Abstract
The present study investigated what complaints are prominent in psychologically distressed Vietnamese in Vietnam beyond standard symptoms assessed by Western diagnostic instruments for anxiety and depression. To form the initial Vietnamese Symptom and Cultural Syndrome Addendum (VN SSA), we reviewed the literature, consulted experts, and conducted focus groups. The preliminary VN SSA was then used in a general survey (N = 1004) of five provinces in Vietnam. We found that the VN SSA items were highly and significantly correlated with a measure of anxious-depressive psychopathology (a composite measure of the General Anxiety Disorder-7; Posttraumatic Diagnostic Scale; and Patient Health Questionnaire-9). The VN SSA item most highly correlated to anxious-depressive psychopathology was “thinking a lot” (r = .54), reported by 15.8% of the sample. Many other symptoms in the addendum also were prominent, such as orthostatic dizziness (i.e., dizziness upon standing up; r = .41), reported by 22.9% of the sample. By way of comparison, somatic complaints more typically assessed to profile Western anxious-depressive distress, such as palpitations, were less prominent, as evidenced by being less strongly correlated to Western psychiatric symptoms and being less frequent (e.g., palpitations: r = .31, 7.1% of the sample). Study results suggest that to avoid category truncation when profiling anxious-depressive distress among Vietnamese that items other than those in standard psychopathology measures should also be assessed.
It is increasingly evident that measures of psychopathology, such as standard measures of trauma-related disorder, general anxiety, and depression, are just the tip of the iceberg in respect to those domains of distress. Patients often will report multiple other distress complaints if asked. In particular, it has been found that in many cultural groups somatic symptoms and “cultural syndromes” are a key part of the distress experience, a key aspect of the psychopathology ontology (Hinton & Lewis-Fernández, 2010). Not assessing these somatic symptoms and cultural syndromes results in category truncation, a lack of content validity, because assessing only Western-based anxious-depressive distress with standard measures of anxious-depressive psychopathology excludes such other key complaints (Hinton & Good, 2016a; Hinton & Lewis-Fernández, 2011; Murphy et al., 2015).
Looking beyond standard Western complaints to include key idioms of distress such as somatic symptoms and cultural syndromes when designing assessments, treatments, and public health interventions can help accomplish the following tasks, which might be called “dimensions of clinical utility of idioms of distress” (Hinton & Good, 2016a; Hinton & Lewis-Fernández, 2010):
Increase the number of persons seeking treatment for psychological disorders and willing to participate in treatment when it is stated that the treatment addresses the symptoms and syndromes that they experience (e.g., through public health campaigns); Increase adherence to treatment by determining the symptoms and syndromes that most concern patients and making them part of assessment and treatment; Increase the therapeutic alliance and empathic rapport; Identify key treatment targets; Increase treatment efficacy by determining culturally specific catastrophic cognitions about anxiety- and depression-related symptoms; Identify the presence of key psychopathology networks, namely, the presence of causal networks of which the complaint is a key component (e.g., the idiom of distress as “causal network” indicator); Serve as a key psychopathology and distress indicator (e.g., an indicator of having PTSD or other types of psychopathology); Provide a non-stigmatizing framing of distress; Allow the framing of the treatment in terms of the problems of concern to the patient; Increase positive expectancy for successful outcome by framing the treatment in terms of the patient’s key concerns; Increase therapist and intervention credibility; and Measure treatment progress in a culturally sensitive way.
Our group has advocated for assessing key local idioms of distress through addendums—what we refer to as “Symptom and Syndrome Addendums,” or SSAs—to achieve these aims, and we have demonstrated aspects of clinical utility. For example, we created an SSA for persons of Cambodian origin, and we have shown how these idioms of distress improve over treatment (Hinton, Kredlow, Bui, Pollack, & Hofmann, 2012), are a key part of psychopathology such as trauma-related disorder (Hinton, Hinton, & Eng, 2015; Hinton, Kredlow, Pich, Bui, & Hofmann, 2013), form key hubs of causal networks (Hinton & Good, 2016a), and are important to address in Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) to modify catastrophic cognitions and to increase credibility and positive expectancy (Hinton, Rivera, Hofmann, Barlow, & Otto, 2012).
