Abstract
The purpose of this study was to determine the associations between religion, suicidal behavior, attitudes and psychological distress in 5572 students from 12 countries by means of a self-report questionnaire. Our results showed that an affiliation with Islam was associated with reduced risk for suicide ideation, however affiliating with Orthodox Christianity and no religion was related to increased risk for suicide ideation. While affiliating with Buddhism, Catholic religion and no religion was associated with lowered risk for attempting suicide, affiliation with Islam was related to heightened risk for attempting suicide. Affiliation with Hinduism, Orthodox Christianity, Catholicism, other religions and with no religion was associated with decreased risk for psychological distress but those reported affiliating with Islam evinced greater risk for psychological distress. The associations of the strength of religious belief to suicidal ideation and attempts were in the expected direction for most but had a positive relation in respondents affiliating with Catholicism and other religions. Students reporting affiliation with Islam, the Christian Orthodox religion and Buddhism were the least accepting of suicide but they displayed a more confronting interpersonal style to an imagined peer with a suicidal decision. It was concluded that the protective function of religion in educated segments of populations (university students) and in university students residing in Muslim countries where freedom from religion is restricted or religion is normative and/or compulsory is likely to be limited. Our findings suggest that public policies supporting religious freedom may augment the protective function of religion against suicide and psychological distress.
Introduction
A well-established regularity in suicidology is that the rates of suicidal behavior show large intersocietal variation (Värnik, 2012). The main research variable in this study, religion, has also usually been assumed to be related to the intersocietal variation of suicidal behaviors (Bertolote, & Fleischmann, 2015). For instance, low suicide rates in persons affiliating with Islam and in nations with predominantly Muslim populations are attributed either to the explicit condemnation of suicide by Islamic scriptures (Lester, 2006; Shah, & Chandia, 2010) or to underreporting (Pritchard, & Amanullah, 2007). All religions have explicit or implicit sanctions against self-killing with varying degrees of severity (Nelson, Hanna, Houri, & Klimes-Dougan, 2012).
Religion is a complex but unified system of beliefs, practices and institutions about the sacred (Durkheim, 1976). From an evolutionary perspective it has been argued that although religion has some fitness costs (e.g., costly ritual behavior that appears to be maladaptive) it nevertheless confers some indirect fitness benefits by harnessing threat-detection cognitive systems and increasing cohesion at the group level (Boyer, & Bergstrom, 2008; Boyer, & Liénard, 2006). According to Purzycki, Haque, and Sosis (2014), religious systems help increase the adaptive capacities of believers in a constant social, physical, psychological and existential flux by providing explanations for a complex and mysterious universe, to cope with death and other forms of psychological suffering and to sustain social order. As self-reflecting agents, human beings are aware of their own inevitable death and this is a source of existential anxiety. A study by Vail, Arndt, and Abdollah, (2012) provides empirical support to the view that religious beliefs help people cope with this existential anxiety. The authors, in three studies, have demonstrated that making participants' own mortality salient enhanced their level of religiosity, belief in a higher power, and belief in a God congruent with their belief system.
Suicide is an extreme form of desperation. How does religion protect its believers against such desperation? Colucci and Martin (2008) and Stack (2000) have identified three theoretical formulations about the link between religion and suicide. The first one is social integration theory (Durkheim, 1897/1951), and the second one is network theory (Pescosolido, 1990). Both theories argue that religion exercises its protective function against suicide through developing informal relationships and promoting community ties that increase networking and feelings of integration. The third one is religious commitment theory (Stark, Doyle, & Rushing, 1983; Stack, 2000). It assumes that core religious beliefs opposing suicide prevent individuals from considering suicide as an option during difficult times.
