Tunngajuq : Stress and resilience among Inuit youth in Nunavut,Canada

Abstract

As part of a cross-national collaborative study of resilience among circumpolar youth, we examined the life experiences, stressors, and coping or resilience strategies of Inuit youth in the community of Igloolik, Nunavut, Canada. An Inuit steering committee was formed with youth, adults, and one elder. The steering committee led this project in the community, informing community members of progress and helping direct all aspects of the study from research questions to methods to data collection to dissemination. A structured interview used across sites allowed youth to describe what matters to them, that is, what is at stake for them in terms of challenges and successes. Developing stable and secure relationships with one’s friends and family members enabled Inuit youth to become more resilient in the face of stresses related to social change in the Canadian Arctic.

Keywords

circumpolar indigenous peoples Inuit mental health promotion resilience stress youth

This paper reports findings from ethnographic research in the community of Igloolik, Nunavut, in the Canadian Arctic—one of five sites in a large, collaborative, circumpolar study of Indigenous youth resilience (Allen et al., 2014; Ulturgasheva et al., 2011).

Inuit are believed to have arrived in this region approximately 1,000 years ago. Historically, Inuit culture centered on collectivism and the extended family (Briggs, 1995; Malaurie, 2007), which is common among Indigenous peoples (DeMallie, 1998; Miller, 2002). Early explorers noted few hierarchical social arrangements among Inuit concerning power (Parry, 1969/1824). Gender stratification of roles existed with men designated as the hunters and providers of food and women taking on household responsibilities. Arranged marriage at an early age provided a mechanism to increase kinship networks, although divorce was culturally sanctioned and could be initiated by either a man or woman. Inuit lived in extended family camps with seasonal moving in winter and summer. Historical records note contact between Inuit in Igloolik and foreign explorers began in 1822, and Scottish and some American whalers travelled to the Canadian Arctic from the mid-1800s into the early 20th century. The whalers brought disease together with supplies such as guns, small boats, flour, and tobacco. After the 1920s, there was a foreign presence among Inuit by the fur trade, missionaries, and police.

The largest social change in Inuit history came during what Wenzel (1991) termed “the government era” after 1957, when the Canadian government moved Inuit from their land camps into crowded settlements run by non-Inuit. Roles and responsibilities began to change for Inuit in these settlements. Children were forced to go to school, frequently residential boarding schools. The young Inuit who had been to these schools began to choose their own marital partners for the first time, with love marriage beginning to replace arranged marriage. They initially did this with the consent of their parents (Graburn, 1969). As they grew up many developed problems with alcohol, and domestic violence began to significantly increase. Their children began to manifest a high suicide rate by the mid-1980s, which has climbed to be among the highest suicide rates in the world today (Kral & Idlout, 2009). Indigenous suicide has been tied to colonialism and changes in families, roles, and responsibilities (Erickson, 2005; Kirmayer, Tait, & Simpson, 2009). There is very little research on the mental health of Inuit youth. Suicide rates among Arctic Indigenous peoples are two to ten times higher than their respective national populations (Lehti, Niemela, Hoven, Mandell, & Sourander, 2009). Inupiat Inuit have attributed youth suicide more generally to culture loss (Wexler, 2006), and colonial social change has impacted on Inuit in both positive and in very negative ways (Kral, Idlout, Minore, Dyck, & Kirmayer, 2011).

A 2010 socio-demographic report provides the most current statistical information about Igloolik, where 96% of the population is Inuit (Iglulingmiut) (Kennedy & Abele, 2010). The settlement of Igloolik was incorporated in 1976 and is considered one of the more culturally traditional Inuit communities. The population is almost 1,700, with a median age of 18, and 45% under the age of 15. The common language at home is Inuktitut, which about half speak at work. Most adults in Igloolik are in married or common-law relationships, and 75% of households have children. The quantity and quality of decent housing are problematic issues in this community, with 65% of residents living in public housing. The average income in 2009 was $29,264, and median income in 2005 was $16,768 and 58% of Igloolik adults receive income support. Over 75% of Igloolik youth do not complete high school; significantly fewer women than men finish high school. Unemployment is almost 50%. While 58% of adults bring food from the land through hunting or fishing, more than half of Iglulingmiut report a food shortage. The community is about evenly divided along religious lines, with 51% Catholic and 45% Anglican (Protestant). Igloolik has one elementary and one high school, along with a health center and a large Government of Nunavut building housing a few departments.