The goal of the current study was to develop a preliminary version of a Vietnamese SSA, and in particular to identify symptoms and syndromes not standardly assessed that have clinical importance in this population. An earlier study tried to identify items best suited to assess depression in a Vietnamese population, producing the Vietnamese Depression Scale, which consists of standard Western depression items but also includes certain somatic items such as headache (Dinh, Yamada, & Yee, 2009; Kinzie et al., 1982). A second, pioneering study tried to determine key symptoms among Vietnamese populations, creating the Phan Psychiatric Scale (Phan, Steel, & Silove, 2004). The purpose of that study was to assess anxiety, depression, and somatic symptoms in a culturally sensitive way, and to devise a scale for each. Although most of the Phan Scale symptoms are standard Western complaints, it included additional items such as several emphasizing “energy” (see below). The purpose of the present study is to further ascertain among a Vietnamese population those symptoms that should be assessed in addition to standard measures of psychopathology, a supplement approach, with an emphasis on somatic symptoms, given their prominence in non-Western populations during states of distress (Hinton & Lewis-Fernandez, 2011), and on cultural syndromes. For example, neither the Phan Psychiatric Scale nor the Vietnamese Depression Scale assess “thinking a lot,” which is a key idiom of distress among Vietnamese populations (Tran, 2017), nor do the scales assess “dizziness upon standing,” a key somatic complaint, nor “hit by a wind,” another important syndrome (Hinton et al., 2006, 2007; Hinton, Hinton, Pham, Chau, & Tran, 2003b; Hinton, Nguyen, & Pollack, 2007).
The first part of the current article describes how the symptom complaints for the preliminary Vietnamese Symptom and Syndrome Addendum (VN SSA) were identified (e.g., through literature review, clinical experience, and focus groups) and discusses the meaning of those complaints in the Vietnamese context. The second part describes the results of analyses with a large general population survey in Vietnam that utilized the addendum and standard measures of anxious-depressive distress in order to determine the correlation of the degree of being bothered by the preliminary SSA items to a composite measure of anxious-depressive distress. The survey also aimed to ascertain the rate of each VN SSA complaint in the sample.
Identifying Potential SSA Items and Their Meaning
Based on a review of the literature (Groleau & Kirmayer, 2004; Gustafsson, 2009; Hinton et al., 2001; Hinton, Hinton, Pham, Chau, & Tran, 2003a; Kinzie et al., 1982; Phan et al., 2004; Tran, 2017), the clinical experience of the authors in treating anxiety and depression symptoms in the Vietnamese population, and discussions with a Vietnamese psychiatrist on the research team, an initial list of potential symptoms and syndromes was generated. Next, two focus groups were held in Vietnam.
The focus groups were both led by a Vietnam-based U.S. clinical psychologist and a Vietnamese clinical psychologist fluent in English. The purpose of the focus groups was to gather information about how psycho-emotional distress impacts people in Vietnam, how people talk about their distress, the nature of typical distress complaints, and what meaning people give to their psycho-emotional complaints. In each focus group, participants engaged in an open, semi-structured discussion of these topics. Participants were then asked to evaluate items from the initial list of potential symptoms and syndromes for relevance in Vietnam, and to consider additional items for inclusion in the VN SSA. The first focus group was held in Hanoi, and had eight participants from a variety of fields including psychiatry, psychology, and education, many working with trauma (e.g., with veterans, victims of human trafficking, people impacted by natural disasters). The second focus group took place at the Da Nang Psychiatric Hospital in central Vietnam. This group included adult patients from the hospital who were experiencing a range of mental health problems, including depression, anxiety, and trauma-related difficulties, but excluding patients with psychosis and serious cognitive impairment.
The preliminary Vietnamese Symptom and Syndrome Addendum (V SSA)
Symptoms assessed by the initial VN SSA
The symptoms assessed by the initial VN SSA were categorized into three types: cognitive complaints, somatic complaints, and sleep-related complaints (for all of the items, see Table 1). 1
Cognitive complaints
One of the VN SSA questions combines two cognitive complaints, asking about the degree of being bothered by being “forgetful, easily distracted.” Distractibility and poor memory are closely related for several reasons, including that a poor ability to pay attention to ongoing events leads to poor memory of them (e.g., where one put one’s keys). This VN SSA item is similar to a complaint found among traumatized Cambodian populations (Hinton, Reis, & de Jong, 2016). (The Phan scale has two similar items, viz., “forgetful or absent minded” and “Did you feel absent-minded or were not able to remember what you have just done.”)
