Picturing luxury,producing value: The cultural labour of social media brand influencers in South Africa

Celebrities as brand ambassadors

Perhaps the most recognizable form of brand ambassadorship is the one that sees a famous person aligning him or herself with a particular brand and in exchange for financial reward, associating their face and reputation with the products. Sponsorship ‘is when a commercial brand hires a celebrity […] to be associated with the brand’ (Kapferer, 2012: 93). This strategy aims to align the values of the brand with those of the celebrity, and usually results in the celebrity appearing in advertising campaigns. Some examples are the French footballer Zenedine Zidane representing Danone (Kapferer, 2012: 93), Bollywood star Shah Rukh Khan representing male beauty cream Fair & Handsome (Shevde, 2008) and David Beckham representing Police sunglasses and Gillette razors (Vincent et al., 2009). Scholarship looking at celebrity brand ambassadorship focuses on how the corporations and celebrities can effectively use one another to develop each brand, how a brand should choose and secure a celebrity endorser (Hollensen and Schimmelpfennig, 2013; Mukherjee, 2009) and ‘how [celebrity] brand ambassadors affect the buying behaviour of the consumers on various online portals’ (Bhat et al., 2016).

Employees as brand ambassadors

Another strand of thought within management literature makes the argument that the most important ambassadors for any brand are the people employed by the corporation. Employees are the prototypical brand ambassadors (Chernatony, 2010: 206), who are expected to help ‘maximise the assets of the company as a brand’ (Chernatony, 2010: 195) when they come into contact with other firms or the public. From this perspective, employees are seen not only as workers who do specific tasks but also ‘storytellers who spread the brand idea’ (Chernatony, 2010: 229). Management literature elaborates on how employees should function as brand ambassadors, for example arguing they should exhibit ‘brand citizenship behaviour’ and ‘brand commitment’ in order to help the brand have a consistent and trustworthy identity (Burmann and Zeplin, 2005: 279). Employees are expected to ‘represent the brand’ and ‘bring it to life for the customer beyond what is possible with media communications, by making it personal’ (Cohen, 2014). It therefore becomes a strategic management task to align ‘employees within the corporation’ (Cohen, 2014) and to make them responsible for ‘the interactive co-creation of meaning and experience that embodies the value propositions of the brand’ (Srivastava and Thomas, 2010: 465).

Customers and consumers as brand influencers

The third conceptualization of the brand ambassador considers consumers themselves as key actors in the creation of brand reputation. A growing subset of management strategists focuses on the power of word-of-mouth marketing through online and offline social networks (Groeger and Buttle, 2014), including how social media can function as a word-of-mouth platforms (Kimmel and Kitchen, 2014) and how social media communications affect consumers’ perceptions of brands (Schivinski and Dabrowski, 2016). This perspective sees citizen-consumers themselves as a key resource in the construction of brand value. Because brands are considered relational, built online and offline by multiple stakeholders (Gyrd-Jones and Kornum, 2013), consumers who actively attach themselves to brands undertake valuable work. For example, in the context of brand ambassadors for place branding (Andersson and Ekman, 2009), citizens themselves are seen as able to fulfil an ambassadorial role such that they can ‘infect’ those with whom they come into contact with positive ideas about a tourist destination. This role is described variously as a ‘brand ambassador’, ‘brand champion’, ‘brand exemplar’ or ‘brand carrier’ (Aronczyk, 2008). Within this array of terms aimed at capturing how ordinary consumers can represent a brand is the idea of the social media influencer. In line with the ‘two-step flow model’, these individuals are considered nodes within social networks who have the ability to influence the opinions and ideas of their circles (Katz, 1957, 2017). These ‘somebodies’ influence ‘traditional target audiences, and help communications professionals establish effective outreach strategies’ (Booth and Matic, 2011). ‘Word of mouth is indeed the real sign of success: customers become active ambassadors because they feel passionate about the brand’ (Kapferer, 2012: 121).

