An exploration of the Adaptation and Development after Persecution (ADAPT) model with young adult Hazaras from refugee backgrounds in Australia

Abstract

Despite the fact that Australia has an emerging population of young adult Hazaras who arrived on humanitarian visas or who hail from a refugee background, few studies have documented their settlement experiences and psychosocial development. This study explored the resettlement experiences and adaptation of young Hazaras from refugee backgrounds. Eighteen Hazaras of refugee background, 9 males and 9 females aged 18 to 30 years (M = 22.39, SD = 3.35) who had been living in Australia for 7.17 years on average (range = 1 to 16 years), participated in a semi-structured interview based on the ADAPT model. Results demonstrated the usefulness of the ADAPT model for understanding these young people’s settlement experiences in a high-income urban environment. Family, friend, and teacher attachments were important for their adaptation, highlighting the importance of promoting positive social networks for these young people. Results were also interpreted using Erikson’s psychosocial stages for adolescence and young adulthood. Findings suggested that, while the young people were more focused on their future than on their past, until the psychosocial stage for adolescence is achieved, unresolved issues may continue into young adulthood. Analyses also revealed gender differences in adaptive systems and psychosocial development. Future research recommendations are made to enable the development of individualised approaches that better foster positive adaptation and psychosocial development.

Keywords

adaptation psychosocial development qualitative refugees young adults

Introduction

Each year, vast numbers of people are forced to flee their countries for safety because of ongoing conflicts, persecution, and human rights violations. In 2015, 65 million people were forcibly displaced worldwide, including more than 40 million internally displaced persons, 21 million refugees, and 3 million asylum seekers (UNHCR, 2015). However, less than 1% of the world’s refugees are ever resettled (UNHCR, 2018). Of those forcibly displaced, 2.7 million have fled from Afghanistan, many to high-income countries such as the USA, Canada, Australia, and Norway (UNHCR, 2015). Despite the fact that Australia has an emerging population of young adult Hazaras who have arrived on humanitarian visas or who hail from a refugee background (Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2018), they remain understudied. One recent study (Copolov, Knowles, & Meyer, 2018) has investigated the characteristics and experiences of the Hazaras and reported predictors of wellbeing for a sample of young adult Hazaras in Australia.

Harrowing premigratory experiences of forced migration and the resettlement process mean that refugees are vulnerable to the development of mental health conditions, such as post-traumatic stress disorder, major depression, and anxiety (Schweitzer, Melville, Steel, & Lacherez, 2006; Turrini et al., 2017). However, young refugees’ mental health challenges can be reduced if they experience a stable environment and receive social support in their new country (Earnest, Mansi, Bayati, Earnest, & Thompson, 2015; Fazel, Reed, Panter-Brick, & Stein, 2012).

Silove (1999) proposed a conceptual framework that identifies core adaptive processes which may be threatened by the experience of war or mass human rights violations. The Adaptation and Development after Persecution and Trauma (ADAPT) model developed in this work (Silove, 1999) argues that refugees may experience disrupted “adaptive systems” and identifies five such systems: safety and security (Safety System); the maintenance of interpersonal bonds and wider social supports (Attachment System); effective mechanisms for administering justice (Justice System); the capacity to re-establish meaningful roles and uphold identity (Identity/Role System); and the ability to make sense of, and meaning in, one’s life (Existential Meaning System). Silove (2013) suggested that these adaptive systems could be repaired by the implementation of policies and practices in the settlement country that aimed at restoring mental health and promoting recovery.

Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial model can also be applied to adaptation in refugee youth. This model emphasises developmental context in our understanding of the adaptation process of refugees settling into their new country (e.g., Nakeyar, Esses, & Reid, 2018). Erikson (1968) argued that individuals must successfully resolve psychosocial crises during each developmental stage, from infancy to adulthood; otherwise, they may develop an unhealthy personality and sense of self. Erikson (1968) also asserted that adolescents need to focus on their future and develop their identity in terms of occupational and educational roles (identity versus role confusion) and that young adults need to forge strong relationships with family and friends while establishing lasting intimate relationships (intimacy versus isolation). These developmental stages may have relevance to young refugees in their new country. For example, resettlement disruptions may mean that young refugees are forced to remain in school well into young adulthood (McMichael, Gifford, & Correa-Velez, 2011), potentially delaying their progression through Erikson’s psychosocial stages. Taken together, the ADAPT model provides us with core adaptive systems and Erikson’s model highlights significant developmental hurdles that are faced by young adult refugees resettling in a high-income country, such as Australia.

