in circumpolar contexts. Other researchers have described ways childhood and adolescence is at times reconfigured around achievement of the means to survive in contemporary inner-city communities in New York and Brazil (Bourgois, 2002; Scheper-Hughes & Sargent, 1999). Young people in these communities engage in activities that to the majority, mainstream would appear risky and adverse, activities like drug-dealing and defense-training. For youth in these communities though, there are few other paths to protection of self, family, and community. The long-term costs of such pathways, through penalties exacted when certain development milestones are bypassed, may need to be assessed.

Finally, cultural relativity recognizes that ontological development beyond basic biopsychosocial events, such as the timing of secondary sexual characteristics in puberty, varies culturally. Relativity takes the atypicality principle—“when the benchmarks for … development are defined locally”—and complicates it further in multicultural settings, where “competing truth claims of … intersecting cultures” contend (Ungar, 2011, p. 9). Relativity folds in on itself when globalization’s “homogenizing effects” intersect with once-unquestioned local cultural practice (Appadurai, 1996). Relativity, along with the principle of complexity, suggests the very appreciation of resilience may be a function of the social location from which it is viewed. Thus, resilience in specific cultural groups may involve a choice to resist dominant cultural norms in favor of Indigenous coping strategies, as Indigenous communities invoke acts of opposition in response to colonial domination (Tousignant & Sioui, 2009; Wexler, DiFulvio, & Burke, 2009). These acts of resistance may be practiced subtly, through deliberate cultivation of cultural continuity, or directly, through organized efforts of opposition.

Social determinants of health and resilience in Indigenous circumpolar settings

Ecological inquiry also leads to a consideration of the social determinants of health (Marmot & Commission on Social Determinants of Health, 2007), and these take distinctive shape in the circumpolar north. With respect to Indigenous peoples’ health (Gracey & King, 2009; King, Smith, & Gracey, 2009), any examination of social determinants must begin with the ongoing and lingering impacts of colonization. This experience includes historical and contemporary examples of marginalization, exclusion, cultural suppression, forced assimilation (e.g., removal of children to residential boarding schools), and outright extermination. Coupled with this legacy are practices of racism, discrimination, and demeaning portrayals of Indigenous people in popular media and social discourse. Myriad social policies have widespread impact on Indigenous peoples’ sense of connection to their land and its coinhabitants, historically a crucial component of individual and collective identity. These policies foster dependency on the state, mandate schooling and year-round settlements, and marginalize traditional roles and livelihoods, and their cumulative effect is to erode health (Wexler, 2009). The shared and particular set of social determinants associated with this colonial legacy constitutes a central consideration in multilevel ecological understandings of resilience in Indigenous circumpolar settings. The historical process associated with colonization and its accompanying oppression has created patterns of unrelenting and persistent health inequalities (Kirmayer, Dandeneau, Marshall, Phillips, & Williamson, 2011).

Numerous studies identify an association between cultural disruption, acculturation stress, identity struggle, and the health disparities in circumpolar communities (Berry, 1985; Bjerregaard, 2001; Chance, 1990; Kirmayer, Fletcher, & Boothroyd, 1998; Larsen, 1990; O’Neil, 1986; Stairs, 1992). Other research suggests linkages between cultural continuity, enculturation, community control and action as resilience processes fostering well-being for Indigenous populations.² While these studies identify connections between cultural disruption and negative outcomes, and between cultural continuity and positive outcomes, they have yet to provide a coherent theoretical framework for understanding their relations. We lack multilevel models of how the navigation of competing Indigenous and dominant cultural expectations occurs in adolescence, how this process is supported by factors both within and beyond the individual, and how it is made sense of locally. These gaps in the existing research underscore the potential contribution of the current study to the knowledge base on Indigenous young people.

Local variations among a common set of social determinants across the circumpolar north direct our attention to specific resilience processes that draw upon distinctive bodies of traditional knowledge, values, and practices. The principle of cultural relativity prepares us to see the deployment of resources as both subtle and poignant: as the living legacy of tradition on the one hand, and as modes of resistance/accommodation to the evolving entanglements of both dominant societies and larger globalizing forces, on the other.