Research has found that the greatest negative impact of colonialism for Indigenous peoples centers on family relationships (DeMallie, 1998; Kral, 2012). Intergenerational segregation in a culture where these relationships previously were at the center of life and learning has created serious issues among Inuit. Family relations are now frequently described as distant (Kral, 2009). Romantic relationships are sometimes marked by violence and aggression among the middle aged, the first generation to not experience arranged marriage, and youth have been left with a fractured model of love and sexuality (Kral et al., 2011). Romantic problems and breakups are the precipitating factor for almost 70% of Inuit youth suicides, mostly males (Kral, 2003). A great number of youth romantic relationships are troubled, with many male youth being possessive, jealous, and often threatening their girlfriends with suicide (Kral, 2009). Parenting has become problematic for many Inuit, and Inuit parents and their children often avoid each other. Stresses that youth experience frequently center on family and romantic relationships.

While dramatic shifts in family and community life have resulted from colonization, Inuit have maintained many traditional practices. Such practices include hunting for “country food,” which primarily includes seal, walrus, caribou, fish, and polar bear. The family continues to be central to Inuit well-being, as does traditional cultural knowledge and practice (Kral et al., 2011).

In this study, we explore the question of how Inuit youth cope with the difficulties they experience in their lives. We examined personal, relational, and community levels of coping and resilience (Prilleltensky, 2005).The model of resilience that best fits with this study is a social/relational–ecological one (Cicchetti & Lynch, 1993; Ungar, 2011). Resilience is viewed less as an individual trait but rather through the social context as a process. Inuit see resilience as hope or niriunniq, and in the community of Igloolik also as tunngajuk or “having one’s feet on the ground,” being grounded, or having a foundation on which to live. Aniguiniq is a term for coping, going through a tough time that will pass; mamisarniq means getting through a very difficult experience or healing, and sangijuq is being a strong person, either physically or spiritually. Kirmayer, Dandeneau, Marshall, Phillips, and Williamson (2011) identify Inuit resilience as located in the Inuit concept of the person, as ecocentric and cosmocentric, emphasizing one’s self as being part of nature and valuing the environment or the land. Goldstein (2004) has found that the land is an important place of well-being and healing for Inuit, which is a distinctive and intuitive understanding of resilience as ecological. Kirmayer et al. (2011) identify Indigenous resilience as originating outside the individual in forms of collective efficacy and in family and community relationships, and in forms of cultural continuity. Developing stable and secure relationships enable Inuit youth to become more resilient in the face of stresses related to social change in the Arctic. Community resilience thus becomes important for Indigenous peoples given the importance of one’s relationships with others and with the land, which is consistent with newer views of resilience as a social-ecological process (Kirmayer, Sehdev, Whitley, Dandeneau, & Isaac, 2009).

All five sites in the larger project interviewed youth. It is important to hear youth voice as one perspective among many (Grover, 2004; Kirschner, O’Donohue, & McLaughlin, 2005). Adults in the communities and mental health experts may see other types of stressors and coping strategies at play. However, the subjective experiences of these youth need to be heard and understood. In the aggregate, their stories provide their own views of what has been important to them.

Method

Twenty-three youth participants, aged 12–19, were sampled from the elementary and high schools of the community. There were 12 female and 11 male youth. Two of the authors were interviewers, and went into classrooms to describe the project, inviting students to participate in the study. An Inuit woman helped with recruitment and spoke with youth in Inuktitut. A sheet was left, passed around, and interested students printed their names and phone numbers. Most students added their names. Parental consent was obtained for all youth under the age of 18. There were four interviewers: two young Inuit women from Igloolik, including author Leah Angutimarik, a female Chinese graduate student, and Michael Kral. Interview training was conducted by Kral. All interviews were conducted in May–June 2010 in a research bunkhouse. Interviews were digitally recorded. The Inuit women interviewed participants in both English and Inuktitut, and translated Inuktitut to English during the interview. The interviews lasted between 30 minutes and 1 hour, and all participants received a $20 gift certificate to a local store at the end of their interview.