A recent Australian study applied Silove’s (1999) Australian ADAPT model and Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages to the experiences of refugee adolescents (McGregor, Melvin, & Newman, 2016). Based on the ADAPT model, McGregor, Melvin, and Newman (2014) developed a semi-structured interview schedule, the Youth Experience Scale for Refugees (YES-R), to explore adolescent refugees’ adaptive processes. McGregor et al. (2016) then tested the applicability of the YES-R to adolescent refugees from varied backgrounds in Australia and found that it provided a useful framework to conceptualise their settlement experiences. McGregor et al. (2016) also demonstrated the relevance of Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages for the study of adolescence (namely, identity versus role confusion).

Objectives

Only a small minority of displaced persons ever achieve permanent settlement in high-income, urbanised countries such as Australia (UNHCR, 2018). The aim of this study was to test how accurately Silove’s ADAPT model and Erikson’s developmental stages together depict adaptation challenges for a sample of young adult Hazaras from refugee backgrounds who have resettled in an environment offering relative safety and opportunities.

The present study partially replicated McGregor et al.’s (2016) study using the methodology and YES-R interview schedule (McGregor et al., 2014) that they developed based on Silove’s (1999) ADAPT model. We aimed to explore the applicability of the ADAPT model to young adult Hazaras’ adaptation experiences in Australia. We also aimed to explore whether Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages for adolescence and young adulthood were reflected in the experiences of this young adult sample from refugee backgrounds.

Methods

This is a qualitative interview-based study of young adult Hazara refugees’ adaptation experiences in Australia. Ethics approval was obtained from a university Human Research Ethics Committee. Senior members of the Hazara community were involved in various phases of the research process to ensure a culturally sensitive approach, as suggested by Alemi, James, Cruz, Zepeda, and Racadio (2014).

Participants

Participants self-identified as being from a refugee background and were living in three Australian cities: Perth (n = 9), Melbourne (n = 8) and Sydney (n = 1). They were aged 18 to 30 years (M = 22.39, SD = 3.35), had been living in Australia on average 7.17 years (range = 1 to 16 years), were born in either Afghanistan or Pakistan, and identified as Shi’a Muslims. Nine participants were sponsored to live in Australia by their father or brother through family reunion, eight arrived in Australia as asylum seekers prior to the government’s policy changes towards processing and resettling asylum seekers offshore (see Australian Human Rights Commission, 2014), and one arrived with refugee status. Seven men and one woman had spent time in a detention centre or camp. The men all came to Australia unaccompanied by family and all the women in the study came with their families. Fifteen participants had completed high school, 9 were currently studying at university, and 1 had completed a university degree. Twelve participants were employed, 5 were not working because they were studying, and 1 man was unemployed and seeking work. Three men and one woman were married.

Inclusion criteria for participants comprised: (a) Hazara ethnicity; (b) between 18 and 30 years of age; (c) residing in Australia; (d) with sufficient English capabilities; (e) with access to telephone or Skype; (f) consenting to their interview being audio recorded and transcribed. To maximise participation and following suggestions from leaders in the Hazara community, the age range of 18 to 30 years was selected for the current study. Data were collected between December 2015 and January 2016.

Materials

Respondents participated in a qualitative semi-structured interview schedule, the YES-R (McGregor et al., 2014). The YES-R consists of questions reflecting the five major adaptation systems outlined in the ADAPT model (Silove, 1999, 2013): Safety System; “Do you feel safe in Australia; do you feel safer in Australia compared to at home?”; Attachment System; “Who are people that provide you with support in Australia?”; Justice System; “How do you think about what happened to you and your family at home and in your journey to Australia?”; Identity/Role System; “What are your goals for the future?”; and Existential Meaning Systems; “Do you think that holding religious beliefs has helped you deal with things both in your journey here and in Australia?.” Although interview schedule topics were included in all interviews, the order in which they were discussed varied according to the participant’s train of thought (Bryman, 2015).

Procedure

Seventy young Hazaras of refugee backgrounds completed an anonymous online survey (see Copolov et al., 2018). At the conclusion of this survey, respondents could express interest in participating in follow-up semi-structured interviews. Twenty-two young Hazaras (13 males; 9 females) provided us with their contact information and the first author planned interviews with each of them. We were not able to contact three male participants and one male participant’s lack of English proficiency made him ineligible to participate, resulting in a final sample of 18 young Hazaras (9 males; 9 females).

Respondents participated in the YES-R interview schedule (McGregor et al., 2014) and were informed of their rights as research participants in English. A visa gift card was provided as an appreciation gift after participation. Interviews were conducted by the lead author via Skype or telephone, depending on the interviewee’s choice. Interviews lasted between 60 and 90 minutes and were audio recorded with written or verbal consent. Gaining informed consent in a non-intrusive manner (i.e., verbally) is suggested as best practice with Afghan refugees (Smith, 2009).