Community resilience frameworks in Indigenous contexts

Lafrance, Bodor, and Bastien (2008) note striking correspondences between Indigenous worldviews and ecological theories of resilience. Their review constructs a resilience framework underscoring the roles of family, identity, and cultural formation within a relational worldview in which spirit world, nature, community, family, and individuals are intimately joined, moving understanding of resilience to the community level. An important element of community resilience in Indigenous contexts, then, can be comprehended as flexible structures of cultural continuity enacted in innovative ways in response to new demands (Kirmayer et al., 2009). As noted earlier, psychiatry, psychology, public health, and the social sciences describe resilience as “adaptation in the face of adversity” (Masten, 2007). In contrast, these emerging frameworks from Indigenous settings, paralleling the ecological view within systems biology, emphasize the capacity of systems to maintain similar structure and function, despite assault and perturbations.

Drawing upon emerging resilience literature from collaborative research in Inuit, Metis, Mi’kwaq, and Mohawk communities, Kirmayer and colleagues (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Kirmayer et al., 2009) explore these structural and functional elements in community resilience. These descriptions emphasize the dynamic properties of their context, suggesting they can be understood as events in systems (Hawe, Shiell, & Riley, 2009). From a systems perspective, resilience processes involve networks of people, events, and settings that share relationships, linkages, interactions, and transactions, including feedback loops. Resources are the raw materials for the betterment of human conditions, and resilience processes are understood through their ability to distribute and transform these resources across these networks.

Examples of community resilience processes in this emergent literature include formal or structural vehicles of expression in metaphor, ritual, and story-telling. Substantively, a broad range of functional, purposive activity described include choreographing reconciliation ceremonies, promoting self-regulation through alignment with larger mythic structures, retelling traumatic histories in ways that valorize collective identity, and reclaiming symbolic culture for purposes of healing, life narrative, and the transmission of heritage. The multiple factors these authors considered as resilience processes ranged widely across family relations, oral traditions and storytelling, connection to the land, traditional healing practices, and spirituality and ceremony. They also involved cultural identity, knowledge, and continuity, and finally, collective and political agency.

Research on the saliency of cultural continuity highlights the utility of community resilience perspectives. As communities, a formative study by Chandler and Lalonde (1998) identified five markers of cultural continuity in Canadian Aboriginal communities: (a) bands taking active steps to secure; (b) title to traditional lands; (c) self-governance back from government agencies, and some degree of community control over (d) educational, (e) police/fire, and (f) health services. They established a linear relationship existed between the number of these markers present and suicide risk on the community level. This level of analysis is typically absent from characterizations of resilience prominent in the mainstream health and social science literature focus on adaptation at the individual level. This particular formulation of cultural continuity can be understood as an agent or event within a complex system (Schensul, 2009). This emergent literature also encourages exploration of the imaginative work and social mechanisms driving complexity in resilience processes. Such inputs include new influences such as globalization and hybridization, alongside the creative involvement of youth in determining their own destinies and futures.

Mapping complexity in circumpolar Indigenous resilience processes

These emerging community resilience frameworks in Indigenous settings parallel recent developments in mainstream interdisciplinary systems approaches to resilience through their shared exploration of multiple domains within and outside the developing person (Cicchetti & Blender, 2004; Curtis & Cicchetti, 2003; Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 2007). The influence of ecologically informed approaches is unmistakable in this literature’s growing insistence on viewing resilience as “process or phenomenon … not … trait” (Schoon, 2006, p. 16); resilience is seen as neither fixed nor static, but instead as recurrently activated. Risk or challenge, then, takes two main forms: staged transitions (culturally prescribed and orchestrated), and unscheduled events and conditions (episodic or chronic stressors). One other important phenomenon in current views of resilience includes the broad influences of developmental cascades, which are “the cumulative consequences for development of the many interactions and transactions occurring in developing systems that result in spreading effects across levels, among domains at the same level, and across different systems or generations” (Masten & Cicchetti, 2010, p. 491). Cascade effects broadly influence responses to future challenges, while ripple effects describe the more direct collateral impacts of actions in other life areas.

Recognition of the context-specificity of both risk and protective processes underscores the need to assess resilience across multiple domains, positions us to expect cross-cultural variation, and alerts us to “risk modifiers that tend to be highly robust across widely disparate cultural contexts and [emphasis added] those more idiosyncratic to particular settings” (Luthar & Zelazo, 2003, p. 525). Research on social determinants of health reminds us that resources for buffering stress, navigating transitions, and mobilizing support mimic patterns of social inequality at large, making for substantial inequities in the distribution of resilience-relevant assets. Finally, values and context-dependency enter into what constitutes good outcome or positive adjustment (Masten, 1999).