All participants responded to a structured set of interview questions. The interview asked questions about what the youth did yesterday and elicited a life history that included earliest memories and important events in their life. We also asked participants to describe two challenges or problems they faced, how they responded to these, and what helped. They were also asked about challenges/problems for youth in the community more generally, and if those problems also took place for the youth and her/his family. We then asked participants about their relationships, the important people in their lives, about school, and about Inuit culture. Questions were asked about their family, and about how often they spend time with parents and adults, and then about participation in community activities, what youth do in the community, and about their future plans. We advised participants that they could skip any questions or parts of the interview, and several chose to do so. In the interviews the youth described their lives, stressors, and coping strategies. While some youth spoke at length, others provided short answers.

Data analysis

After collecting interviews, digital recordings were sent to Champaign, IL, where two graduate students at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign transcribed the interviews. Coding followed a modified grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2006). We conducted open coding on a subset of five transcripts to develop a preliminary codebook with definitions using Atlas-ti software. The first author then reviewed the codebook, making additional edits and revisions. Next there was a cross-site meeting where all principal investigators agreed on specific domains to focus codes. The second author then applied the final cross-site codebook to all 21 interviews. The first author also coded a subset of five interviews, comparing them to the second author’s codes, to ensure the reliable application of codes across transcripts. The codes were then reviewed by all the authors. Upon the completion of coding, the first two authors analyzed subsets of codes falling under problems and coping to conceptualize the results listed below.

Results

In addition to presenting the findings in terms of themes identified through the coding, we will describe two youth narratives to provide a more detailed illustration of typical youth experiences. One youth we identified as resilient because at the time of interview he was doing well by local standards. The second youth struggled with many of the stressors typically experienced among Inuit, and at the time of interview battled to cope with the many difficulties she faced in daily life. We identified some common stressors and coping strategies in these accounts which also represent some of the salient issues in Igloolik that other participants did not discuss.

John¹ was an 18-year-old male who is involved in a national youth organization, for which he recently travelled to Ottawa to attend a meeting. He enjoyed growing up in Igloolik, and often went hunting with his grandfather. He is very close to his family and believes they are proud of him. He has done well in school and enjoys schoolwork, and, although he said he had trouble attending school when he was younger, this is no longer a problem. His parents used to drink a lot of alcohol and this caused problems like gambling and violent fighting in the home, and some of this continues. John’s girlfriend broke up with him recently but he said they are still good friends. He would like to move away from Igloolik when he is older.

When asked about problems he has faced, John said:

Mainly they all do with peer pressure. Stealing was a big part of young life. You couldn’t have much friends unless you went with their crowd and did what they did. And my parents used to drink when I was younger so that had a few problems in my house.

John also identified several issues that negatively affect youth in Igloolik:

The biggest problem right now is gambling. It spread like wild fire. Almost every student I talked to is addicted to poker now. And [this] just takes away their money you could have if you don’t gamble it away. Also, drugs are always a problem in every community, not just Igloolik. Every community does drugs.

John’s primary method of coping with difficulties such as not attending school or stealing is talking to others and developing a sense of self-mastery and self-control. When discussing how he overcame issues with stealing and succumbing to peer pressure, John explained:

After a while I learned that those problems don’t control my life. Those problems don’t get [to determine] who I am. There are people in the world who could help you with those problems, who could help you get through them. They will be with you every step of the way.

John finds some friends, family, and especially his grandfather very supportive, a source of comfort and strength to help him overcome the stressors he deals with at home and in the larger community:

My parents are very important to me. My grandfather’s very important to me. Even though [girlfriend] broke up with me, she’s one of the most important people in my life. She is now a big part of my life since I can talk to her about my problems and I trust her.

John spends much time with his grandfather, who, in an Inuit traditional teaching sense, is his mentor. This includes talking about hunting and going hunting together, where he continues to learn traditional knowledge and practice.

John’s reported experience of communicating openly with his grandparents is unique in this study and in our previous research—most youth do not regularly receive guidance and mentorship from community elders. In prior research, we have found that Inuit identify family and talking are by far the most important factors in happiness, well-being, and healing; yet, youth today spend little time with their parents (Kral et al., 2011). John also discussed the larger communication issues that exist within families in Igloolik. He identified a lack of communication between parents and children as problematic, and saw a need for parents and children to open up to one another for the well-being and success of the young generation:

The first thing they [parents and children] could do is start talking, don’t keep what’s in you and say, that only makes things worse. That bothers all the Inuit, all the first nation. If you start talking too late, it might be bad, so start talking when you can and while you can.