Data analysis

Audiotaped interviews were transcribed verbatim by the lead author. NVivo software (Version 10) was used for data management and coding. Data were analysed using deductive thematic analysis based on the ADAPT model, including an inductive component based on participants’ unprompted responses (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2013). Consultation with community leaders made it clear that it was culturally inappropriate to identify participants by pseudonyms. Instead, respondents were assigned labels of male respondent (MR) 1–9 and female respondent (FR) 1–9, including their corresponding ages.

Thematic analysis was conducted in stages based on Braun and Clarke’s (2006) step-by-step guide. After familiarisation with the dataset, initial codes were generated as they related to the ADAPT model. The coded information was then collated and organised into potential themes and subthemes, based on similarities between groups of codes and in accordance with the ADAPT model, generating a thematic “map” of the analysis. Ongoing refinements were made to the names and definitions of themes and subthemes and a final review was conducted in relation to the overall story that the analysis told. Consensus on the themes and subthemes was reached via discussion with colleagues (Olszewski, Macey, & Lindstrom, 2006).

Results

Applicability of the ADAPT model

The following sections detail the results of the thematic analysis based on each of the five adaptive systems of the ADAPT model. As Silove recommends, “for clarity, the five psychosocial pillars of the ADAPT model are described independently, although in reality they form interdependent components of the foundations needed to restore stability to conflict affected societies” (Silove, 2013, p. 244). Results showed general agreement between men’s responses and women’s responses, and where men’s and women’s responses differed, these gender differences were identified in the results.

Safety

All respondents felt safer in Australia than in their previous country. However, they worried about the ongoing safety of family members left behind. Unaccompanied men were distressed about the safety of family in their homeland, because they were unable to protect them from harm. For instance, MR3 (23 years) stated, “Like it’s stressful because I’m just thinking what’s going to happen to them [family]? It’s still Pakistan, it is not safe and everyday there are attacks happening.”

Participants reported feeling most secure when attending school in Australia. MR9 (25 years) said, “To be honest with you, I loved schooling life it was the best time of my life. I am 25; I can say that school life was the best life for me.” Participants said multicultural schools were particularly supportive. FR8 (19 years) said:

When you are living in a very multicultural suburb and you are going to a multicultural school, it is very different to going to a school where there is very little people from other cultures. When we moved from one city to another city it was a totally different world for me and school was 10 times more difficult.

Availability of relevant services also contributed to the young people’s sense of security in Australia. Respondents lived in three Australian cities and those who said they lived in a “multicultural city” felt more secure about their future because they had help. MR9 (25 years) said: “In Melbourne there are opportunities, there are learning centres, there are other refugees, and there are communities that can guide you somewhere.”

In contrast, the young people who lived separately from a Hazara community said they and their families felt isolated and lacked social supports or resources to aid recovery.

Respondents reported that discrimination experiences made them feel intimated or unsafe in Australia. Seven women wore headscarves and they all described at least one discrimination experience, unlike the two women not wearing headscarves. FR4 (19 years) said:

Because of recent events, I honestly don’t feel safe sometimes because being a visibly Muslim person with a scarf on her head I do feel threatened sometimes. I have been intimidated and verbally abused by people and it just sort of seems like there is no end in sight, this discrimination against ordinary Muslim people. It is really disheartening because these things that happen sometimes, they make me feel like I don’t belong, it discourages me from saying this is my home.

Women discussed how they and their families responded to discrimination experiences. FR4 (19 years) took control of the situation by challenging her thoughts as she stated, “I'm like hey, who the hell are these people to make me feel this way and if I do feel this way, it’s sort of like they win, and I don’t want to let them win.” Some women said their parents became stricter due to these safety concerns, FR2 (22 years) explained:

There was no problem whatsoever but then the TV started portraying Muslims as bad, and terrorists after September 11. Now if you drive past some people just put their fingers up at you. There are cases where a friend of mine got her scarf pulled off in Melbourne. Now mum and dad are more strict about us going out … For women especially because we are wearing the whole outfit with our headscarves compared to the men, they are just a normal typical guy going out.

Attachment

Family attachment relationships

When asked what they missed most about their homeland, almost all respondents said that it was family members that they had left behind. Five men were separated from their immediate family whereas all the women had their immediate family in Australia. MR7 (24 years) was the only man with all his immediate family in Australia and he felt like “one of the very fortunate ones”; the other unaccompanied men all reported feeling “stressed” because of this separation. They also described the difficulties related to having to make decisions without their families’ guidance. A few of these men maintained attachments with their family overseas through technology. For example, MR8 (25 years) received emotional support from his mother through his mobile phone. In comparison, the men and women with family in Australia said that they found it easier to settle because their family members had employment and accommodation and were involved with the Hazara community. MR2 (24 years) said: “We were a bit settled because my brother was already here so when we arrived, he got a job and within three or four months I got a job. We rented a house and then later on we bought a house.”