A cutting-edge approach to brand-building sees brand communication taking place through digital influencers (Uzunoğlu and Misci Kip, 2014). This represents a crossover from advertising into public relations (Hutchins and Tindall, 2016). Campaigns organized in this way try to take advantage of the power of word of mouth through ‘influencer outreach’ and ‘brand advocacy’ programmes, in which ‘passionate brand advocates’ quickly ‘distribute positive messages’ to a ‘wide and established network of connections’ (Hutchins and Tindall, 2016: 58). This involves, for example, getting bloggers to participate in events and ‘cover’ them extensively on social media. ‘Influencers’, are ‘bloggers, celebrities or pundits with large followings’ (Hutchins and Tindall, 2016: 59). ‘Influencers’ will often be ‘given products and asked to create social media content around the brand’ (Hutchins and Tindall, 2016: 64). Brands are interested in influencers who have high reach and trust with consumers (Burns, 2016). Celebrities are usually paid for their associations with brands, it is not guaranteed that influencers are. ‘The more high profile the influencer the more likely the arrangement is contractual. Sometimes they are paid to create content, sometimes they do it in return for free entertainment and stuff’ (Hutchins and Tindall, 2016: 66). Increasingly, this kind of online communications work is undertaken voluntarily by individuals hoping to catch the attention of big brands and secure paid brand ambassadorial work. As Brooke Erin Duffy explores, many millennial women go to great lengths to produce free online content that promotes brands in the hope of landing their dream job with those brands – though of course only a small percentage of the hopefuls actually achieve those ends (Duffy, 2017). More often, aspirant social influencers and brand ambassadors end up working for free, for example in creating make-up tutorial videos, though they may spin this experience into a narrative of self-promotion and establishing their own personal brands (Banet-Weiser, 2012).

Building celebrity: branded individuals

Although all six influencers enjoy a different level of reach and recognition, they are united in their unambiguous aspiration towards achieving full-blown celebrity status and in their performance of celebritydom. Collecting large numbers of followers on Instagram has been theorized as a process of achieving ‘instafame’ (Marwick, 2015). As many of the most-followed Instagram users are already pop stars or celebrities (Marwick, 2015), it follows that those hoping to achieve Instafame will model their own profiles and presences on celebrity self-representation. The most famous celebrities in South Africa have well over a million Instagram followers, for example the reality TV star Bonang Matheba (@Bonang_M) and the rapper AKA (@akaworldwide). In a country of around 50 million citizens, where it is variably reported that between 40% and 60% of adults have internet access (including through smartphones), therefore, the followings of between 30,000 and 500,000 of the six influencers shows that although they certainly have achieved some degree of recognition in the public realm, they are not quite full-blown celebrities. It can be assumed that all six influencers aspire towards gaining the kind of recognition enjoyed by Bonang and AKA. In that hoped-for journey to celebrity status, aligning with brands is an important signal of their commercial potential. The celebrity selfie through its performativity ‘creates a sense of immediacy by putting on display its own coming into being’ (Jerslev and Mortensen, 2016: 249).

Although not technically selfies in that they were snapped by the hand of the person in the image, all of the images chosen for analysis are portraits, which centre the face, body and personality of the influencer, and are contextualized within the meta-self-representation taking place in the Instagram profiles as a whole. Portraits are powerful forms of address which are used strategically in the building of celebrity brands, for example on the cover of consumer magazines (Iqani, 2012). In the digital media age, celebrities have often used social media platforms in order to build a sense of intimacy, showing domestic scenes and glimpses into their private lives, for example Kim Kardashian (McClain, 2013). In contrast, social media influencers seem to devote a great deal more energy to creating a glossy aesthetic that positions them as celebrities with the necessary status to represent high-end brands. From this perspective, significant energy is required to present the self in ways that mesh with the aesthetics of mainstream, commercial media.

The influencers are at once working as models and working on presenting their personal brands in such a way as to align with the brands that they wish to attract and work with. This narrative is extremely individualized. Although all six influencers sometimes picture themselves with others on their Instagram profiles, or picture un-peopled scenes from their lives, there is a strong emphasis on the presentation of the individual self. This meshes very clearly with the individualist (McGuigan, 2010) and self-managing (Rose, 1990) values of neoliberal culture. Although the influencers are not formal employees of the brands in question, they are working to promote themselves as celebrities through their association with those expensive, luxury global brands.