Somatic complaints
The VN SSA includes headache, ringing in the ears, and neck soreness, which are symptoms often generated by arousal. In addition to arousal, catastrophic cognitions play an important role in increasing the salience of these somatic complaints: Vietnamese fear that a headache indicates that cerebral nerve fibers are about to break, with headaches not uncommonly giving rise to panic attacks (Hinton et al., 2001). (The Phan scale has headache and tinnitus as items, and the Vietnamese Depression Scale has headache.)
Two VN SSA items assess dizziness. In Vietnamese populations, a prominent complaint is not only dizziness in a general sense but also more specifically dizziness upon standing up from a sitting or lying position (Hinton et al., 2004; Hinton, Hinton, et al., 2007). Among Vietnamese populations, orthostatic dizziness is seemingly generated both by catastrophic cognitions, for example, fear that a surge of blood pressure may occur on standing, and by the actual biology of orthostasis, namely, by anxiety and depression effects on the vagal system and hence on orthostatic adjustment, with certain Asian populations seemingly predisposed to orthostatic dysregulation (Hinton et al., 2010).
As “energy” is a key construct in the Vietnamese conceptualization of well-being (Groleau & Kirmayer, 2004; Hinton, Nguyen, Tran, & Quinn, 2005; Hinton, Sinclair, Chung, & Pollack, 2007; Phan & Silove, 1997; Tran, 2017), several symptoms related to energy are assessed in the preliminary SSA. The syndrome section also highlights several syndromes that focus on energy concerns (see below). Appetite is one such energy-related somatic item and a frequent source of concern, conceptualized by many Vietnamese as a key maintainer of energy by promoting intake (degree of appetite is also considered a key indicator of health in itself). 2 The item “feeling of weakness in parts of the body” is another example of the Vietnamese emphasis on the key role of bodily energy in health. (The Phan scale has multiple items that assess energy: “Do you feel slow or sluggish?”; “Did you feel fatigued after plenty of sleep?”; “Did you feel you had symptoms of a heart problem as if you were losing energy without any obvious reason?”; “Did you feel worn out or low in energy?”; “Did you feel low in energy?”; and “Did you feel increasingly tired day after day as if you had no energy to function?.” The Vietnamese Depression Scale also assesses several energy-related items such as “appetite,” “exhausted,” and “low-spirited.”)
Several somatic items in the preliminary VN SSA concern temperature regulation in the body. Of note, anxiety and anger often result in a shift of bodily temperature such as anxiety giving rise to cold extremities, and anger to heat in the face. In the Vietnamese case, temperature regulation is understood in terms of the flow of Chi in the body, of the balance of Yin and Yang (the traditional Chinese life energy forces) in the body, and of bodily energy, so that bodily temperature shifts may give rise to fears. Coldness in turn is understood as indicating a dangerous energy depletion or the deadly penetration of “wind” into the body (Hinton et al., 2003; Hinton, Nguyen, et al., 2005; Phan et al., 2004).
Another VN SSA item assesses feeling of lightness in the body. Bodily lightness may result in fear of soul loss (cf. to such feelings of bodily strangeness giving rise to a sense of dissociation in Western populations; Hinton & Good, 2009). In addition, “lightness” may be attributed to low energy because it is thought that low energy makes the soul easily displaced from the body: low energy → easily displaced soul → displaced soul. 3
Sleep-focused complaint
The VN SSA also assesses one sleep-related complaint, namely, sleep paralysis. Sleep paralysis consists in the person being unable to move or speak either upon falling asleep or upon awakening, and there is usually a feeling of chest tightness and of shortness of breath. During sleep paralysis, the person not unusually sees a shadowy form approach the body, which may be considered to be a particular being. Sleep paralysis has been shown to be highly associated with psychopathology and to be especially common in certain groups (Hinton, Pich, Chhean, & Pollack, 2005; Hinton, Pich, Chhean, Pollack, & McNally, 2005).
Syndromes assessed by the Initial VN SSA
Below we discuss the syndromes assessed by the Initial VN SSI, divided into three types: cognitive-focused, somatic-focused, and supernatural-focused (for all the items, see Table 1).