The women responded differently from men about family relationships. When asked: “Do you worry about any of your friends or family that are living in Australia?” most women worried about their mothers’ lack of proficiency in English, which was not mentioned for their fathers who developed English proficiency through work. Women said that this meant that their mothers had difficulty engaging with the wider Australian society and felt a reduced sense of belonging. FR1 (18 years) said:

I’m not worried about any of my friends or family, other than my mum. I think my mum is struggling because of the language. She's trying to get her citizenship but it’s very hard for her because she can’t read or write.

Five of the women reported family conflict as their parents had a “traditional mindset” and did not allow them to participate in extra-curricular activities or to leave the family home other than for work or education. They felt frustrated because this meant that they were unable to fully participate in Australian society. FR4 (19 years) said:

I don’t really go out with friends much, outside of university because it’s just that traditional mentality that comes into play. I mean it’s not the case for all Hazaras’ family but certainly in my family where you shouldn’t be outside for no reason other than you know if you go down to the shops or if you have an appointment somewhere or if you’re at university.

In contrast, four of the women described their parents as no longer having a traditional mindset in Australia. They discussed having more freedoms and being able to participate in society more, as FR2 (22 years) explained:

My parents are now way more open minded … They were open minded, but I think they have become more open now. They were never into giving your daughters young [to get married] but like here at the beginning they wouldn't let me go out a lot but now it’s like “now you can go.”

Peer attachment relationships

Men and women believed it was important to make non-Afghan friends in Australia to help them “integrate” into Australian society. FR5 (20 years) explained:

At the beginning it [making friends] was very difficult, I couldn't speak English, but my friends were mainly people from my background so mainly Hazaras, which were living in my town but slowly, I integrated, I got friends from other cultures.

Unaccompanied men described the importance of the support of friends like themselves with whom they could share the challenges of being alone. As MR4 (30 years) explained, “If I didn't contact them [friends], I am home and having a headache and maybe I will get sick. Most of my friends living here are saying come on we want to play soccer or go to gym or swimming.” Five respondents received emotional support from their peers in Australia and overseas through technology, as described by MR4 (30 years):

You know, in Australia if we didn’t meet, we will say, “Oh, you didn’t talk, why didn't you call me?” In here we have do you know Facebook? There is contact everywhere … Some of my friends are living in Europe and they are in contact with me saying, “What about your life in Australia?”

Eight of the women discussed the difficulties of making friends during their teenage years and the cultural expectations of their parents. Three women described becoming more “Western” to make friends, and the conflict this caused with their parents. For example, FR9 (22 years) said she embraced “Western culture” during high school because she did not have a Muslim friend. She reported that it was only when she had made a close friend who was also Muslim that was she able to enjoy the life her family lived:

I was moving away from my family and I was embracing the Western culture more and I wanted to be like that because the friends I had, some lived in a Western world and I think that influenced me a lot and I did not want to be how my family wanted me to live.

Extended attachment relationships

Men and women described the importance of receiving social support from teachers. Seven men had spent time in detention and their teachers taught them English and explained Australian culture to them. As MR4 (30 years) explained:

When I came to Australia and I see it is a new country and new people we don’t know about the language, we don't know about the people and how we should start the new life here and in detention centre we have teachers and the teachers were learning us something about Australia.

The women, on the other hand, discussed the support they received from teachers at school. FR6 (24 years) described how her teacher helped her to learn English and make friends:

When I used to sit with Aussie students, they used to talk about sports like rugby, footy and I didn’t know anything about those. I was like “what are they talking about?” My teacher used to tell me don’t sit with people from your background, if you sit with them you will not improve, go sit with the people who is different from you and who speak different from your language and that way you can improve, that way you can learn.

Justice

When asked, “What do you hope for [country of origin] for the future?”, all the young people wanted to see an end to persecution of Hazaras. MR4 (30 years) described how attacks against his family in the past still affected him today:

My father and my mother they were saying to me “you cannot go in Afghanistan” because my grandmother and my grandfather was dead in Afghanistan. After few years my uncle said “maybe it is the time we should go and get my own house and everything we lost” but we won’t find because the government has now started the new policy and my uncle went and I didn’t saw the dead body and I didn’t see nothing from my uncle.

Without being prompted, five unaccompanied men said that the changes to the Australian family reunion policy made them feel disappointed and confused, because now it is difficult for them to sponsor their family to Australia. MR6 (27 years) said:

I know a couple of people who come to Australia in 2010, 2011 and they still have Bridging Visa and some of them they have but they are not allowed to bring their family or sponsor their family to bring them to Australia. I don’t know what’s the meaning of human being or you know? I never believed a human can do this with other human and that is unfortunately how the government is being with refugees with asylum seekers.

In addition, without prompting, three men and five women described the negative impact of the media and politics linking certain groups to extremist attacks. MR3 (23 years) described the importance of education to counter this commentary:

Everyone is like listening to the media, the media is doing wrong things, they are showing, and it’s horrible and really dangerous. The thing is we need to educate the people and tell the public it’s not the way they are thinking.