The social integration, network and religious commitment theories outlined above suggest that religion is associated with better mental health. The scientific literature indicates that religion may be a protective factor against diminished psychological well-being (Bonelli & Koenig, 2013; Kang & Romo, 2011). Findings from a recent longitudinal study by Zou, Huang, Maldonado, Kasen, Cohen and Chen, (2014), for example, showed that religious service attendance reduces depressive symptoms significantly. Note that reduced mental health is one of the strongest risk factors for suicidal behavior. Religion is also assumed to be a deterrent against suicidal behavior (Dervic, Oquendo, Grunebaum, Ellis, Burke, & Mann, 2004; Wu, Wang, & Jia, 2015). Further, acceptability of suicide is lower in religious than in nonreligious people (Stack & Kposowa, 2011), and higher levels of suicide acceptability was found to be associated with contemplating, planning and attempting suicide (Joe, Romer, & Jamieson, 2007). However, some research including a recent review by Lawrence, Oquendo, and Stanley (2015), present a complex picture of the relation between religion and suicidal behavior. Lawrence et al. (2016) concluded that religious affiliation was protective against suicidal attempts and suicide but not against suicidal ideation.
There are two major methodological flaws of the scientific endeavor investigating the link between religion and psychological distress and/or suicidal behavior. First, most of the previous empirical work on the issue is carried out with samples from industrialized Western nations. Second, except for the work by Sisask et al. (2010) most studies are of ecological nature which includes other confounding variables such as levels of economic development, education, secularization, etc. Bearing these methodological considerations in mind, we tested whether religious affiliation and the strength of one's religious belief were related to nonfatal suicidal behavior, psychological distress, and attitudes towards suicide and suicidal individuals. We aimed to test our hypothesis further by asking whether this relationship differed by religion. We sought answers to these questions in university students from 12 nations. From a methodological point of view, in order to make cross-cultural comparisons the samples should be comparable to each other (Boehnke, Lietz, Schreier, & Wilhelm, 2011). University students are similar in several important aspects such as age, level of education, and level of intellectual capacity. As a result, we chose to study college students to make samples from different countries as comparable as possible.
Methods
Participants
A total of 5572 (55.3% women) university students (mean age = 22.1, SD = 3.5 years) from 12 countries volunteered to participate in the study. Samples were from the countries that were identified by Inglehart and Baker (2000) as belonging to four culture zones (1) Confucian (China, population = 1,355,692,576, sample n = 627 and Japan, population = 127,103,388, sample n = 246), (2) Islamic (Iran, population =80,840,713, sample n = 1000; Jordan, population = 7,930,491, sample n = 436; Palestine (West Bank), population = 2,731,052, sample n = 358; Saudi Arabia, population = 27,345,986, sample n = 413; Turkey, population = 81,619,392, sample n = 497 and Tunisia, population = 10,937,521, sample n = 484), (3) English speaking (UK, population = 63,742,977, sample n = 150 and USA, population =318,892,103, n = 239) and (4) Catholic (Austria, population = 8,223,062, sample n = 627 and Italy, population = 61,680,122, sample n = 471). Participants were recruited from one public university in each country and from two public universities in Jordan and Palestine.
The gender and age distributions differed significantly among countries (gender, χ2 = 294.56, df = 11, p < 0.001; age, F(11, 5407) = 105.61, p < .001). There were more female participants than male participants. However, in the Japanese and Saudi Arabian subsamples, there were more men than women. The US sample was the youngest and the UK sample was the oldest. The number of siblings of students differed significantly between samples (F(11, 5560) = 366.45, p < .001). Jordanian and Palestinian samples had the highest number of siblings and the Chinese had the lowest number of siblings.
Out of the larger data set, so far we have published two papers on the prevalence of suicidal behavior and psychological distress (Eskin et al., 2016a) and attitudes towards suicide and suicidal persons (Eskin et al., 2016b) in which we describe sociodemographic characteristics of participants and the administration of research processes in more detail. In the first paper we found that 29% of the whole group reported having considered killing themselves, 7% reported having attempted to kill themselves and more than 1/3 of the sample scored above the conservative GHQ-12 ≥ 5 cut-off point. Significantly more participants from Austria and the UK reported suicidal ideation while significantly fewer students from China, Italy, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and Turkey reported suicidal ideation. Significantly more students from Jordan, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and to some extent from Turkey reported attempting suicide, but significantly fewer participants from Austria, China, Italy, Japan and the US did so. In the second paper we found that the Austrian, the UK, the Japanese and the Saudi Arabian samples were the most accepting of suicide and the Tunisian, the Turkish, the Iranian, and the Palestinian samples were the least accepting. The Turkish, the US, the Italian, and the Tunisian samples were the most socially accepting of a suicidal friend and the Japanese, the Saudi Arabian, the Palestinian and the Jordanian samples were the least accepting of such a friend. Acceptance of suicide was inversely related to social acceptance for a suicidal friend. We also found in the second paper that individuals were more likely to report more suicidal behavior and psychological distress, if they had accepting attitudes towards suicide but rejecting attitudes towards suicidal persons. Further, participants with an accepting attitude to suicide but rejecting attitude to suicidal persons were more likely to be from countries with high suicide rates and significantly high suicidal behavior reporting samples.