Both historical legacy and social moment figure into contextualizing risk, and into the strategies through which communities manage risk. In Indigenous settings, if risk is to be properly embedded, then an “overriding” first fact is dislocation from history, cultural continuity, lands, and livelihoods (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Kirmayer et al., 2009). Accordingly, we may expect that the coordinates of significant elements of resilience reside at the collective or community level, and that the tools or resources (material and symbolic) that make for protective factors are distinctively colored. Instead of limiting attention exclusively to individual adaptation, this broadens our search to include processes enhancing the capacity of systems to maintain similar structure and function, despite assault and perturbations. At the cultural level, the collective nature of many of the important resilience processes in Indigenous communities is clear: revitalized narratives of selfhood and healing, political activism, and reclaimed and revalorized cultural practices adapted for fresh applications to changing times. Our challenge in the current research is to detect such work, and the local variations in and departures from such themes, in the stories of young people.

Qualitative inquiry permits us to access local understandings of these types of transaction. Given the logistical challenges and small populations inherent to Arctic research, the flux of social transition (Ungar, Clark, Kwong, Makhnach, & Cameron, 2005), the critical importance of capturing local understandings, and our experiences with challenges arising out of cases of incongruity between elements of Western research paradigms and Indigenous forms of knowledge generation (Gone, 2012), this methodological approach seemed best suited to this discovery phase of our research.

Prior research by members of our group (e.g., Kral & Idlout, 2008; Mohatt & Rasmus, 2005; Wexler, 2014; Wexler & Burke, 2011) suggests these culturally based narratives themselves constitute resilience processes in circumpolar communities. Narratives reinforce cultural continuity by linking generations in the shared identity of storytelling. Because they play a central role in circumpolar Indigenous cultures, stories can provide a way of talking about stressors and change; indeed, the process of retelling can inform—and challenge, extend, modify, and refine—local Indigenous community members’ understandings of resilience (MacDonald, Glode, & Wien, 2005). Storytelling connects people to lived experience, spiritual traditions, and collective history, and positions them as coparticipants in an active process of sharing knowledge about “how we live.”

Local narratives also describe moral ideas, identity tools, and collective experience that resilience draws upon, and express modes of problem solving, social position, solidarity, and emotion regulation. They can recast representations imposed from the dominant society, reworking what are extended as negatives into fresh tools of self-transformation, and propose metaphors for social change that challenge and impact many of the prevailing negative social determinants of health (Hall & Lamont, 2009). Though resilience research increasingly emphasizes the importance of context and process, contemporary understandings of resilience can still often reflect Western assumptions such as individualistic values (Olsson, Bond, Burns, Vella-Brodrick, & Sawyer, 2003; Ungar, Lee, Callaghan, & Boothroyd, 2005). In contrast, circumpolar Indigenous viewpoints emphasize a more collective or relational self (Briggs, 1998; Stairs, 1992), setting the stage for the development of social competence in a young person that, among other things, values listening over assertive communication (Kendal, 1989). Similarly, historical and social context is often largely ignored in resilience research; ignorant of history, it can be clueless to irony. And so, although treated as an unambiguous “good” in most development studies, education can also symbolize colonialism in Indigenous communities (Dehyle, 1992; Dumont, 1972; McLean, 1997; Ryan, 1989). Thus, whatever the costs incurred with respect to future employment prospects, leaving school can demonstrate affiliation with cultural identity and be an expression of personal strength. Blind to its historical freight, many resilience studies consider high school graduation unquestioningly as an unproblematic positive outcome (Ungar, 2004; Wexler et al., 2009). All these considerations emphasize the need for understanding resilience as situated within categories of interconnection and relatedness that are core to circumpolar Indigenous cultures, based in the experience and meaning systems shaping understanding.³