Roles and identities

It was evident that this topic was important to the participants and they had spent time thinking about their roles and identities in Australia.

Roles within the family

Analyses revealed that the men’s traditional gender roles continued in Australia. There was a strong expectation that they financially support their family in their home country. This affected their identity development by narrowing occupational and educational choices. Only one male participant did not comment on the restrictions related to being financially responsible for his family. Instead, he talked about his freedom to study a topic about which he was passionate and to do work that he enjoyed. A more common experience was that of MR8 (25 years), who said:

I just got a job in a meat factory and that was quick and that’s not what I was looking for at the moment, but I got it … I want a job which I can enjoy and which I can learn some skills.

In contrast, gender roles expanded for the women, stimulating identity development. This could even be promoted by their parents’ lack of proficiency in English. Women said that once they could communicate in English, they helped interpret for their families, which, in turn, helped their adaptation in Australia. FR5 (20 years) explained these changes to traditional gender roles:

For me it was as if I was taking baby steps again, being socialised back to a different community. When you are born your parents say, “This is that, that’s a chair, this is how everything works.” I think when I came here it was the same again but this time my mum didn’t know those kinds of stuff, so it was new for her as well.

Opportunities

All participants talked about having more education and employment opportunities in Australia than in their homeland, and they pressured themselves to work hard in order to ensure a successful future. Women particularly appreciated their new education and employment opportunities. FR4 (19 years) explained what the women’s lives would have been like in their homeland: “In Afghanistan, um the men would go out, work and the women stay home, cook, and clean, that was the role of a women.” They said that accessing these opportunities went against what was traditionally acceptable for young Hazara women, sometimes resulting in family conflict. For FR5 (20 years), explaining why she wanted to pursue these “out of the home” opportunities was crucial for reducing family conflict:

I think I was a little bit rebellious when I was in high school and um yeah, I wanted to be outside more, I didn’t want them [parents] to say, “Where are you or why are you going there? Why are you wearing this, why are you wearing that?” But over time we communicated, now I understand their point of view and they understand my point of view so now there’s a level of trust and independence, so they have realised I am not a typical girl, and also, they support me with my education and activism.

Identity and discrimination

Some participants described experiencing discrimination, either because they were identified as Muslim or due to their lack of proficiency in English. Four of the men described experiencing discrimination at work and at university. MR3 (23 years) said discrimination led to a reduced sense of belonging:

Sometimes I’m feeling like I’m being discriminated and sometimes I’m feeling really alone because the thing is in office … One of the guys was saying that, “Oh you are Muslim, you are doing this sort of thing, you guys are taking like a lot of our jobs and you guys are coming here and you are doing that, you are selling drugs there, or you are doing this sort of things.”

Some women said that women who wore headscarves experienced discrimination because they were easily identified. FR1 (18 years) said people associated her headscarf with an inability to speak English:

People do underestimate you, they might think I’m less able than they are, because of my scarf they probably think I can’t speak English properly especially at university. You always feel like you are trying to prove yourself, but you know you are as good as they are … In my classes, usually I’m the only Muslim there and I’m wearing the scarf so it’s very difficult.

Hybrid identities

Silove (2013) introduced the concept hybrid identity in his ADAPT model. There, to have a hybrid identity is defined as blending elements of the homeland and of the adopted culture, and it is proposed that people with refugee backgrounds have risen to prominent positions in their settlement societies by adopting hybrid identities. This emerged as a subtheme in the current study. MR7 (24 years) said:

If you ask a person, “How do you feel about Australian society?” They straight away have the feeling of like detaching themselves where they are two different people. They say “I’m outside Australian society” but I think it’s very important, for refugees in particular, to know you are part of the society now. You have to take part in it.

Without being prompted, FR5 (20 years) described the concept of hybrid identity explicitly by explaining the difficulties related to having the freedom to express her Hazara identity without being persecuted, while at the same time wanting to adopt an Australian identity:

I think a lot of young people who migrate here do struggle with their hybrid identity. Our blood has been shed because we are Hazaras and we have been persecuted for a long time and now, we are in this country and we have our rights recognised. So, for me it is important to both embrace my identity as a Hazara but at the same time be inside this community.

Existential meaning

Religious values

Most men interviewed did not reflect on their faith-based beliefs and only mentioned religious practices in connection with holy festivals, whereas five women described their continued, and in many cases strong, religious beliefs. For these women, faith provided meaning and direction to their lives. Alternatively, one man and four women said they were questioning their religious values. MR7 (24 years) said:

I was born in a Muslim family but throughout the course of time, I’ve changed my religion within myself at least 10 times. Once I was an Atheist, then I became an Agnostic then I was like if you are an Agnostic and you believe in one God maybe different religions have different ways people worship and that means every religion may be true.