Instrument
A self-administered questionnaire was utilized to collect data. The questionnaire included questions about nonfatal suicidal behavior, religious affiliation and strength of religious belief, attitudes towards suicide and suicidal individuals, individualistic-collectivistic value orientations and a measure of psychological distress. In this paper, the associations of religious affiliation and strength of religious belief to nonfatal suicidal behavior, attitudes and psychological distress are reported. (In order to keep a clear focus, the associations of individualism-collectivism values to suicidal behavior, psychological distress and suicidal attitudes will be reported in a separate paper).
Demographics
In a short demographics questionnaire that was prepared by the lead researcher, students were asked to indicate their gender, age, and the number of siblings they have.
Religious affiliation
One question (What is your religion?) asked about the participants' religious affiliation based on 15 choices (Buddhism, Hinduism, Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Christian Orthodox, Judaism, Shintoism, African Religion, I have no religion, Shamanism, Sikhism, Taoism, Mormonism and Other than these). Since few participants in our sample reported having affiliated with African religion (n = 22), Shintoism (n = 20), Taoism (n = 13), Judaism (n = 10), Shamanism (n = 4), Mormonism (n = 4) and Sikhism (n = 3), these were merged into the “other religion” category. Based on historical claims (For instance Durkheim's) about the relationship between Protestantism and suicide we divided Christianity into three categories (Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant).
Strength of religious belief
Another question (What is the strength of your religious belief?) asked about the strength of participants' religious belief on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from “None whatsoever (0)” to “Very strong (6)”.
Suicidal behavior
There were five questions about past and current suicidal behavior (Yes = 1, No = 0):
(1) Have you ever thought of killing yourself? (2) Have you, during the past 12 months, thought of killing yourself? (3) Do you have thoughts of killing yourself right now? (4) Have you ever made an attempt to kill yourself? (5) Have you, during the past 12 months, made an attempt to kill yourself?
Participants who responded affirmatively to all or at least one of the first three questions were dichotomized as having suicidal ideation and participants responding affirmatively to both or one of the questions 4 and 5 were dichotomized as having attempted suicide.
Psychological Distress
The 12-item General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12; Goldberg & Williams, 1988) is the most widely used screening tool for assessing psychological distress. The reliability and validity of the GHQ-12 are well established (Goldberg, Gater, Sartorius, Ustun, Piccinelli, Gureje, & Rutter, 1997). The standard method of 0-0-1-1 scoring was used in the study. In this method, a score of 0 was assigned to the first two low stress alternatives and a score of 1 was given to the two high stress alternatives. The method results in individual scores that range from 0 to 12. The internal consistency reliability of the GHQ-12 in this study was 0.87 with item-total correlations ranging from 0.45 to 0.62. Goldberg et al., (1997) suggested varying GHQ-12 cut-off points from a low of 2 to a high of 4 in 15 centers. Therefore, we used three cut-off (GHQ-12 ≥ 3, 4, 5) points in this study.
Attitudes towards suicide
The 24-item Eskin's Attitudes towards Suicide Scale (E-ATSS, Eskin, 1999a, 2004, 2013; Eskin et al., 2016b) with 5-point Likert type response options ranging from “Completely disagree (1)” to “Completely agree (5)” was used to measure students' attitudes towards suicide. A principle component analysis with varimax rotation extracted six factors: 1. Acceptability of suicide (α = 0.91); 2. Punishment after death (α = 0.93); 3. Suicide as a sign of mental illness (α = 0.94); 4. Communicating psychological problems (α = 0.79); 5. Hiding suicidal behavior (α = 0.82); 6. Open reporting and discussion of suicide (α = 0.62) that explained 73.10% of the total variance.