Youth narratives as a lens to understanding

Young people’s stories offer a distinctive lens on unsettled ways of life. Their narratives allow us to put their self-understandings, which themselves are often provisional works-in-progress, to work as guides to established rules for behavior and social interaction (Erikson, 1959/1980), to the sometimes troubled passage to adulthood, and to community-level responses/resources young people can draw upon in making this passage. Storytelling traditionally represents an important meaning-making activity for Indigenous people (Adam & Fosdick, 1983; Chance, 1990; Fienup-Riordan, 1997; Kendal, 1989; Stairs, 1992), thereby offering the listener understandings into the distinctive logics, values, and consequences guiding conduct (Baumeister & Newman, 1994; Bruner, 1990; Feldman, 1990; Rosaldo, 1986; Turner & Bruner, 1986). Because these meanings are often local, and because they provide symbolic parameters for appropriate situational behavior, they are particularly relevant to study of circumpolar Indigenous resilience. Meaning, therefore, is contingent upon both sense of self and the action possibilities available. These possibilities in turn are shaped by community structures along with the prevailing cultural scripts associated with characteristics such as gender, age, and ethnicity. To negotiate these tensions, particularly during times of transition, youth improvise upon received meanings, engaging in creative endeavor (Adelson, 2000; Baumeister, 1987). This leads to new synthesis in meaning systems and discourse (Bacigalupo, 2003; Swan & Linehan, 2000). As described above, all this occurs at multiple levels, including each individual and their peers, family, extended kinship structures, community, larger society, and global youth culture (Murray, 2000). Together, these influences put youth at the nexus of at times competing expectations aligned with social change, global influence, dominant society, and Indigenous communities.⁴

In its study of youth narratives, the CIPA project draws upon current trends in mainstream resilience research, along with resilience frameworks described in Indigenous settings and multicultural studies of well-being (Allen, Rivkin, & Lopez, 2013; Bandura, 1997; Diener & Suh, 2000; Kahneman, Diener, & Schwarz, 1999; Snyder & Lopez, 2002). We seek to identify common and distinctive elements across five circumpolar Indigenous cultures that share a core set of challenges and social determinants, as well as historical, genealogical, and linguistic linkages. Each collaborating community has a majority Indigenous population. All are located in the circumpolar environment within Arctic climatic zones, and all have shared a colonial history characterized by rapid imposed social transition and forced acculturation. Colonization was conducted by diverse institutions across sites, but resulted in a common legacy of cultural disruption that includes but is not limited to forced schooling, political domination, and suppression of Indigenous language (Berry, 1985; Bjerregaard, 2001; Chance, 1990; Kirmayer, Fletcher, et al., 1998; Larsen, 1990; O’Neil, 1986; Stairs, 1992). Each community nonetheless retains hard-won distinctions of identity, culture, and livelihood. Through comparative life history narrative analysis across sites, this project seeks to describe ways in which diverse circumpolar social structures influence Indigenous young people’s stressors, coping strategies, and future prospects, along with the community resilience processes that sustain these youth.

Methods

This Methods section describes the sampling framework and targets, research design, elements of the interview procedures shared across the sites, and organizing structures of the CIPA collaborative methods. The individual site-specific papers will describe elements of the methods unique to each community’s research.

This project grew out of long-standing collaborative research relationships in each of the respective communities between community members and university-based researchers; at two of the community settings, the university researchers were also Indigenous community members. To ensure local shaping of research questions regarding resilience and successful pathways to adulthood, CIPA engaged community members in the design of the inquiry, data gathering, and interpretation of results. CIPA’s aims, together with selective gleanings from the existing literature on circumpolar Indigenous resilience and our own group’s previous work in this area, were integrated into a heuristic model that guided inquiry.

In this heuristic model, pictured in Figure 1, ecological factors specific to the context of youth in Indigenous circumpolar communities are identified. These include Indigenous traditional culture practices and worldviews, global youth cultural influences, national political, social, and economic systems, and the specter of rapid, imposed social change. These contextual influences are mediated by relational factors at the family, local community, and institutional levels. Relational factors here refer to characteristics of sustained patterns of interactions between people within the family, within the community, and within institutions. Within relational factors, the local institutional level distinguishes externally imposed relational structures, such as the content and formatting of Western schooling, from the community level rituals and activities instead formed around practices of local origins, such as the structures that support and nurture traditional dance. These contextual and mediating relational factors impact a variety of life stressors that contemporary Indigenous youth face. Figuring prominently among these stressors are tensions between different contextual and relational factors, for example, tensions between local expectations and external, often imposed expectations from outside the local community. Out of this mix, circumpolar Indigenous youth improvise passage to a future provisional vision of adulthood. In the course of this passage, they must derive, revise, and enact their own subjectivities, including meaning structures, as works in progress. This heuristic model guided our construction of a shared cross-site life history interview protocol.