Further, these five respondents believed that Hazaras in Australia needed to be more “open” with their faith-based beliefs to adapt to a secular society, as explained by one of the women, FR8 (19 years):

You know you want people who are open; you want Afghans to be open in Australia. You want people to be moderate in their ideas, but I mean to me there is no point if you come from Afghanistan if you are not willing to change who you are. If you are not coming here to change, you might as well be living in Afghanistan or Pakistan …

Cultural values

Without prompting, five respondents said that they believed that it was important to separate religious and cultural values to adapt in Australia. FR1 (18 years) explained: “I mean, it’s important to not associate culture with religion anymore when you come here you know it starts to mean different things.” Participants’ meaning and their value systems appeared to have been influenced by how much of their cultural values they maintained, and by how much they changed in Australia, as described by MR2 (24 years):

Hazaras who lived in Australia for decades we find it a bit easier, we are fully aware of each other’s culture, we are fully aware of how to interact with them. But at the beginning, we faced some changes about how to interact with other people.

A few women described questioning cultural views and practices with community elders and the tensions this caused. FR5 (20 years) said:

When you start talking about the role of men and women or women’s rights, not all of them, most of the people see it as an attack against tradition and culture whereas I think culture is very fluid and it could change and that we should keep the positive parts of our culture. When I spoke out really openly about that kind of stuff, they would say that, ‘Maybe I should restrict myself a little’ because they might think of our family a little differently or think ‘Why is she erratic?’

Further, FR5 described multiculturalism as key to feeling a strong sense of meaning in Australia, and she believed that the way to reduce tensions with elders was through communication:

I believe in the strength of talking, in the strength of dialogue and I think that everyone should be very understanding of other people's opinions without seeing it as an attack against themselves. We all need to communicate, and it doesn't have to be destructive, I can agree with you and you can disagree with me, but we can still live together.

Discussion

Findings supported the usefulness of Silove’s (1999) ADAPT model and Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages of development for conceptualising the settlement experiences of young adult Hazaras from refugee backgrounds in Australia’s high-income, urban environment. Findings also illustrated the interconnectedness of the ADAPT pillars, the need to apply them flexibly, and the significance of gender differences in this young adult sample.

Silove’s (1999, 2013) Safety System focuses on the need to address premigratory traumas and resettlement experiences for successful adaptation. Due to ethical concerns, we did not include direct questions about premigratory trauma (see also McGregor et al., 2016), and participants did not raise these experiences. However, they did recount other safety concerns, unlike McGregor et al.’s (2016) adolescent sample. Many participants feared for family in their home country. Also, while McGregor and colleagues (2016) found that only a minority of adolescent participants had raised racism and discrimination as a safety concern, the majority of our young adult participants linked discrimination experiences to feeling unsafe in Australia.

The interconnectedness of the Safety and Attachment Systems (Silove, 2013) was illustrated by unaccompanied men reporting family separation as their biggest concern and also reporting more adjustment problems, compared to participants with immediate family in Australia. These unaccompanied men could be at risk of failing Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stage for young adulthood (intimacy versus isolation), compared to accompanied men and women who were protected and supported by the presence of family. Several of these men were buffered from this isolation by using social media to maintain connections with family overseas, supporting Australian findings with Karen Burmese youth (Gifford & Wilding, 2013).

The interrelatedness of the Safety and Justice Systems was illustrated by respondents’ perception that unfair and negative media portrayals of Muslims contributed to misunderstandings and to hostility in the Australian public (Rodríguez-Jiménez & Gifford, 2010). Silove (2013) argued that refugees who experience discrimination after settlement may lack a sense of belonging and may have difficulties re-establishing a coherent sense of identity. Our results supported this, as discrimination experiences aroused safety and justice concerns and contributed to a conflicted sense of identity and isolation, undermining adaptation to Australian society. This is similar to findings with Danish Middle Eastern refugees, which indicated a relationship between discrimination, mental health problems, and social adaptation (Montgomery & Foldspang, 2008).

Similar to the findings by McGregor et al. (2016), Silove’s (1999) Attachment System generated the most discussion by participants. The young adult Hazaras in our study emphasised the importance of strong bonds with family, friends, and teachers, supporting the salience of Erikson’s (1968) stage for young adulthood (intimacy versus isolation). Silove identified the need for refugees to be reunited with families and to re-establish pre-existing interpersonal bonds in the settlement country, especially unaccompanied minors for whom social isolation may heighten grief reactions (Silove, 2013).