Carla is a 15-year-old who said she was adopted by her grandparents when she was 5 days old. She does not know who her father is, and is not close to her mother. Carla would like to know who her father is and believes that people in the community know but will not tell her. She reported that she first used alcohol and marijuana at age 14. She rarely drinks, and states that most youth in the community drink very infrequently; she smokes marijuana every few weeks. Positive memories for Carla include playing with her stepbrother when she was younger, going to the dance with her friends, playing games and hanging out with them, and going to the school prom. She has good memories of camping with her grandparents.

Carla remembers her mother being drunk and being scared by this, and her grandfather becoming angry with her mother when she was drinking. She indicated that she was bullied last year in school—something that several interviewees reported. She went to speak about this with a social services counselor and this made her feel somewhat better. In the last few weeks, Carla has been upset because her boyfriend broke up with her. She was able to tell the interviewer quite a bit about her boyfriend, and said that he went after another girl. She said that she lost most of her friends because they were also her boyfriend’s friends. Like many other Inuit youth and their parents, she said that she does not speak very much with her grandparents, yet reported that she has learned a lot from them and her two older stepbrothers. She has thought about suicide and tried hanging herself once. She was not suicidal at the time of this interview, but said that she thought she might think of suicide again in the future. She said that she had no interest in going back to speak with the social services counselor. The one person she has to speak with is her best friend; however, her friend has many problems and usually tells her about these problems rather than the other way around. What makes her feel good is going to the Youth Center to play games with other youth, although she said she has no close friends there.

Kral met with Carla again a few times to evaluate her suicidality. Carla continued to be comfortable speaking with him about her problems, and he suggested she speak with her grandparents and other adults, and emphasized her strengths. She responded well to this. Carla’s primary means of making herself happy was being with her best friend or playing games with others at the Youth Center, which she did almost every day. Carla found her grandparents to be supportive but, like other Inuit adolescents, she usually avoided communicating with them. Carla indicated that she had trouble attending school because she stayed up too late, and said that her grandfather got upset with her about this. When probed about her poor school attendance, Carla said:

I have trouble going to school. I go sleep around three in the morning. I always want to go school in the morning … I don’t wake up … Too much thinking.

Carla felt alone, and when asked what youth in the community need to know, she responded, “not to hurt themselves … There was this girl who killed herself in the girls’ washroom.”

These narrative excerpts from the interviews illustrate how these youth are thinking about stressors and coping resources. In the following section, we will present grounded theory data across all interviews as a complement to the two cases presented above.

Stressors

School

Respondents broadly identified school as the most salient problem in their lives and for youth in the community. Ten out of 23 respondents discussed experiencing issues at school that included bullying, poor attendance, boredom, and disliking teachers. Only one respondent discussed talking with another person as a way of trying to reduce some of the emotional stress caused by bullying. This 15-year-old female found it helpful to talk with a social worker, although she was unable to explain how or why talking helped. When asked about coping with bullying she stated that she “ignored it.” Although this young woman did not find her strategy of ignoring bullies particularly helpful, she did report that speaking with a social worker provided some temporary relief.

Many respondents also identified problems with school attendance and waking up on time for school, although none of these youth indicated a causal link between experiencing bullying and avoiding school. No male youth aged 11–14 identified school as a problem and only one male youth aged 15–19 identified problems with school attendance and disliking school staff. This same respondent admitted to having bullied other youth in the past. Coping strategies described for being bored at school and having difficulty learning in the classroom included avoiding school and distracting oneself by talking to friends while at school. Two respondents discussed disliking teachers. Both of these youth described coping by avoiding school.

Bullying

Several respondents identified bullying as a problem that they contended with on a regular basis. Of the six respondents who discussed bullying, five were female and one was a younger male. It is notable that no male respondents aged 15–19 identified bullying as either a problem they experienced or as an issue for the community. Only one older male respondent admitted to having bullied others in the past. Respondents indicated that bullying took place both at school and in the greater community, and reported a variety of coping mechanisms to deal with teasing and insults from other students. The male respondent cited fighting as a coping mechanism. His female counterparts said they either verbally confronted bullies or ignored the problem. In only one case did an older female respondent mention talking as a coping mechanism; she spoke with a community social worker about the problem.

Substance abuse

Five youth, three male (one 11–14, two 15–19) and two females (one 11–14, one 15–19), described substance use as a problem either for themselves or for the community at large. The drug referred to in this community was marijuana. Specifically, smoking marijuana and cigarettes was discussed as a major problem for these youth and for the larger community. One youth described substance abuse as a response or coping mechanism to anger and frustration.