Working the brand: commodity fetishism

Whether or not the influencers are formally employed in order to represent the brand, in the images shared they perform an intimate knowledge of the brand and a close association with it, such that their own personalities are put into service of the brand messaging. Each of the personalities is for the purpose of the image presenting themselves as an employee of the brand, whose job it is to represent its lifestyle and bring to life its values. In line with Aeronautica’s claim to an authentic link with military pilots and the aviation industry, Nkuli M is pictured in a hangar alongside an aircraft, and in line with Macallen’s claim to a ‘peerless spirit’, Tebz is pictured as a maverick foodie alongside his liquid amber sidekick, in accordance with GH Mumm’s claims to bold elite status, Kefilwe looks to the heavens … Notably, in five out of the six images there is a direct visual connection between the influencer’s looks and outfits and the commodities with which they are pictured.

Kefilwe’s white top, pale suit jacket and bright red lipstick mirror the colouring of the Mumm label, offset against the classic green bottle. Lulama’s black outfit and white sneakers invert the white bodywork and black trimmings of the Mercedes. Tebz’ white outfit and leather apron speak to the white bottle label and amber hue of the whiskey. Sarah’s milky satin gown and perfect caramel skin tone are reflected in the white packaging of some of the La Mer bottles as well as the caramel coloured sketch-motif of the La Mer logo. Nkuli offers his own well-muscled torso and shoulders as the clothes-horse for the logo-emblazoned Areronautica clothes. The close visual links between the individual identities and the commodities in their possession suggests a relationship deeper than mere association. It suggests that there is a kind of harmony between the ‘spirit’ of the brand and that of the individuals. Reflecting on Marx’s theory of commodity fetishism, Jhally argues that an ever-present ‘discourse through and about objects […] permeates the spaces of our public and private domains’ to the extent that it becomes ‘the lens through which we come to understand the world that surrounds us’ (Jhally, 2006: 102). This moral orientation is clear in all of the images analysed. It is significant that the commodities are represented not simply as objects but as items that are deeply embedded in the lifestyles of the influencers. Nkuli M could be just about to board that light aircraft, and Tebz is clearly at home cooking while drinking a tumbler of neat whiskey. Siya suggests that wandering the streets of Milan dressed in Hugo Boss while checking his smartphone is a normal part of his work life, Sarah explicitly states that applying the La Mer product is an important part of her daily routine, Lulama shows utter ease as she reclines on the hood of the Benz before the rush of Mercedes Benz Fashion Week kicks in, and Kefilwe exhibits confident delight at finding a magnum of champagne nestling against her on a couch. One way of making sense of this relationship with commodities that is represented is to rely on classic arguments about alienation. While capitalist exploitation empties commodities of meaning, advertising attempts to fill it once again with meaning (Jhally, 2006: 89).

Arguably, this function can be seen to be in operation in the six images selected for analysis. However, instead of the brand itself attempting to do this work, for example through billboards or glossy magazine adverts, it is outsourced to individuals who have shown themselves to be able to tell a story about the brand to their followers. All six influencers are working to inject ‘imaginary and symbolic relations’ (Jhally, 2006: 89) into the objects they picture themselves engaged with. But these messages are so closely aligned to the brand message as to be quite self-evidently directed by the brand even though they pretend to be directed by the influencers. From this perspective, the influencers are working for the brand; their job is to tell a convincingly positive story about it.

Interestingly, many high-end brands go to great pains to include narratives about the expert human labour that goes into their products. For example, in line with approaches of many wine producers (Beverland, 2006), GH Mumm includes exhaustive detail on its website about the vineyards, the growing techniques favoured by their champagne-makers, and the history of associating their products with royalty and haute cuisine. Similarly, Aeronautica tells the story of how the company was first established as a bespoke tailoring service for the Italian military, specializing in creating leather bomber jackets for pilots. This return to the story of labour (from which many mass consumer brands try to distance themselves) is an important component in the representational work of brand ambassadors. This filters into the visual realm. In all of the images analysed the influencers ‘speak’ authoritatively about the brands and their meaning. Lulama effectively captures the idea of dominating open space and mastering the landscape while she ‘owns’ the Benz by reclining on it. Sarah speaks to the efficacy of the La Mer skincare range through the pictured flawlessness of her own skin and her devotion to applying the product. Kefilwe captures the thrilling effervescence of the champagne itself in her expression and bodily posture, which suggests an attitude of fizzily floating up like the famous bubbles. As such, the job of ‘living the brand’ entails adding ‘magic’ into the presentation of the products by associating them closely with their own personalities and lifestyles.