Cognitive-focused cultural syndrome
The VN SSA assesses “thinking a lot.” “Thinking a lot” is a key complaint found in many cultural groups, which typically refers to ruminating in the broad sense, ranging from worry, to repetitively thinking about a depressive topic (e.g., self-blame, past failures, lost hopes), to recalling trauma memories (Hinton et al., 2016; Kaiser et al., 2015). Particular episodes of “thinking a lot” may focus on one or more of these types of thoughts: “Thinking a lot” often induces symptoms like headache and anxiety, and gives rise to catastrophic cognitions—for example, among Vietnamese, that “thinking too much” will “rupture brain fibers” and permanently disturb memory (Hinton et al., 2001)—and may trigger trauma recall. “Thinking a lot” is often a key part of a worry-initiated cyclical causal sequence as is shown in Figure 1.
4
Thus “thinking a lot” indicates the presence of a causal sequence that centers on the presence of repeated dysphoric thinking about an upsetting topic such as finances, a missed loved one, a trauma, or self-blame.
The “thinking a lot” causal sequence: The example of worry
Somatic-focused cultural syndromes
Several somatic-focused syndromes are profiled, one of which is an orthostatic syndrome, assessing for fear that standing up will provoke syncope or heart attack (of note, the somatic section of the preliminary VN SSA assesses “dizziness on standing”). Several other items in the section assess energy-related syndromes. For example, Vietnamese are concerned that weakness of the heart may lead to orthostatic dizziness, startle, and heart arrest, and that weakness of the kidneys may lead to loss of vital substance in the urine that will profoundly and dangerously deplete the bodily energy supplies (Hinton, Nguyen, et al., 2005). (The Phan scale also has a weak kidney item.) Another “energy” syndrome is “hit by the wind.” Vietnamese are concerned that when weak, the pores of the body may open and thus allow certain exterior winds to enter the body, thereby causing disorder. It is not uncommon for this fear of being “hit by the wind” to cause panic (Hinton et al., 2003).
Supernatural-focused syndrome
Several VN SSA items assess supernatural fears. Vietnamese sometimes attribute symptoms to spirit attack or other spiritual matters (Gustafsson, 2009; Kwon, 2008), as do many groups (Hinton & Good, 2016b). One item in the preliminary Vietnamese SSA is the fear of low spiritual luck. Vietnamese worry that low spiritual energy may result in multiple problems––being quick to anger, conflict with others, attack by spirits, and a general failure in all domains of life (low spiritual luck overlaps with the Buddhist idea of bad karma; Phan and Silove, 1999)––and Vietnamese use various means to determine their luck level and to redress it if necessary. Another syndrome is “feeling light as if the soul has left the body” (Hinton & Good, 2009). Two other items of the VN SSA are fear of possession and fear that someone has sent a ghost into one’s body (Gustafsson, 2009; Kwon, 2008).
Survey of Anxious-Depressive Psychopathology and the Preliminary Vietnamese SSA
As part of a major survey in Vietnam (N = 1004), the VN SSA was added as a culturally sensitive measure of distress. Below we summarize the setting, study populations, and procedures. For the results of the general study, see Pollack, Weiss, and Trung (2016).
Methods
Setting and study populations
The study focused on coastal central Vietnam, a largely rural region with a history of typhoons, floods, landsides, and other related natural disasters. From 2003 to 2012, eight typhoons, seven tropical storms, and seven tropical depressions impacted this broad area. People living in coastal central Vietnam are generally poor with low education levels. The median annual family income (which typically represents income from several adults) in this region is $1244 (compared to the national per capita GNI of $1550), and less than 40% of adults complete high school (Weiss et al., 2014). The purpose of the sampling frame was to obtain a representative sample of adults (individuals 18 years or older, excluding those with psychosis or serious cognitive impairment) living in areas of central coastal Vietnam under conditions of high stress due to frequent exposure to typhoons, tropical storms, and flooding. Five provinces covering the middle approximate 210 kilometers of coastline of central Vietnam were chosen. Within each province, two coastal village districts (an administrative unit of approximately 10,000 people) were selected from geographically separate areas, for a total of 10 data collection sites; and within each village district, adults were randomly selected for participation from public population lists. Participants ranged from 18 to 85 years of age with a median age of 42 years. Fifty-six percent were women, and 23% of those surveyed met caseness criteria for one or more psychiatric disorders based on the three measures of psychopathology.