Domestic violence

Respondents discussed either having experienced or witnessed violence in the home. One female respondent was physically assaulted by her father. This resulted in the respondent’s temporary removal from her family by local authorities. This young woman described coping by internally processing feelings of anger towards her father and spending time with friends. In addition, three respondents discussed witnessing violence in the home. One male respondent reported witnessing domestic violence between his mother and father. This 15-year-old male coped with the problem by physically intervening and pulling his father off of his mother:

Two female respondents discussed witnessing violence between caregivers in the home. In one case the respondent witnessed her grandfather attacking her grandmother while drunk and the other respondent discussed how verbal and physical fights occasionally broke out between family members. In the former case, coping involved talking to an older sibling in the moment of witnessing the abuse and subsequently trying to ignore the problem.

Another respondent described coping by staying away from home during these episodes. Finally, one female respondent (15–19) talked about domestic violence as a larger community issue. This individual described family violence as something that many people in the community know about because fights often become loud or take place outside the home. Yet she stated that little community dialogue takes place surrounding the issue of family violence.

Romance

Only older male and female respondents (15–19) discussed romantic discord as a problem for either themselves or youth in general. One male and one female respondent discussed problems with a romantic partner. The male respondent stated that he typically coped by staying away from his girlfriend until his emotions subsided, and the female respondent stated that she either spoke with a friend or directly with her partner when they disagreed. Additionally, one male respondent discussed romantic relationships as a problem for youth in general in Igloolik. This respondent discussed verbal arguments between romantic partners and the distress caused by such conflict as generally problematic. Similarly, when all youth were asked whether an adult family member had ever spoken to them about what it is like to be in a relationship, only two females said this took place. In one case the respondent described changing the topic of conversation to avoid discussing the subject. When asked whether adult family members spoke with them about raising children and parenting, only three females indicated having such conversations.

Coping and resilience

All respondents discussed talking as a primary means of coping with at least some problems. Youth most frequently reported having talked to a friend about a problem. Youth typically discussed talking to friends about problems involving relationships with other youth, romantic issues, and family conflict. After friends, all female respondents and older male respondents most frequently reported talking to a parent or adult caregiver as a coping mechanism for specific problems. Youth reported actually having talked to parents, or that they hypothetically would talk to parents about romantic problems and conflicts with friends or other youth. The hypothetical prompt, “who would you go to if you had a problem” elicited far more responses about talking to parents/caregivers than actual past examples of sharing with primary caregivers. It is notable that the younger adolescent males did not report talking to parents as a coping mechanism. Most youth also reported spending time with parents and other family members during meals, but rarely interacting with primary caregivers outside of meals. An 18-year-old female reported that,

I am around a lot of people who could help me with my life, who could help me with school, and who are great to hang around with. So communication is very important to me, especially with the family, when you don’t talk much now because we’ve sort of closed ourselves to each other. We don’t talk to each other much now.

Again, while talking to parents is experienced as helpful, few youth did this. Youth who did spend more time with parents appeared to be more sangijuniq or strong.

Seventeen youth (74%) reported engaging in cultural activities with family members. Youth described enjoying participation in cultural activities and wanting opportunities to engage more frequently. These youth generally engaged in cultural activities like hunting, camping, and fishing with adult family members between two and four times a year. Two boys, aged 12 and 14, indicated that they learned hunting from their grandfathers and liked to go hunting with them. The majority of youth indicated that being on the land was good for them, and that this is often took place with family. A 16-year-old male said that he learned about his culture from his grandparents, “mostly when you’re out on the land.” No youth discussed desiring less engagement in cultural activities with adult family members. An older teenage girl said:

I think Inuit culture has been a really rich culture. Our ancestors passed on legends by storytelling. The most important thing for them was hunting and providing for their family, which not many people are doing anymore. I think it’s very important for us to keep our language. We can’t be [one of] those cultures that disappear.

