Abstract
Sociologists are in a habit of comparing their discipline to other social sciences and pondering how well its messages resonate with wider audiences. One such evaluation notes that, since 2000, the most sociologically inspiring ‘data-books’ have been written outside of sociology (Halford and Savage, 2017). Arguably, What Works: Gender Equality by Design, penned by the Professor of Public Policy at Harvard University, Iris Bohnet, is another prominent ‘data-book’ to which sociologists need to pay attention for several reasons.
First, Bohnet’s book on bridging workplace inequalities between men and women comes at the time when governments, corporations and universities are rolling out equity reforms, such as Science in Australia Gender Equity (SAGE). Second, Bohnet provides organizational leaders with a skilfully crafted reform manual, ending each of her chapters with a straightforward blueprint for immediate action. Third, this book is much more than a pragmatic plan of reform. What Works is an insightful analysis of problems that undermine efforts aimed at achieving gender equality in the workplace. It is also a comprehensive review of experimental research on gender stereotypes and discrimination. Finally, while being prescriptive, Bohnet treats her readers as independent agents of workplace innovation. Her closing statements mix admonition with faith in constructive leadership: ‘I have offered you thirty-six … suggestions’ (p. 290); ‘When you design your experiment, do so knowingly and responsibly’ (p. 286); and, ‘We can move the needle toward a fairer and better world today. Now it is up to you’ (p. 292).
The main premise of the book is that, with effort, gender equality in the workplace can be achieved through inexpensive yet smart environmental changes like putting screens in orchestral audition rooms so that the sex of musicians does not bias the perception of their performance. For such changes to work, Bohnet argues, organizations need ‘quantifiable data and rigorous analysis’ (p. 15) on gender inequality in their own backyards because what ‘does not get measured does not count’ and ‘cannot get fixed’ (p. 103). While this call for more numbers might evoke resentment, it goes without saying that meaningful data on gender disparities in the academy are often surprisingly hard to come by.
Across 13 chapters Bohnet reveals how organizations might change their practices and data-collection procedures to recognize and ameliorate gender inequality. Her analyses are thought-provoking, at times illuminating (here the reflections on the pros and cons of gender quotas come to mind) and remarkably well-referenced. Nearly one-third of the book is devoted to detailed bibliographic endnotes which deserve thorough perusal. What Works educates with respect to diversity and productivity in teamwork, stereotypes, implicit bias, child wage premiums for men and penalties for women, the queen bee syndrome and dozens of other concepts that gender equality proponents should know. While no issues that affect transgender or intersex workers are raised specifically, the author argues that inclusion policies should not be tailored to narrowly defined groups characterized by a particular ‘gender, race, class, ethnicity, nationality, or caste’ (p. 14). Rather, workplaces where diversity is valued should enable all minority workers to thrive.
As an educator, Bohnet avoids naivety by acknowledging that well-intended efforts may backfire. She reflects on cases of capable and ambitious women who try to assume leadership and experience backlash. She also considers why mentoring programs enable men to receive sponsorship where women get no more than inconsequential encouragement. But in the end, these setbacks do not outweigh the considerable potential for positive change.
What might disappoint sociologists is Bohnet’s programmatic allegiance to behavioural design and randomized controlled experiments as the best and only method to collect evidence on how to successfully eradicate gender inequality (e.g. p. 13). This rejection of methodological pluralism draws Bohnet to relying primarily on experimental research in psychology and economics produced in the USA and based on USA samples. Some sociological studies appear in endnotes, but unless an experiment is reported, they receive perfunctory treatment.
Bohnet’s review of research on gender bias is also ahistorical and not quite as comparative as may appear at first sight. Most of her sources come from the USA, but research and organizational practices from Europe, Asia and Africa and Australia get mentioned often enough to create an impression of cross-cultural relevance. Yet, even if two similar experiments have been conducted in India and the USA with comparable results, is that enough to assume universal applicability of their conclusions? Do experiments conducted with undergraduates at US universities really reflect patterns of behaviour that occur everywhere else?
This analysis of gender equality in the workplace is comprehensive and inspiring even if it is strongly USA-centred and, at times, based on the assumption that small-scale experiments prove causality. The ideas of What Works are likely to resonate with Australian managers, partly due to their lucidity and salience but also due to the timing of their publication. With 40 Australian organizations embarking on gender equity reforms as part of the SAGE Pilot of the Athena SWAN Charter, there has never been a more captive market in Australia for a ‘data-book’ like What Works. This is an opportunity to subject not only the blueprints suggested by Bohnet but also their implementation to sociological scrutiny.