Attitudes towards suicidal persons
Eskin's Social Reactions to Suicidal Persons Scale (E-SRSPS) begins with a short description of “an imagined suicidal close friend” who decides to kill him/herself and share it with the participant. By means of 20 possible reactions to this friend, students were asked how they would react or feel on 5-point Likert scales ranging from “Completely disagree (1)” to “Completely agree (5)” (Eskin, 1999a, 2004, 2013; Eskin et al., 2016b). A principle component analysis with varimax rotation extracted four factors: 1. Social acceptance (α = 0.90); 2. Helping (α = 0.83); 3. Disapproval of suicidal disclosure (α = 0.77); 4. Emotional involvement (α = 0.63) that explained 60.73% of the total variance.
Procedure
First, a battery of surveys was prepared by the principle investigator (M. Eskin). Then, the other researchers were invited via email to join the study. All researchers worked for a university and collected their portion of the data at their institution, but in Jordan and Palestine, data were also collected at a second university. On the first page of the questionnaire packet, students were told that the study was anonymous. Contact information of the investigator collecting data was provided on the first page of the survey for participants to get in touch and ask possible questions they may have had.
All researchers were requested to only undertake data collection after having received approval from relevant institutional review boards for research ethics. With the exception of Austria where such an approval was formally not necessary according to the relevant legal requirements and regulations, ethical approval was obtained in all study sites. In the United Kingdom, the IRB approved the study first but later the data collection was stopped prematurely by the IRB due to one member's concerns over the possible distress the suicide-related questions could cause. Almost all of the researchers in this study reported having no legal sanctions against suicidal behavior in their respective country. However, this was not the case for Jordan. According to the Jordanian Penal Code, “The person who attempts suicide will be punished by imprisonment from three months to two years.”
Statistical Analyses
Odds Ratios (OR) between religious affiliation and suicidality and scores above the three cut-off points of GHQ-12.
Associated Wald Statistics are significant at: aP < 0.05; bP < 0.01
Results
Religious affiliation and belief
The distribution of religious affiliation by country showed that the majority of participants in each country reported affiliating with the dominant religious tradition, with the exception of China, The UK and The USA where the majority reported affiliating with no religion. The majority affiliations by country were as follows: Austria (n = 254, affiliation with Roman Catholicism = 41,5%), China (n = 471, affiliation with no religion = 80.2%), Iran (n = 1000, affiliation with Islam = 100%), Italy (n = 226, affiliation with Roman Catholicism = 49.1%), Japan (n = 105, affiliation with Buddhism = 46.7%), Jordan (n = 414, affiliation with Islam = 98.8%), Palestine (n = 347, affiliation with Islam = 97.2%), Saudi Arabia (n = 403, affiliation with Islam = 97.6%), Tunisia (n = 470, affiliation with Islam = 97.3%), Turkey (n = 450, affiliation with Islam = 93.0%), UK (n = 69, affiliation with no religion = 46.0%), USA (n = 69, affiliation with no religion = 28.9%).
The mean (SD) strength of religious belief ratings on a 7-point scale by country were as follows: Austria 1.7 (1.7), China 1.2 (1.3), Iran 4.2 (1.5), Italy 2.4 (2.1), Japan 1.7 (1.5), Jordan 4.7 (1.1), Palestine 4.7 (1.3), Saudi Arabia 4.7 (1.4), Tunisia 4.6 (1.3), Turkey 4.1 (1.6), UK 2.4 (2.3), and USA 3.1(1.8).
The mean (SD) strength of religious belief ratings by affiliated religion were as follows: Buddhism 2.51 (1.51), Hinduism 3.21 (1.82), Islam 4.48 (1.40), Orthodox 3.02 (1.82), Protestant 2.71 (1.95), Catholic 2.73 (1.85), and other religion 2.88 (2.13).