Figure 1.

Heuristic model guiding Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood study methodology.

Life history interviews were selected to allow our group to construct individualized accounts of the ordinary work of local youth at each of the different sites as they navigate these straits in often-extraordinary ways. Through this method, we sought out accounts that would include both techniques of individual coping and, of even greater interest to our group, the strategic assemblages of social, symbolic, and material resources youth people use to negotiate their ways forward. We anticipated that these assemblages of resources would include the kinship and community supports constituting community and cultural resilience, and life history methods would provide rich, textured descriptions of local enactments of resilience in these circumpolar Indigenous settings.

All five CIPA sites shared sampling framework, research design, and interview protocol. However, commitment to this common core also allowed considerable local flexibility to add elements in the interview protocol to address local needs and interests unique to each setting. Similarly, the analytic methods for the CIPA life history interviews that are the focus of this Special Issue can be understood as a toolbox of methods. Sites variously drew from these tools with different degrees of emphasis and focus, in response to unique configurations of local community and researcher interests.

Sample

The cross-site interview sampling strategy sought to interview 20 young people ages 11–19 at each of the five sites, balanced by gender, and two age categories (11–14 and 15–19), using nomination and snowball purposive sampling procedures (Maxwell, 2005; Patton, 1990). In this sampling approach, each site used mixtures of local steering committee (described below) nomination of youth, and these youth in turn nominated additional participants, until each of the age and gender cells in the sampling design were filled. This sample size represented approximately 10–25% of youth at these ages in each community.

Design

A cross-sectional design was selected as the most efficient way to generate rich data about the transition to adulthood in a limited time-period with capacity for cross-site comparison. The study uses a life history methodology (Cole & Knowles, 2001; R. W. White, 2006) to elicit resilience narratives from youth in order to identify stressors and resilience strategies at multiple levels including individual, family, community, and regional.

Interviewing procedures

As will be described in each site-specific paper, interviews were conducted either by the investigator or various configurations of investigator-led interview teams. Interviewing procedures included the core cross-site protocol, with unique site-specific interview questions of local interest. All five sites used a core semistructured interview guide and training protocol that began with a shared opening activity for the interview, which asked each youth to recount how they spent their time in the previous day. This included where they slept, whom they were with, what they did, and the time spent on each activity. As another core element, interviewers collaboratively developed a visual life timeline with each youth. The major shared element was the life history interview. This was conducted across two or more sessions, and examined each life in social-historical context.⁵ The interview invited young people to describe their life story from their earliest memories to present. Follow-up questions served to elaborate the life story by exploring major life challenges, along with how the youth overcame these challenges. Interviews were open-ended, and interviewers drew upon probe questions from the semistructured interview guide to explore past and present resilience strategies, including resources, relationships, and coping mechanisms utilized. Probes also explored the family and community histories that make up significant components of life histories with Indigenous people (W. L. White, 2000). The semistructured interview also asked specific questions related to personal, relational, and community well-being, and personal and community cultural continuity. Special emphasis was also given to youth responses to life stressors, including coping mechanisms such as thoughts and cognitive strategies, actions and other behavior, relationships accessed, and community structures and resources used. Finally, youth were asked a series of social network questions and completed a concluding demographic questionnaire. Figure 2 summarizes shared cross-site elements.⁶

Figure 2.

Cross-site life history interview.

This four-part strategy of life timeline, interview, sociogram, and daily calendar was adopted in efforts to address two challenges often arising in interviewing young adolescents, who may lack insight into their life stories and feelings and may find it difficult to open up to an adult. These varied data collection strategies, along with the ongoing input of age-mates from the same communities (see below), were devised to address these common challenges.

Community and cross-site collaborative procedures

Using previously established relationships with the community, each investigator group first worked with community leaders to establish a local steering committee (LSC) for the CIPA study at each site. The LSC was planned as multigenerational, comprised of Elders, adults, and youth, and was charged with providing local input, guidance, and joint leadership regarding specific elements of the research question. Each LSC developed local research questions of interest to the community and, in some cases, adapted data collection methods in order to maximize local relevance and acceptability. In this way, site-specific components were added to the common research question, design, and interview protocol. Each LSC assisted with analysis, interpretation, and dissemination. Site-specific papers will elaborate on unique elements in the evolution of their own LSC.