In accord with Erikson’s (1968) developmental stage for young adulthood (intimacy versus isolation), and supporting Silove’s emphasis on the Attachment System, attachments to both Afghan- and Australian-born friends were a key social support for the young people and contributed positively to their wellbeing. While having Afghan friends enabled participants to share cultural experiences, participants understood the importance of making non-Afghan friends to aid their integration into Australian society. This supports findings that young immigrants and refugees who retain their cultural heritage while participating in the new society may have more positive adaptation to their new country (Beiser, Puente-Duran, & Hou, 2015; Khawaja, Moisuc, & Ramirez, 2014; McGregor et al., 2016; Sam & Berry, 2010).

Attachment to teachers played a critical role in the young adults’ positive adaptation to Australia. Their schooling had frequently been disrupted and teachers helped prepare them for their new country, enabling them to take up the opportunities offered in Australia, and to identify mental health and wellbeing issues (see also, Khawaja, Allan, & Schweitzer, 2018; Mazzer & Rickwood, 2014). Pastoor (2015) also found that young Norwegian refugees identified teachers as being a crucial support during settlement, suggesting that young refugees’ positive adaptation to their new country could be enhanced by providing teachers with resources and support.

The main gender difference found for the Attachment System related to family attachments. We found that most of the young Hazara women experienced more parental control in Australia than did the men, similar to findings of Australian research with refugee adolescent women (Iqbal, Joyce, Russo, & Earnest, 2012; McMichael et al., 2011). However, four of the Hazara women sampled experienced fewer parental restrictions, as their parents did not maintain their traditional mindset in Australia. This meant more freedom to participate in employment and education, rather than early marriage and child bearing, so these women felt better adapted to Australian society.

Silove’s (1999, 2013) Justice System emerged as a strong concern for the sample, which McGregor et al. (2016) did not find with their refugee adolescent sample. Erikson (1968) argued that young people at the psychosocial stage of identity versus role confusion may experiment with different lifestyles and become interested in political activities. In accord with this and with the ADAPT Justice System, some participants expressed concern about ongoing persecution of Hazaras overseas, Australian family reunion policy changes, and negative media and political portrayals of minority groups in Australia. In contrast, McGregor and colleagues’ adolescent refugee sample did not report threats to their Justice System. As eight of the young adult participants in the current study had arrived in Australia classified as asylum seekers and had spent time in detention centres, their sense of justice may also have been engaged through this experience.

The young adult Hazaras thought deeply about their identity and roles in Australia. Silove (1999, 2013) proposed that refugees and torture survivors may have a threatened sense of identity and self-concept due to experiences in refugee camp detention centres or from living in societies that are not welcoming. These conditions may affect the person’s ability to re-establish their identity and the uptake of meaningful, positive roles in the new country (Silove, 2013).

A major gender difference found for the Identity and Roles System related to identity development. Most of the young adult Hazara men experienced interrupted identity development, as their roles in Australia narrowed due to financial responsibilities towards their families overseas that disrupted their education. This supports the applicability of Erikson’s (1968) adolescence and young adulthood psychosocial stages to these young men, because this disruption meant that some remained in school into young adulthood. Others had to put their education on hold and were forced to accept any available job to support their family, suggesting they were unable to successfully resolve Erikson’s stage for adolescence (identity versus role confusion). As each psychosocial stage contributes to the next (Erikson, 1968), an inability to resolve this stage means that these men are at risk of developing a poor sense of self and of having difficulties forming intimate relationships during young adulthood. This also supports Silove’s (2013) ideas about identity confusion, as these men expressed role confusion and psychological difficulties due to being unable to pursue their preferred employment or educational roles. Silove (2013) proposed that providing education and employment opportunities to refugees facilitates the development of appropriate new roles and identities in the settlement country.

Unlike the young Hazara men, the young Hazara women’s gender roles frequently expanded in Australia. As in McGregor et al.’s (2016) adolescent refugee sample, the young women sampled generally described having a strong positive sense of identity. With family support, they could take up educational opportunities in Australia, develop new roles and identity, and successfully resolve Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stage of adolescence (identity versus role confusion). Erikson’s psychosocial stage for young adulthood (intimacy versus isolation) was also evident, as the young women said their parents’ expectations of them to marry and to have children at a young age had changed due to the expanded educational and occupational possibilities in Australia. This opportunity for the young women to defer establishing a long-term intimate relationship did not appear to create a sense of isolation, possibly because they had family with them.

Nevertheless, some women indicated that these new opportunities sometimes generated identity confusion because they challenged their families’ traditional views on the roles of young Hazara women. This supports Australian research with adolescent Hazara women, which found that negotiating two cultures can cause intergenerational disputes (Iqbal et al., 2012).