Procedure
The project was conducted through the Da Nang Psychiatric Hospital (DNPH), the leading psychiatric hospital in central Vietnam, with the support of the provincial psychiatric hospitals in the four other provinces. Data collection for analyses reported here occurred in 2013–2014. Human subjects approval was obtained from the Da Nang Psychiatric Hospital U.S. FWA IRB (#00011251). Provincial psychiatric hospitals obtained support from the local Community Health Stations (CHS) in participating communities. CHS staff accompanied the data collector to participants’ homes, briefly introduced the project to potential participants, and left. The project data collector described the project in more detail, obtained informed consent from those interested in participating, and scheduled a time for the interview. Interviews lasted 1.5–2 hours and participants were given the option of breaking the assessment into two shorter periods. Participants were paid the equivalent of about U.S. $7.10 for the interview.
Measures
The culturally sensitive measure of distress was the preliminary VN SSA, consisting of 35 items, divided into symptoms and syndromes, which was developed as described above. For the items, see Table 1. The degree of being bothered in the last two weeks by each item was assessed on a 0–4 Likert-type scale, ranging from not bothered at all (0) to extremely bothered (4).
The standard Western symptom measures of anxiety-related symptoms used in the study were the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7, internal consistency in current survey, α = .90), which assesses general anxiety symptoms in the last two weeks, rated on a 0–3 Likert-type scale (“not at all” to “nearly every day”) (Lowe et al., 2008), and the Post-Traumatic Diagnostic Scale (PDS, α = .88), which assesses PTSD symptoms in the last month on a 0–4 Likert-type scale (“not at all” to “extremely”) (Powers, Gillihan, Rosenfield, Jerud, & Foa, 2012). The standard measure of depression was the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9, α = .87), which assesses depression symptoms in the last two weeks, rated on a 0–3 Likert-type scale (“not at all” to “nearly every day”) (Kroenke, Spitzer, & Williams, 2001). To form a general measure of anxious-depressive psychopathology, the three psychopathology measures (GAD, PDS, PHQ) were standardized and summed.
A U.S. clinical psychologist fluent in Vietnamese as well as a Vietnamese psychiatrist and a Vietnamese clinical psychologist both fluent in English translated the measures, and the translation was checked through independent back-translations and comparison to the original. Measures were then reviewed by teams from the five participating provincial psychiatric hospitals for appropriateness for Vietnamese participants, with translations adjusted based on their feedback.
Results
Correlation of the Vietnamese SSA items to anxious-depressive psychopathology, SSA item frequency in the entire sample (N = 1004), and mean score of those with the complaint
*p < .001
All VN SSA items were significantly correlated to the measure of anxious-depressive psychopathology at p < .001. “Thinking a lot” was the most highly correlated item (r = .54), and it was significantly more correlated to psychopathology than the next item, “faintness or dizziness” (r = .45), with a z score of 2.67 (p < .01). Items with a correlation to anxious-depressive distress similar to “faintness or dizziness” included “poor appetite,” “headache,” “feeling weak in parts of the body,” “standing up and feeling poorly, fearing fainting or heart attack,” “forgetful, easily distracted,” and “standing up and feeling dizzy.” The items least correlated to psychopathology were the ghost attack items.
The most frequently occurring symptom was headache, which was experienced in the last two weeks by 40.9% of those surveyed, followed by faintness or dizziness (24.8%), numbness (23.2%), and “standing up and feeling dizzy” (22.9%). The least frequent symptoms were two supernatural items: having a ghost sent into one (1.6%) or being possessed by a ghost (0.8%).
Of note, somatic symptoms often considered key indicators of distress among Western populations, such as heart palpitations, had lower correlations with the general psychopathology variable, and were less frequent. For instance, standing up and feeling dizziness had statistically larger correlations to psychopathology than did palpitations (r = .41 vs. r = .31, z = 2.57, p < .05) and was far more frequent (22.9% versus 7.1%).
Discussion
The current study illustrated that anxious-depressive psychopathological distress in a Vietnamese population is accompanied by multiple symptoms (often somatic) and syndromes not typically assessed, and that these symptoms and syndromes form a key part of that distress ontology. We found that such items as “thinking too much” and orthostatic dizziness were core areas of distress, as much or more so than such typically assessed somatic complaints as palpitations. Not assessing these key complaints is to commit the error of category truncation when profiling anxious-depressive distress in a Vietnamese context.