In addition to the LSC in each community, a circumpolar steering committee (CSC) was formed with two youth and one adult representative from each community. The process and outcomes of this CSC meeting are described in greater detail in Ulturgasheva et al. (2011). Simultaneous translation accommodated several languages; written minutes summarizing the prior day’s discussions and decisions were circulated each morning, and an iterative process of review and discussion was used. This CSC work merged local concerns with common interests into a coherent shared vision. The meeting established consensus on cross-site research questions and agreement to use a common core interview protocol, assuring comparability across sites. The deliberations of this international CSC also informed our understanding of diverse social, economic, and political systems impacting young people in their pathways to adulthood. Following the CSC meeting, local interviews were finalized with the LSC in each site.

Analytic approach

We locate our interpretive project within disciplinary and methodological pluralism. Disciplinary backgrounds of the university researchers include anthropology, education, psychology, and social work. Added to this diversity was an analytic methodology that allowed each site to select three distinct sets of analytic tools, each used with somewhat different emphases across sites, in response to local community interests, and the interests and disciplinary backgrounds of the site’s university researchers. This interpretive strategy was devised at a cross-site analytic planning meeting of the university researchers in July 2010, and included:

Review of the resilience literature: This emphasized understandings of resilience as reconfigured in recent work directed at multilevel understandings, with particular attention to recent approaches to the study of resilience in Indigenous settings;

Grounded theory analysis: Intensive qualitative analysis of interview transcripts using a modified grounded theory approach to identify both common and site-specific themes that pertain to resilience patterns and practices; and

Narrative analysis: Identification of general motifs that took shape in reconstructed “resilience stories”: composite, prototypic narratives drawn from the body of interviews, and elaborated upon through subsequent research team discussions.

Our overall analytic approach represents a structured attempt to bring into productive dialogue the yield of three distinctive methods: careful reexamination of current thinking about resilience, richly textured, context-dependent, and sometimes site-specific yield of grounded theory analysis and thematic assays from resilience stories.

Re-reading resilience

In the year following the analytic planning meeting, we revisited our original review of the resilience literature, informed both by the cross-cutting themes identified in our collaborative coding work and by heightened sensitivity to the elective affinities between ecological and community perspectives on resilience, and how it played out in circumpolar Indigenous settings. We reread the literature, in effect, to refine the interpretive tools and analytic constructs we would bring to bear on interview and ethnographic data.

Grounding theory in the life histories

Prior to the cross-site analytic meeting, the university researchers at each site coded local interviews using a modified grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) approach. Following key elements of procedures described by Charmaz (Bryant & Charmaz, 2007; Charmaz, 2006, 2008), the local university researcher or research team reviewed interview transcripts, engaged in memoing and open coding, and then developed a local codebook. These five initial local codebooks represented provisional coding schemes, which were reviewed in weekly to biweekly international videoconference meetings over the year preceding the analytic meeting. At the cross-site analytic meeting, several days were devoted to a team understanding of each local coding system and to development of groupings of aligned coding categories across the codebooks, melding them into a common cross-site coding protocol. For example, 13 separate local coding categories that included codes such as “not to give up,” “staying healthy,” and “avoiding conflict” were grouped under the cross-site code “getting through things.” Each local code was assigned to one of 10 cross-site codes, creating groupings of code families using the Atlas.ti (Friese, 2012) software approach to code structure as an organizing algorithm. We sought to develop a cross-site codebook and a coding protocol that preserved local meanings with sufficient flexibility for use in site-specific analyses, yet capable of bridging common elements to allow for comparative work. During the year following the analytic meeting, the university researchers at each site used Atlas.ti software to implement this coding system to recode local interviews. While doing this work, teams further refined their local site-specific codebooks, and began to identify candidate emergent coding categories.

Closely read resilience narratives

At the analytical meeting, we had also begun to identify provisional motifs discernible in “resilience stories.” Emergent entities in their own right, these offered glimpses into the background or subtext behind the extended episodes of trial and trouble—and routes, resources, backup supports, and inventiveness relied upon to negotiate them—recounted in the life histories.