Religious affiliation, suicidal behavior, and psychological distress
The odds ratio (95% CI) of participants affiliating with any religion having thought of suicide relative to those with no religious affiliation was 0.82 (0.70 – 0.96), Wald = 6.30, df = 1, p < .05. The odds ratio (95% CI) of participants affiliating with a religion having attempted suicide relative to those with no religious affiliation was 1.45 (1.04 – 2.03), Wald = 4.91, df = 1, p < .05. The odds ratios (95% CI) of participants affiliating with a religion having scored above the three cut-off points of GHQ-12 relative to those with no religious affiliation were at GHQ-12 ≥ 3, 1.46 (1.26 – 1.70), Wald = 25.23, df = 1, p < .01, at GHQ-12 ≥ 4, 1.41 (1.21 – 1.65), Wald = 19.27, df = 1, p < .01, and at GHQ-12 ≥ 5, 1.43 (1.21 – 1.69),Wald = 18.16, df = 1, p < .01.
The associations of religious affiliation to suicidal behavior and psychological distress are shown in Table 1. The table shows that while participants who affiliated with Orthodox religion and those unaffiliated with a religion were significantly more likely to report suicidal ideation; participants who affiliated with Islam were less likely to report suicidal ideation. Participants who affiliated with no religion, Buddhism and Catholicism were significantly less likely to report attempting suicide but those affiliating with Islam were significantly more likely to report attempting suicide. Participants affiliating with Hinduism, Catholicism, other religions and those having been unaffiliated with a religion were significantly less likely to score above the cut-off point of GHQ-12 ≥ 3 but participants affiliating with Islam were significantly more likely to score above the three cut-off points of GHQ-12.
Religious belief, suicidal behavior, and psychological distress
Point-biserial correlation coefficients between strength of religious belief and suicidality and scores above the three cut-off points of GHQ-12 by religious affiliation.
P values are significant at: aP < 0.05; bP < 0.01, one-tailed.
Religious affiliation and suicidal attitudes
Means and standard deviations of the attitudes towards suicidality factors by participants' religious affiliation
E-ATSS factor scores from the lowest to the highest:
Acceptability of suicide: Islam, Orthodox, Buddhism, Hinduism, Other religion, Catholicism, No religion, Protestantism
Punishment after death: No religion, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, Other religion, Hinduism, Orthodox, Islam
Suicide as sign of mental illness: No religion, Buddhism, Protestantism, Other religion, Catholicism, Hinduism, Orthodox, Islam
Communicating problems: No religion, Buddhism, Islam, Other religion, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Orthodox
Hiding suicidal behavior: Catholicism, Protestantism, Orthodox, Hinduism, No religion, Other religion, Islam, Buddhism
Open reporting & discussion: Buddhism, No religion, Other religion, Islam, Hinduism, Orthodox, Protestantism, Catholicism
E-SRSPS factor scores from the lowest to the highest:
Social acceptance: Buddhism, Other religion, No religion, Protestantism, Islam, Hinduism, Catholicism, Orthodox
Helping: Buddhism, Other religion, No religion, Islam, Hinduism, Protestantism, Orthodox, Catholicism
Disclosure disapproval: Orthodox, Catholicism, Protestantism, No religion, Hinduism, Other religion, Islam, Buddhism
Emotional involvement: Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Other religion, Buddhism, No religion, Orthodox, Islam
The one-way MANCOVA on attitudes towards an imagined suicidal friend factors yielded a significant main effect for religious affiliation, F(7,5419) = 17.92, p < 0.0001. Univariate F tests showed significant religious differences on all factors: social acceptance (F = 7.61, p < .0001), helping (F = 12.04, p < .0001), disapproval of suicidal disclosure (F = 13.39, p < .0001) and emotional involvement (F = 39.27, p < .0001) factors.
*E-ATSS factors: 1. Acceptability of suicide, 2. Punishment after death, 3. Suicide as a sign of mental illness, 4. Communicating psychological problems, 5. Hiding suicidal behavior, 6. Open reporting and discussion of suicide.
**E-SRSPS factors: 1. Social acceptance, 2. Helping, 3. Disclosure disapproval, 4. Emotional involvement
Strength of religious belief and suicidal attitudes
Correlation coefficients between attitudes towards suicidality and participants' strength of religious beliefs.