According to Silove (1999), the Existential Meaning System is where refugees may face a “crisis” following experiences of trauma, which can disrupt their meaning, trust, and faith systems. He suggested that this may particularly apply to those hailing from communities with one dominant belief system who resettle in pluralist societies, such as Australia (Silove, 2013). However, our findings did not support this. Instead, as reported in the study by McGregor and colleagues and in related literature (e.g., Adam & Ward, 2016; Copolov et al., 2018; Johns, Mansouri, & Lobo, 2015; Saroglou & Galand, 2004; Saroglou & Mathijsen, 2007), the majority of young Hazaras sampled said that they maintained their strong religious beliefs in Australia. Nevertheless, a few mentioned that they were questioning their religious beliefs, providing some support for Silove’s (1999, 2013) arguments. Most of the participants in the current study suggested Hazaras should “integrate” into Australian society to feel a strong sense of belonging, which they defined as preserving one’s original culture while at the same time adopting the culture of the new society (Sam & Berry, 2010).

The main gender difference for the Existential Meaning System was that women were more likely to stress the importance of their religious beliefs and culture than men were. Most of the young Hazara women said that their religious beliefs constituted a large part of their sense of self, suggesting the interrelatedness of the Existential Meaning System and the Identity and Role System for these women. A few did mention intergenerational tensions related to their questioning of cultural views and practices, again reflecting Silove’s (2013) arguments. One young adult Hazara woman described the importance of a multicultural society for refugees’ sense of belonging, defined as maintaining one’s cultural heritage and identity combined with participation in the larger society (Berry, 2010). She reflected Silove’s (2013) suggestion that pluralist societies need to adopt policies and practices that support multiculturalism.

Limitations

Findings of this qualitative study are based on a small, young adult, English-speaking sample who have resettled in a high-income country. Future research could explore the ADAPT conceptual framework and Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages across a wider age range. As with the study by McGregor et al. (2016), this study did not explicitly question participants about their premigratory refugee experiences due to ethical concerns.

Implications and future directions

Our findings suggest that Silove’s (1999) ADAPT model and Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages of development can enhance our understanding and conceptualisation of young adult refugees’ settlement experiences. These theories help identify and elucidate factors that are involved in positive and less positive adaptation to a high-income country, such as Australia. Findings identify issues that could be addressed to avoid negative adaptation in young adult refugees. For example, consider the importance of justice to the young adult Hazaras. These young adults expressed safety concerns and a sense of injustice related to experiences of discrimination, which could lead them to feeling disaffected. This differed from McGregor et al.’s (2016) adolescent sample, suggesting that for young adults of refugee backgrounds, a sense of fairness will facilitate positive adaptation. Family, friend, and teacher attachments positively influenced participants’ ability to adapt to their new culture, suggesting a need for Australian policies that focus on promoting social networks and positive adaptation for these young people through educational services and programs.

Erikson’s (1968) theory was supported by findings with this young adult refugee sample. The results suggest that young adults experience the psychosocial issues identified by Erikson, and that if the psychosocial challenges for each of the developmental stages are not resolved, there can be negative repercussions on their wellbeing. In particular, both young Hazara men and women focused on the educational aspect of their identity and its importance for future opportunities. The unaccompanied men were stressed because they often were not able to study. If educational opportunities were available to these men, perhaps part time so they can combine study with work to help support their families, this may increase their wellbeing, sense of belonging, and positive adaptation to Australia. In contrast, the women could focus on education and employment, enabling a positive resolution of this aspect of their identity. Delaying marriage made it possible to address intimacy issues later in young adulthood. These findings highlight the importance of gender comparisons for a richer understanding of adaptation processes, especially for family attachments, identity development, and religious beliefs and cultural views.

Conclusion

Overall, our findings suggest that the ADAPT model (Silove, 1999) and Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages for adolescence and young adulthood can be used to provide a framework to identify patterns of adaptation among refugees, related to the particularities of their experiences and living conditions. Family, friend, and teacher attachments positively influenced the young people’s ability to adapt to a new culture. Findings also highlighted the importance of gender comparisons for a richer understanding of adaptation processes and psychosocial development. Future research should focus on the importance of educational services and programs in promoting social networks and positive adaptation. Our results provide insights into a group of young people from refugee backgrounds who are navigating adaptation processes and psychosocial development relatively well and who have a strong desire to participate in the educational and occupational opportunities provided in a high-income country, such as Australia.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Thank you to Professor Sandra Gifford for her contribution to the manuscript.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Carly Copolov

Ann Knowles

Carly Copolov, BSocSc, BA (Hons), PhD, is the Senior Project & Policy Officer at Multicultural NSW. Her published works focus on personal wellbeing for young adult Hazaras and support for gay men in Australia.

Ann Knowles, BA (Hons), MEd, PhD, is an Adjunct Associate Professor in the Department of Psychological Sciences, School of Health Sciences, Swinburne University of Technology. Associate Professor Knowles conducts research in the areas of ethics, discrimination and social justice. This includes the competencies and ethical perspectives needed to work with particular client groups, such as refugees and culturally diverse clients, as well as adolescent and older clients. Her published works focus on psychology and the law, including discrimination against minority groups.

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