These narratives invited us to identify grounding assumptions of Indigenous culture and features of local “social imaginaries” (Taylor, 2004) at a different level than that afforded by grounded theory. To complement the close, textually driven microanalysis of grounded theory, investigators assembled these motifs and fragments into brief narratives. Team members composed these composite narratives from interview fragments, collateral commentary, and ethnographic material collected over time. Here, in sharp contrast to the deconstructive, segmented, and “fracturing” approach of grounded theory to develop a stable set of abstract theoretical concepts, narrative interpretation relies on prior theory, the preservation of sequence and detail, and careful attention to time and place to develop a case-centered approach (Riessman, 2008). In narrative analysis (Herman & Vervaeck, 2005; Holstein & Gubrium, 2012; Hurwitz, Greenhalgh, & Skultans, 2004), plot and character rather than excerpt and code are guiding concerns. Sequence and storyline enable capture of agency, intention, and meaning in ways that the crosscutting and amalgamating work of grounded theory does not. In this case, the intent was to seed our collective thinking with the lively assembly of tropes, staging devices, plotlines, characters, and stratagems that could be extracted from these reconstructed narratives of adolescent life. We were particularly interested in the local capacity for accommodating departures from what might be considered the prescribed or standard version of making the passage to adulthood—variations in pathways and styles that are either recognized and valued as alternatives in their own right, or provided for in ways that amount to compensatory assistance.

An iterative analytic process

We variously engaged the perspectives of Elders, grandparents, parents, extended kin, other community members, and youth through their roles on LSCs. Based in previous work of the researchers, we involved LSC members in the analysis through “briefings” about the preliminary analyses, again locally selecting among various strategies with varying emphases at each of the sites. For example, one modal strategy variously applied by teams entailed presentations to LSCs of preliminary analyses based on memoing (Mohatt et al., 2004). This allowed researchers to identify initial factors and conceptual orders related to the stressors, and the relationships and resources used by participants to respond to them. In this approach, basics of the codes and initial findings were shared orally with the LSC for feedback. The researchers had already done this kind of iterative analysis in previous studies (Allen et al., 2006; Kral, 2003; Kral & Idlout, 2006; Kral, Idlout, Minore, Dyck, & Kirmayer, 2011; Mohatt et al., 2004; Mohatt et al., 2008; Wexler, 2006, 2009, 2011). These preliminary conceptual groupings were shared with and modified when necessary by local LSC members. This cultural auditing process (Mohatt, Thomas, & Team, 2006) ensures cultural validity of the findings. This provided insight into the kinds of tensions, resources, and strategies meaningful to local people. Investigators used field notes from these meetings to provide contextual information, and to highlight possible areas to address in the analysis of the interviews. Using these methods allowed CIPA to describe the stressors faced by Indigenous youth across gender and two age cohorts, the resources shaping their culturally patterned resilience strategies, and how these stressors and culturally patterned resilience strategies played out across sites.

Describing gender and developmental factors

Each research team, with guidance from their LSC, considered each youth life history individually, within age cohorts, within gender, and finally across age cohorts and gender. Individual transcripts were coded to highlight areas salient to the main research foci—dominant stressors experienced, social and material resources accessed, and characteristics of strategies used to respond, grouped by age and gender. The analysis yielded dominant stressors and resilience strategies, by gender, at two distinct developmental stages.

Assuring quality and credibility through collaborative research

Each community has participated in research with one or more of the university researchers for at least a decade. We believe these long-term research relationship, along with the involvement of the LSCs, the CSC, and the auditing process described above as a form of respondent validation, allow for more accurate identification and interpretation of the qualitative data. This increases the likelihood of deeper understanding of resilience from local perspectives, potentially highlighting elements of Indigenous frameworks heretofore missed by resilience researchers.

Mapping the resilience pathways of Indigenous youth in five circumpolar communities

In this Special Issue, each community is represented in a paper that highlights locally salient themes. These five site-specific articles describe how youth participants are growing up, spending time, transgressing or adhering to expectations, building and sustaining relationships, and imagining their futures. The themes emerging in each paper will also sensitize the reader to findings that resonate across the sites. These cross-site themes are of variable salience in each individual site, yet the emerging concepts nonetheless seem to capture something vital and recurring in the resilience work documented in the life histories. In the concluding article, we close by considering stressors and culturally patterned resilience strategies across sites, searching for continuities and discontinuities, and the influence of cross-national social policies.