Discussion

The most common source of stress reported by Inuit youth was school. Bullying and not attending classes were the most prominent problems identified. Bullying is now a very common problem in schools everywhere and is a serious concern in many countries (Espelage & Swearer, 2003). It is unclear whether the prevalence of bullying has increased or whether it has now received much attention, however, it is of major concern in schools (Rigby, 2007). Some Inuit see bullying as having increased in recent years. In Igloolik, bullying takes place both in the school and in the community. Being bullied has negative effects on children, ranging from sadness, loneliness, and having fewer friends (Bond, Carlin, Thomas, Rubin, & Patton, 2001; Boulton & Underwood, 1992). Longitudinal research has found that depressed children are more vulnerable to being bullied (Kochel, Ladd, & Rudolph, 2012), so some children are already at risk for bullying. In Australia, bullying is more common for Aboriginal than non-Aboriginal children, and is associated with children coming from dysfunctional families with little caring, with younger children, and in communities with fewer opportunities for employment and higher poverty (Coffin, Larson, & Cross, 2010). It is unclear how widespread bullying is in Igloolik and how aware parents, community elders, and school officials are of the problem. Understanding how bullying regularly takes place across settings, in such a small community, will provide important information to address this problem. In 2001, elementary and high schools in Igloolik were not addressing bullying.

School attendance was a separate problem, discussed by youth who did not disclose experience with bullying. Given that it was late Spring and the sun was up all night, many children stayed up very late, some all night, and they were unable to wake up to go to school. A number of youth indicated that their parents were angry with them about this and tried to get them to go to school. From our ethnographic and lived experience in Igloolik, some Inuit saw parents as needing to step up and discipline their children more, making sure they did not stay up all night in the spring when it is so bright at night. Brody (2000) found that, in the 1970s, schools had the same concern about children staying up until morning, sleeping in, and missing school during the spring because of the sun being up at night. Teachers wanted parents to make their children go to bed. Brody notes that authoritarianism is not the Inuit way, and that parents trust children to make decisions for themselves:

Individuals have to be left to make decisions for themselves; and children are individuals just as adults are, since they carry the names—for which we say souls—of their late and much admired relatives. This belief is fundamental to the Inuit way of being in the world. (2000, p. 31)

The parents agreed that their children should go to bed earlier, but they asked the teachers to make them do this because they run the school. The teachers of course did not understand, and they blamed the parents. The school system continues to not adjust to Inuit lifestyles.

A number of youth avoided school because of boredom or difficulty with learning and poor grades. Most youth will not finish high school, yet when asked about what is most important for youth in their community, finishing high school was mentioned as being one of the most important things to accomplish. Finishing school may be a weakly internalized norm that was expressed in the formal interview, yet it did not appear to be salient for youth in their actual behavior. There was a strong norm among high school youth in the community to not go to school, which was true of our sample. Among Inuit youth, it is not intellectual ability but difficulties with classroom learning that leads to poor grades and dropping out (Wright, Taylor, & Ruggiero, 1996). Many Inuit support schooling if it incorporates the teaching of Inuit language and culture/skills, the inclusion of elders, and higher academic standards (Berger, 2008). Future research should address the meanings of schooling among Inuit youth, and the role of schools in their lives.

While a number of problems found among youth in general were not mentioned by the Inuit youth in this study, several problems were, including: school, bullying, and, less frequently, domestic violence and substance abuse. School teachers took over from parents as teachers of Inuit children after resettlement in the 1960s, and there remains a gap between the formal schools and Inuit families and culture. We believe this is a serious problem that needs to be addressed by the schools. Poor relations have been found between schools and Aboriginal communities (Coffin et al., 2010). One key informant reported that the high school in Igloolik has recently been punishing students for speaking their language of Inuktitut, which is an echo of earlier colonial schooling. This was likely an isolated incident, however, as students indicated that they speak with each other in Inuktitut at school. Communication and respect between the community and the schools is in order. It would be important, for example, to have elders and parents participate in the teaching of students in an evening program, or even during school hours. They could teach about family, romance, respect, and communication. The community radio could be used to discuss the problem of bullying and to solicit adults and elders to go to the school to speak with youth about this. The schools should be more involved with the community.

Inuit youth have difficulty attending school, especially in the spring and early summer. Understanding specific mechanisms at play in poor school attendance and graduation is a necessary point of study to create effective interventions for this issue, including having the school accommodate Inuit life. Future work needs to examine system-level relationships between school officials, teachers, parents, community elders, and youth. While bullying and staying up late may account for some students’ poor attendance or early exit from school, this may not explain the whole story. Relationships among school personnel (mostly White and foreign), parents, and youth may explain some of the disconnect Inuit experience from schools. Examining curriculum and pedagogy from the perspective of youth and Inuit community members may also shed light on important variables influencing interest, motivation, and adherence to school.