“Thinking a lot” was the item most highly correlated to general psychopathology (r = .54) and the correlation was statistically higher than the next item. A recent survey indicated the central importance of this complaint in global perspective (Kaiser et al., 2015), and recent articles have described why it is such an important complaint to assess (Hinton et al., 2016; Hinton, Reis, & de Jong, 2015; Yarris, 2011, 2014). The prominence of “thinking a lot” suggests that it should be a key item to assess, and to target and track in treatment. Future studies among Vietnamese populations should identify what the exact content of “thinking a lot” is, what symptoms “thinking a lot” usually induces, whether “thinking a lot” often brings about catastrophic cognitions and trauma recall, and how the problem of “thinking a lot” is typically treated. For example, in the Cambodian group, this excessive cognizing syndrome is at the hub of a network of psychopathology (Hinton et al., 2016; Hinton, Reis, et al., 2015): “thinking a lot” is primarily about current life concerns; results in multiple somatic symptoms (e.g., headache [often migraine in type], blurry vision, and palpitations), insomnia, forgetfulness, and anger; gives rise to catastrophic cognitions; triggers negative memories; and is treated by various traditional healing techniques such as meditation, the seemingly opposite state to that of “thinking too much.”
“Dizziness and feeling faint” was a key complaint, with a high correlation (r = .45) to psychopathology and with a high frequency (24.8%). Multiple studies have noted the prominence of dizziness in certain Asian populations, and have hypothesized as to the reasons (Hinton, Hinton, et al., 2015; Kleinman & Kleinman, 1994): metaphoric resonance to dizziness, biological predisposition to dizziness induction (e.g., as tested in paradigms involving an optokinetic drum), and the prominence of local cultural syndromes involving dizziness that give rise to hypervigilance to dizziness. In the present study, one seemingly key reason for dizziness prominence was the frequency of dizziness triggered by standing up. We found that dizziness on standing up was an extremely common complaint, reported by 22.9% of those surveyed, and highly correlated to psychopathology (r = .41). The complaint of “standing up and feeling poorly, fearing fainting or heart attack” was also relatively common (11.3%), and was highly correlated to anxious-depressive psychopathology (r = .43). Multiple studies have also shown dizziness upon standing up, that is, orthostasis-caused dizziness, to be a key complaint in Cambodian populations as indicated by its being highly related to psychopathology and being part of key causal sequences (Hinton et al., 2010; Hinton, Hofmann, Pollack, & Otto, 2009). Those studies reveal how orthostasis-caused dizziness results from the complex interaction of the biology of orthostasis (with possible ethnic differences in the orthostatic response), catastrophic cognitions about dizziness, memory associations to dizziness, and metaphors of dizziness. Studies of orthostatic dizziness among Vietnamese populations have also suggested the link to psychopathology and the presence of these causal sequences (Hinton et al., 2004; Hinton, Hinton, et al., 2007).
Headache also was highly correlated to psychopathology (r = .44) and extremely common (40.9%). This finding highlights the need to investigate this complaint in more detail. (The item is also in the Phan and the Vietnamese Depression scale, as noted above.) Recent studies have found migraine headache to be common in certain cultural groups and that “thinking a lot” is a common cause of that headache (Hinton et al., 2016; Yarris, 2011, 2014), and one study found that the migraine headache commonly causes visual aura and blurry vision (Hinton et al., 2016). One Phan scale item assesses “seeing flashing lights,” which may well be endorsed in many cases owing to visual aura associated with migraine. (Of note, blurry vision was correlated to psychopathology in the current study.)
Several items related to energy level are in the preliminary Vietnamese SSA. Feeling of weakness in the body was found in 20.9% of those surveyed, and was highly correlated to psychopathology (r = .44), and what Vietnamese consider to be a key replenisher of energy, namely, appetite, was common and highly related to psychopathology (r = .45). Other weakness-related items that were relatively common and significantly correlated to psychopathology were fear of being “hit by the wind,” weak kidney, and weak heart as well as items that assess a sense of bodily cold and those that assess orthostatic dizziness, with degree of dizziness on standing locally conceived as a test of bodily energy. The clustering of these weakness items and how sufferers treat those symptoms need further investigation. The various weakness items seem to fall under the rubric of energy concerns, and form a local “energy causal network,” a local ethnophysiology of energy, a local ethnopsychology emphasizing energy (Hinton, Sinclair, et al., 2007; Phan & Silove, 1997; Tran, 2017).