Footnotes

Funding

This research was supported by ARC-0756211, National Science Foundation; R24MD001626, National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities, PI: Stacy Rasmus and James Allen; P20RR061430, National Center for Research Resources, PI: Bert Boyer. We also thank the participants, community coresearchers, steering committees, and project staff for their assistance.

Notes

Biographies

James Allen, PhD, is Professor and Head of the Department of Biobehavioral Health and Population Sciences at the University of Minnesota Medical School, Duluth campus. He has collaborated on research in well-being, health promotion, and preventive interventions with Yup’ik communities in southwestern Alaska for the past 15 years on multiple NIAAA and NIMHD projects, including a current NIMHD CBPR intervention award. He was a principal investigator on the multisite collaborative NSF Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood project reported here, working with the Alaska Yup’ik site. His research focuses on American Indian and Alaska Native health, rural health services, culture and health, community-based participatory research, and community interventions for suicide, substance abuse, and vascular risk prevention.

Kim Hopper is Professor of Sociomedical Sciences, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, Research Scientist at the Nathan Kline Institute for Psychiatric Research, and President’s Professor, University of Alaska-Fairbanks. As an applied anthropologist, he is especially interested in understanding the social machinery of recovery from what are often viewed as psychotic episodes, and is currently involved with interventions to change the public mental health response to early psychiatric crises and long-term housing for persons with psychiatric disabilities. His CBPR work has been primarily with peers in public mental health.

Lisa M. Wexler, Ph.D., MSW, is an associate professor in the Department of Public Health at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Dr. Wexler’s collaborative research aims to deepen our understanding of Indigenous youth suicide and resilience in ways that offer possibilities for local action. She is currently the principal investigator of one site in a National Science Foundation study, the Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood featured here, which focused on youth resilience in five northern communities, and a dissemination grant focused on digital and participatory methods. Dr. Wexler is lead evaluator for three locally driven wellness programs in Northwest Alaska, and is the coprincipal investigator of a small exploratory study focused on depictions and narratives of wellness for urban men of color. Her published works focus on the intersection of heritage and health (particularly suicide and resilience), cross-cultural issues in mental health services, and collaborative and digital research methods.

Michael Kral, PhD, is Associate Professor in the Departments of Psychology and Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He has been conducting community-based participatory action research with Inuit in Nunavut, Canada since 1994, examining suicide, suicide prevention, colonial culture change, and kinship. He is the PI for the Igloolik, Nunavut site in this project. He has published on Inuit, suicide, and on history, theory and method in psychology. Prior to Illinois he has taught at Yale and the universities of Windsor and Manitoba.

Stacy Rasmus, PhD, is a Research Assistant Professor in the Institute of Arctic Biology’s Center for Alaska Native Health Research (CANHR) at the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Dr. Rasmus researches Indigenous resilience and Indigenous methodologies and is currently working towards developing a collaborative, community-based participatory research (CBPR) program at UAF with the aims of reducing disparities in suicide and substance abuse among Alaska Native and American Indian peoples. She is currently a principal investigator of a National Institutes of Health (NIH) CBPR prevention research study based in southwest Alaska that has the aims of increasing reasons for life and reducing substance abuse among Yup’ik youth using cultural process, practices, and protective factors. She is also PI of the Native Transformations Project, an NIH R01 study to determine sources of strength and resilience against drug abuse from the life histories of 60 Coast Salish tribal community members in the Pacific Northwest. Finally, she is PI of several studies funded by the National Science Foundation that examine Indigenous youth resilience in the Arctic from a comparative, collaborative, and Indigenous researcher perspective.

Kristine Nystad is a PhD student and Assistant Professor at Sámi University College in Kautokeino, Norway, where she is engaged in Indigenous teacher education. Her PhD research focuses on Sámi Indigenous adolescents and resilience. She directed the Circumpolar Indigenous Pathways to Adulthood project Norwegian Sámi research site. Her published work focuses on Sámi youth and education. She is particularly interested in the educational attainment of young Sami men, and the reasons why few Sámi men attend higher education.

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