A minority of youth reported substance abuse and domestic violence as problems. Marijuana was the substance used by many Inuit but it is very expensive, and other research shows that the perceived problem with marijuana by youth is anger expressed by youth who want some but do not have any (Kral, 2009). The Inuit authors of this paper see parental fighting as common. One of the Inuit authors here has seen parental fighting a result of not having marijuana. Another reason may be sexual jealousy. Another Inuit author here has seen a number of students getting into trouble at school who come from families in which there is domestic violence. Fighting among parents was reported by a few youth. In our ethnographic work, a number of youth described family problems, and, next to romantic relationship problems, this was the second most common difficulty to which Inuit youth attributed suicide (Kral, 2012). Another community problem identified by Inuit was gambling, which is especially prevalent in the spring when people are up most of the night due to the sun being up. John said he had had trouble gambling and playing poker, and that talking with his girlfriend helped him stop. Another youth said it was a general problem in the community.

We suspect that our sample underreported domestic violence out of fear of negative repercussions (involvement of authorities) and possible embarrassment. The fact that some participants viewed family violence as a community-wide problem suggests higher prevalence than reported. Witnessing domestic violence has negative emotional and behavioral effects on children, and many of these children develop learning problems in school (Edleson, 1999; Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008; Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt, & Kenny, 2003; Margolin, 1998; Wolfe, Crooks, Lee, McIntyre-Smith, & Jaffe, 2003). Among girls, an association has been found between witnessing domestic violence and bullying others in school (Baldry, 2003). Indigenous survivors of residential school did not learn parenting skills, and domestic violence has been found in many of their homes (Andersson & Nahwegahbow, 2010). Numerous middle-aged Inuit have expressed sadness at having been taken away from their parents and not having experienced parenting as children. Some Inuit parents have said that they avoid their children, just as their children avoid them. Many believe their children are not interested in them. Domestic violence is higher among Inuit than in the general Canadian population; Inuit women cite domestic violence as their most pressing social problem (Billson, 2006). Colonial social change, including resettlement, shifted gender roles among Inuit, resulting in men hunting less frequently or not at all, and alcohol, is involved in much violence against women (Billson, 2006; Burkhardt, 2004).

The youth did not discuss problems in romantic relationships or sexual abuse, which have been identified as problems for many Inuit youth (Kral, 2012). These are topics rarely spoken about among Inuit. Only one youth mentioned suicide. Youth likely spoke about what was most salient and safe for them. School is their primary identified problem, and this should be taken seriously by both school staff and parents. A problem for many Inuit families is poor communication between parents and children (Kral, 2009). The youth in this study indicated that they spend very little time with adults. This is something the Wellness Committee of the Hamlet Council in Igloolik has identified as needing intervention, and they are planning to increase activities for children and their parents in the community.

Inuit youth need guidance for school. Child–parent communication needs to improve. Igloolik is moving toward this, at the community level, and Inuit in general are concerned about their children, wanting the best for them. Talking remains the most important activity for coping with problems. Resilience is thus important at the relational level. This is a way that resilience operates among Indigenous peoples, in relationships and in the community (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Talking for Inuit may be cathartic, but it often means spending time with friends and family members, including helping elders. Talking, including about problems, is seen as very helpful, by Inuit of all ages (Kral et al., 2011). Many Inuit families are doing well, and we can learn from them about the practice of good parenting and child–parent communication. Youth will benefit from increased attention from parents and the community, and, given that youth community action has resulted in positive outcomes for them (Kral & Idlout, 2009), youth themselves should be involved in organizing community activities for themselves, their parents, and their elders. Previous youth committees in the community have done this, and it is something youth have wanted. Youth also benefit from learning cultural skills and spending time with elders, and this is a continuing direction for youth wellness in Nunavut.

The primary form of coping with problems for these youth was speaking with a friend. This is typical of young people, and peer relations are important for their well-being (Gelhaar et al., 2007; Park, 2004). Some research has found that speaking with friends about problems is not particularly helpful for adolescents (Rickwood, 1995); however, the youth in this study reported it to be their primary coping strategy. The next most common coping method was speaking with parents. While youth indicated that they would talk to a parent about problems with a friend or romantic relationship, very few did this. Parents appeared to be a needed and valuable resource for their children, yet a significant communication gap existed between them. Inuit have identified talking with each other as essential to their well-being across the lifespan, especially speaking with family members (Kral et al., 2011). However, traditionally, talking among Inuit has been less frequent than among Qallunaat (Euro-Canadians). As a child develops, the child acquires ihuma/isuma or “sense,” which according to Briggs (1970) includes being “shy and self-conscious” and “to learn restraint in self-expression,” as well as participating socially and helping others (p. 112). Searles (2000) adds that “A sign of Inuit maturity, then, is outgrowing the childish desire to be talkative” (p. 253). Talking appears to have changed for Inuit, and is now seen as desirable and helpful. What has also changed, however, is the limited contact parents and children have with each other today. There may be less ungayuk, or affection-closeness, as well as naalaqtuq, respect for older Inuit, between parents and children—sentiments which have been foundational for Inuit relationships in the past (Damas, 1963).