The rate of sleep paralysis was relatively elevated, with 6% of those surveyed having experienced it in the last two weeks. In general populations in the West, the lifetime prevalence is approximately 7.6%, and most often the event occurs once in a lifetime or only every few years (Sharpless, 2016; Sharpless & Barber, 2011). In the Vietnamese population, further study of sleep paralysis is needed, including the rate of hallucinations during the sleep paralysis, what is hallucinated, and the cultural meanings of these events. Associated fears need to be addressed in treatments for anxiety (Hinton, Pich, Chhean, Pollack, et al., 2005).
Of the three supernatural concerns items, only being bothered by “bad luck, low good luck” was highly correlated to psychopathology (r = .37), and it was relatively common, found in 7.3% of those surveyed. Those with this concern would most likely worry that physical weakness may indicate spiritual depletion, that nightmares may be a spiritual assault, that bodily pain may be a spirit attack stigmata, and that all action will result in failure. The help-seeking of those with this “bad luck” complaint needs to be investigated. Only 1.6% of those surveyed had been bothered in the last two weeks with concerns of a spirit being sent into the body, and only 0.8% of being possessed or controlled. Of note, this low rate likely contributed at least in part to lower levels of correlation to psychopathology, but the presence of these complaints indicates considerable psychopathology. Many authors have written on how Vietnamese may interpret nightmare and physical symptoms in terms of visitation and even possession by spirits (Gustafsson, 2009; Kwon, 2014). In assessment, screening questions about concerns regarding spirit attack and possession should be standard procedure.
Limitations and Directions for Future Research
It will be important for future studies to examine the local meanings of the complaints identified in the current study in more detail, including assessing semantic networks related to these complaints as well as help-seeking. As noted above, somatic symptoms may result from a combination of metaphoric associations, catastrophic cognitions, and memory associations that interact in a looping manner in causal sequences (Hinton & Good, 2016a; Hinton, Hinton, Eng, & Choung, 2012; Hinton, Hinton, Loeum, & Pollack, 2008; Hinton & Simons, 2015). The complaint of “thinking a lot” can be examined in terms of causal sequence and local treatments by using the “Thinking a Lot” questionnaire (Hinton et al., 2016; Hinton, Reis, et al., 2015). In these and other various ways, the causal networks related to the SSA complaints should be profiled, a key part of designing culturally sensitive and effective interventions (Hinton, Rivera, et al., 2012).
Some other limitations and future directions should be noted. We assessed the degree of being bothered in a two-week timeframe but a four-week window may be optimal in some cases, particularly to assess events that are highly distressing but less common, such as sleep paralysis. Furthermore, certain items might be added to a future SSA. In particular, an item assessing the syndrome called “neurasthenia” (suy nhuoc thân kinh; also called “nerve weakness,” or suy yêu thân kinh) might be important to include, given that it was recently demonstrated to be an important syndrome in the Vietnamese context (Tran, 2017). Although we did include items assessing weakness and certain weakness syndromes, we did not include this specific item. As another possible addition, although we asked about possession and concerns about spiritual weakness, a more general probe might also be used, such as asking how much the person was bothered by ghosts.
Future studies should examine the relationship of individual items of the Vietnamese SSA as well as the SSA scale scores to specific DSM-5 disorders. For example, the “thinking a lot” item might be expected to be particularly strongly related to generalized anxiety disorder. Such investigations are a key part of an approach that is both “emic” and “etic.” That diagnosis-focused approach supplements the transdiagnostic approach taken in the current article that emphasizes the overlap between constructs such as anxiety and depression and hence assesses the higher order dimension that is dysphoria (Brown & Barlow, 2009; Hankin et al., 2016; Kim & Eaton, 2015).
Conclusion
The current study identified certain key complaints of distress among Vietnamese with anxious-depressive psychopathology. Key items that should be routinely assessed among Vietnamese populations include “thinking a lot,” dizziness, headache, orthostatic dizziness, and energy-related concerns like bodily weakness, poor appetite, and “hit by the wind.” These items should be assessed in order to avoid a category truncation in respect to assessing anxious-depressive psychopathology in the Vietnamese case, in order to attain content validity. But to assess items without ethnography and investigation of the local meaning of the items is an error of decontextualization (Hinton & Good, 2016a), a neglect of the local semiotics of these complaints, a neglect of local key causal networks—an assessment of the complaint without a determination of the associated semiotic and causal networks. 6 To determine the Vietnamese ontology of distress, these complaints need to be further investigated in these ways. Through such research the Vietnamese Symptom and Syndrome Addendum (SSA) can be further developed and contextualized to inform assessment and treatment.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