P values are significant at: aP < 0.05; bP < 0.01; cP < 0.001.
Discussion
The present study aimed at testing the associations of religious affiliation and the strength of religious belief to suicidal behavior and attitudes, and psychological distress in student samples in 12 countries. Scientific investigations have often showed that being affiliated with a religion is associated with better mental health (Zou et al., 2014) and a lower propensity for suicidal behavior (Dervic et al., 2004; Sisask et al., 2010; Wu et al., 2015). Our results are in line with these findings for suicidal ideation, but contrast them for suicide attempts and psychological distress. In this study, participants reporting an affiliation with a religion were found to be at a greater risk for attempting suicide and scoring above the cut-off points of GHQ-12 than those reporting no religious affiliation. These results are in stark contrast to findings from a recent review of 89 studies by Lawrence et al. (2016) who found religion to be a protecting factor against suicide attempts, but not against suicidal ideation. The studies covered in this review were conducted mainly with samples from Western nations. The overwhelming majority of participants from Muslim countries in the present study reported having affiliated with religion. Therefore, the difference between our findings and the findings from Lawrence et al. might be a reflection of social, economic and political conditions in Muslim countries. This is an overview, but does it apply to affiliation with specific religious traditions?
An examination of the associations of affiliation with specific religious traditions to suicidal behavior and psychological distress presents a more nuanced picture (Table 1). While being affiliated with Islam was associated with reduced odds for suicide ideation, affiliating with Orthodox religion and not affiliating with a religion were associated with heightened odds of considering suicide. Except for the case of Orthodox Christianity, our findings are in line with theoretical expectations. Since no country adhering to Orthodox religion was included in our study, the association between affiliation with Orthodox religion and suicide ideation might be due to minority stress. However, an examination of the associations of religious affiliation to suicide attempts and psychological distress reveals contrasting patterns. Affiliations with Buddhism and Catholicism were associated with reduced odds of attempting suicide. To our surprise, affiliating with no religion was associated with reduced odds for attempting suicide, which initially seemed to be a theoretically inconsistent relation. Another theoretically contradictory finding is the relation between affiliation with Islam and reports of suicide attempts. In line with findings from previous work (Eskin, 1999b; Eskin, Palova, & Krokavcova, 2014; Eskin, Voracek, Stieger, & Altinyazar, 2011; Lester, 2006) our study demonstrates that participants who reported an affiliation with Islam in our sample have heightened odds of having attempted suicide despite the prohibiting attitude of their religion to suicide, and their scoring above the three cut-off points of GHQ-12.
Why is affiliation with Islam associated with reduced odds for suicide ideation but heightened odds of attempting suicide and higher levels of psychological distress? Two plausible explanations may be offered for these contradictory findings. First, according to Schacter, Guerin, and St Jacques (2011), individuals have a tendency to distort and reconstruct their past memories into meaningful personal narratives. As a result, students from Muslim countries may be reconstructing their own past memories to fit them in with the doctrines of their religious faith. As a concrete act, however, suicide attempt may not be amenable to distortion. Second, the observed associations might reflect the effects of contextual factors. An overwhelming majority of participants affiliated with Islam are from Islamic countries, while only 61 were from other countries. According to the Freedom in the World 2015 report by Freedom House (2015) only Tunisia is classified as “free” in terms of political rights and civil liberties, while Turkey is classified as “partly free”, and the other Muslim countries included in our study are classified as “not free”. Religious affiliation has a normative character in Islamic countries. In other words, there is freedom to religion but freedom from religion is limited and involves risks for life and/or social exclusion. Our findings suggest that freedom of choice is essential for religion to exercise its protective function. One can argue that when a belief system is coerced either by law or by social norms, it loses its protective function and becomes a risk factor.
However, when religious belief is taken into account, participants' strength of religious belief was inversely associated with suicidal ideation in the total sample, and in the students reporting an affiliation with Hinduism, Islam, Orthodox Christianity, and Catholicism. Of note, the strength of belief was unrelated to suicide attempts in the total sample but inversely related to attempting suicide in participants affiliating with Islam, and positively in those affiliating with the Roman Catholic religion and other religions. Strength of religious belief thus seems to be protective against psychological distress in Muslim participants, but the magnitudes of associations are negligible.