Brand citizens: picturing aspiration

Notably, the brands being represented are global brands. The South African influencers are making claims about their place in the global brand landscape: positioning themselves as worthy of being able to enjoy consuming these brands, and as having an intimate knowledge of what makes them unique. They are not mimicking western aesthetics and values, these influencers are claiming belonging with global consumer culture on an equal footing. The relationship between the global and the local is presented as seamless in the images analysed. There is nothing locally identifiable about the settings of the images suggesting that they were taken in South Africa or are speaking to South African consumers, barring perhaps the landscape shown behind the parked Mercedes Benz in Lulama’s image. A strong message of global belonging is communicated in the images; these I summarize as a form of consumer-citizenship, following Nestor Garcia-Canclini (Canclini, 2001). Siya explicitly claims and celebrates his right to participate in the prestigious menswear fashion event, Pitti Uomo, and similarly the other brand ambassadors occupy the luxury of their respective brands without a hint of discomfort or uncertainty. They are performing a particular narrative of aspiration, in which access to global brands and commodities is considered natural. The celebration of access to the most elite echelons of global consumer culture is echoed in some of the comments on the images. In response to Siya’s pride in being able to state ‘#IamHUGO’, his followers comment with a range of adulatory emojis and statements, perhaps best summed up in @feya_ranger’s ‘shine boi shine’. Similarly, Kefilwe’s ‘joke’ about her strategy to help save water in the face of the terrible drought facing most of the country by drinking champagne, @nkay_n comments ‘role model’. These comments give some insight into what consumption means to black South Africans, and what it means for them to see very visible wealthy black South Africans represented in the media.

As I have written about elsewhere (Iqani, 2016), hopes for a better life are often organized around material markers of success and forms of consumption, both necessities and luxuries. These aspirations take on a particular set of political concerns when they are expressed by those who have been historically excluded and marginalized from national and global economies, as black South Africans were throughout apartheid, formally, and after thanks to its economic legacies. To an extent, the influencers are making a commentary about their individual rights, but also the rights of all those who look up to them, to have access to the elite luxuries of global brands. They are supporting the narrative that suggests that neoliberal consumer culture is democratic, that anyone who works hard enough can have their share of the pie. This narrative remains influential in South Africa, where aspiring black middle-class subjects are often forced to stretch their credit limits in order to have access to middle-class lifestyles (James, 2014) and entrepreneurs in the beauty industry report feeling empowered through making an income selling Avon make-up to other women (Dolan and Scott, 2009). However, they are also making a statement about their own cultural power in having successfully navigated the complex routes to gaining enough influence to be able to receive favours and endorsements from these brands.

All six influencers are attractive, young and comply aesthetically with the norms of global consumer culture. They are not rocking the neoliberal boat but climbing aboard. This does not mean that they are merging their identities and cultures with those of the western brands. Although it may be easy to critique this as merely serving neoliberal power, it is important not to ignore the extent to which many black South Africans aspire to full consumer agency and pleasure. In the hypermediated world, forms of public connection and aspiration are increasingly mediated by ideas of consumption, which sometimes eclipse notions of citizenship and sometimes exist alongside them. Consumers are citizens and vice versa (Canclini, 2001). What cannot be denied is that most people desire more opportunities to participate in the market economy, to drive nice cars, wear designer clothes, drink whiskey and champagne, and apply expensive creams to their faces: this does not mean that they are choosing western values over African values, but that they are claiming the right enjoy those things just as consumers do in the west. In the six images analysed, these aspirations are taken for granted, and their achievement celebrated. From this perspective, the images work to naturalize a particular narrative of success and happiness as something aligned with global brands and expensive lifestyles, while still being proudly South African. This sense of happiness is clearly communicated through the broad smiles of Tebz, Kefilwe and Nkuli, and the pride that their followers communicate through their comments. The message that commodities and brands can contribute to such happiness is an important part of globalized discourses of consumer culture, which need to consistently work to produce those messages in order to retain customers and access new markets.