Conclusion

There is little consensus on definitions of resilience (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000). The goal of the larger project of which this study forms one part has been to discover the meanings and practices of resilience locally in Indigenous circumpolar communities. We found the resilience described by Inuit youth was relational or ecological, centered on relationships, including talking, primarily with friends and family. Being on the land, usually with family, was also a source of strength, as was youth engagement in the community through programs, and activities. These forms of coping and maintaining well-being appear to benefit youth across levels of adversity. The two youth presented here both showed the critical importance of relationships and communication. The youth doing well was doing so because of his relationships, especially with his grandfather and friend. The teenage girl not doing well felt very alone, and this contributed to her distress. This social-ecological source of resilience is external to oneself and, rather than being a trait, it is a form of what can be called “relational resilience.” Tousignant and Sioui (2009) refer to Indigenous community and family resilience, and Denham (2008) shows the importance of the sharing of narratives for Indigenous resilience. Kirmayer and colleagues (2011) also describe “narrative resilience,” referring to the role that collective stories may play in individual and community resilience. Storytelling is important in Indigenous communities where relationships are at the core of identity (Wexler & Gone, 2012). Individual resilience for Indigenous peoples is closely connected to family and community resilience, reflecting the role of relational, ecocentric, and cosmocentric concepts of self that relate the person to family and social networks (Kirmayer et al., 2011).

To strengthen these forms of resilience, there is a need for continued community support for family gatherings, child–parent activities, camping on the land, and bringing youth, parents, and elders together. We have seen family camping as very helpful in improving family relationships. Camping is linked to Inuit cultural identity, yet Western forms of well-being such as talking show that an integration of the two cultures can be effective even while parts of Inuit identity include being different from Qallunaat (Berry, 2005; Searles, 2008, 2010). Community events for such activities can be organized, for example having youth and parents make things together such as traditional crafts and clothing, or camping with youth and adults. The Inulariit Elders Society has been doing this. This is an Inuit approach to promoting resilience and well-being.

Footnotes

Funding

This research was funded by the Arctic Social Sciences Program of the National Science Foundation.

Note

Biographies

Michael J. Kral, is Associate Professor in the Departments of Psychology and Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and is on faculty in the Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto. He has conducted community-based participatory action research with Inuit for the past two decades, examining suicide, suicide prevention, colonial culture change, youth resilience, and kinship.

Ida Salusky, is an advanced doctoral candidate in Clinical/Community Psychology at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. In conjunction with her advisor, Michael Kral, Ida has worked on NSF funded research examining life histories and coping among indigenous youth. Additionally, Ida conducts research on reproductive and survival strategizes among Dominican females of Haitian descent living in the Dominican Republic.

Pakkak Inuksuk, works for the Igloolik Housing Association as a mechanic. He has acted in several films made by Isuma Productions in Igloolik, including Atanarjuat: The Fast Runner, which won many international film awards, including at the Cannes Film Festival. He started a theatre group in Arctic Bay that performed at the World Exposition in Vancouver, opened for the Arctic Winter Games, and toured music festivals in Europe and Greenland. Pakkak has also worked on Adventure Canada cruise ships taking people on hikes when the ship stopped. Pakkak has been a member of the Igloolik Steering Committee for this study.

Leah Angutimarik, was the lead actress in the Isuma Productions film The Journals of Knud Rasmussen. She has been a member of the Igloolik Steering Committee for this study.

Nathan Tulugardjuk, is with the Department of Cultural Heritage, Government of Nunavut. He was a liaison officer for the non-profit organization Qikiqtani Inuit Association and is past president of Amittuq Youth Society in Igloolik. The Youth Society opened and ran a youth center that has had a very positive effect on youth in the community. He has been a member of the Igloolik Steering Committee for this study.

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