Suicide acceptability is related to broader cultural values and is higher in nonreligious than in religious people (Stack & Kposowa, 2016). The findings from our study support previous findings. For instance, acceptability of suicide was the highest in students who reported affiliations with Protestantism, no religion, and the Catholic religion while it was the lowest in participants affiliating with Islam, Orthodox Christianity and Buddhism. Participants affiliated with Islam expressed the lowest acceptance for suicide, which is in line with the findings reported by Stack and Kposowa (2011). The highest mean of punishment after death factor scores was seen for the participants affiliating with Islam, Orthodox Christianity, and Hinduism, while the lowest scores were in those affiliating with no religion, the Catholic religion and Protestantism. Strength of religious belief was inversely related to acceptance of suicide and positively related to a belief in punishment after death.
An examination of participants' attitudes towards an imagined suicidal friend revealed that the lowest social acceptance of suicide and helping for a suicidal friend were observed in students reporting an affiliation with Buddhism, other religion and no religion while the highest scores were seen in those affiliating with the Orthodox religion, the Catholic religion, Hinduism and Protestantism. Participants affiliating with the Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant religions were the least disapproving of a suicidal disclosure in contrast to those affiliating with Buddhism, Islam and no religion. Respondents affiliating with Protestantism, Catholicism and Hinduism displayed the least emotional involvement in a fictitious suicidal peer, while those affiliating with Islam, Orthodox religion and with no religion were emotionally most involved in a peer with a suicidal decision. The strength of a participant's religious belief was positively related to these attitudinal factors.
Taken together, our findings indicate that the association between religiosity, suicidal behavior, suicidal attitudes, and psychological distress involves complex issues reflecting the effects of both personal and contextual factors. Religious affiliation and the strength of religious belief may be protective against suicidal behavior and psychological distress for some people in some sociocultural contexts but not so for others in other sociocultural contexts. Recently, Lester and Walker (2017) have showed religiosity to be protective for suicidal ideation in European American students but not in African American students. An unexpected finding from our research is the higher percentages of suicidal attempts and psychological distress in participants who reported affiliating with Islam despite the lowest suicide acceptance in this group. It may be that religiosity is protective for most participants, but its protective function seems to be limited for people affiliating with Islam for attempting suicide and to some extent for those affiliating with Orthodox Christianity for suicide ideation. The associations of the strength of religious belief to suicidal behavior are in large part in the expected direction but in participants reported affiliating Catholic religion and other religions, stronger belief was related to more suicide attempts. The association between religious belief and psychological distress was negligible.
Limitations
Although results from this multinational study provide some valuable insights into the relation between religion, suicidal behavior, attitudes and psychological distress, a number of considerations should be taken into account when generalizing our results. First, university students may not be representative of the general populations of the countries under consideration. Second, the preventative function of religion for adverse mental health may not be as strong in educated segments of populations as it is in the general populations. Third, religious affiliation and strength of religious belief may be too general concepts to examine the effects of religion. Fourth, our findings from this cross-sectional study should not be interpreted in a causal way. Finally, one should bear in mind a possible volunteer bias in our study. Since the data were collected from consenting students, it is possible that those who chose to participate in the study were somewhat different than those who did not consent to be part of the study. For instance, the students who refused to participate may have greater propensity to suicide or psychological distress.
Implications
Our findings have a number of research and policy implications. First, future research may benefit from examining the association between religious orientation and coping in relation to suicidal phenomena and psychological distress instead of using global variables such as affiliation and strength of belief. Second, more research is needed on possible links between suicidal phenomena and psychological well-being in Muslim countries. Third, the influence of minority stress on suicide and psychological distress should be addressed in future research. Next, future research should address social policies or interventions for minimizing adverse effects of minority stress. Finally, sociopolitical measures enhancing not only freedom to religion but also freedom from religion may augment the protective function of religion against suicide and psychological distress in Muslim countries.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
