Examining the Strategies and Tactics of the Alcohol Industry During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Botswana

Abstract

Aim

To examine the strategies and tactics of the alcohol industry during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana, a time when the country implemented a hard lockdown with strict restrictions on the sale, distribution and consumption of alcohol.

Methods

A qualitative content analysis was conducted of newspaper articles (n = 11), policy documents (n = 2) and other online sources (n = 2) published between 2020 and 2021.

Results

The study shows that the alcohol industry was actively involved in influencing alcohol policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana. It mainly employed five main strategic framings, emphasising individual drinking behaviour, corporate social responsibility as a “good” deed, downplaying alcohol's role in COVID harm, treating the Botswana government as a “strategic partner” and using legal action to influence policy towards commercial interests to contradict public health protocols.

Conclusions

The activities by the alcohol industry during the COVID-19 provide insight into the increasing influence that industry actors have in Botswana policy-making. The studied strategies undermine public health interventions, demonstrating the urgent need to determine how this business sector impact health interventions in low and middle-income countries.

Keywords

alcohol consumption alcohol industry Botswana COVID-19 public health

Introduction

The strategies and tactics of the global alcohol industry are well-documented in the research literature. Studies in this area have largely concluded that the alcohol industry is very active in policymaking with the main aim of advancing its commercial interests (Amul & Etter, 2023; McCambridge et al., 2018; McCambrige et al., 2019). Scholars have studied industry strategies such as deliberate intentions to develop and influence policies (Bakke & Endal, 2010), in which industry operators promote themselves as “partners” to deal with alcohol harm (Hawkins & MacCambrige, 2021; Petticrew et al., 2018), lobbying governments and political powers (Babor et al., 2015), using corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs to promote visibility and products (Mialon & McCambridge, 2018; Yoon & Lam, 2013), and portraying alcohol problems as the fault of the informal market (Casswell et al., 2016) and primarily a problem for a minority of individual heavy drinkers (Casswell, 2013) amongst others. There is evidence that some industry players advocate for self-regulation and bring alternative “scientific evidence” that undermine public health (McCambridge et al., 2019). The alcohol industry usually resists national public health-based alcohol policies such as those recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). Some studies have drawn parallels to the tactics by the tobacco industry, known for framing policy debates and using politicians to influence policies in its favour (Hawkins et al., 2018). What is evident from this scholarship is that, despite many publicity attempts and projects that speak to safety and health concerns, the industry is primarily concerned with its commercial interests. Lesch and McCambridge (2022) argue that the alcohol industry operates by “obstruction through participation”. That is, its involvement in the policymaking arena usually undermines evidence-based strategies that have been proven to reduce alcohol-related harm. In essence, the industry can be considered an “inducer” of alcohol problems since its activities cause more harm than good (Babor, 2024). Although most of the studies have been conducted in Western contexts, there is some evidence and grey literature about how this industry targets low and middle-income countries (LMICs). There is evidence that countries in Asia Pacific, Latin America and Africa are witnessing a significant increase in the alcohol policy influence by the industry players (Ferreira-Borges et al., 2014; Medina-Mora et al., 2021).

The activities of the alcohol industry in the sub-Saharan African region have recently gained attention from alcohol policy scholars (Dumbili, 2013; Jernigan & Babor, 2015), suggesting a steadily increasing involvement and influence in the alcohol policy arena. The industry seems to have deployed similar strategies that it uses in high-income countries (HICs) with ambitions to influence alcohol policy decisions in Africa. These include but are not limited to CSR programs, undermining alcohol-attributable harms, funding research and educational campaigns and partnering with African governments (Babor & Robaina, 2013; Jernigan & Obot, 2006; Morojele et al., 2021). Furthermore, the industry has taken advantage of the weak alcohol laws and regulations in Africa in its ambitions to influence development of alcohol policy issues (Dumbili & Odeigah, 2024; Ferreira-Borges et al., 2017). Evidence from several African countries such as Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya and Uganda suggest a deliberate expansion of alcohol industry activities that has resulted in alcohol-related problems. For example, Dumbili (2018) argues that in 2016, aggressive marketing activities by the alcohol industry in Nigeria resulted in an increase in beer consumption amongst Nigerians over the age of 17 years. The industry uses CSR activities, sponsorships and lobbying policymakers to sell its products. For Dumbili, these industry activities ultimately resulted in alcohol-related problems amongst youth in Nigeria. Madden et al. (2024) noted alcohol marketing as a prominent feature in the Ugandan urban slums. They reported that about thirty-five (n = 35) companies, including prominent ones, were actively marketing alcohol in urban slums in Uganda, undermining public health interventions especially amongst poor and vulnerable communities.

The COVID-19 pandemic and its associated restrictions severely affected the global consumption and distribution of alcohol (Rehm et al., 2020). As the COVID-19 virus spread around the world in the first quarter of 2020, the alcohol industry was affected by measures such as social distancing, placing restrictions on the sale and distribution of alcohol as well as the closing down of parts of the alcohol trade. Some African countries completely banned the consumption of alcohol in an effort to reduce the spread of COVID-19 (Sebeelo, 2023). The rationale behind closing down bars and other drinking outlets was that bars were considered high risk areas for spreading the virus. It was assumed that once people were drunk, they would not be able to adhere to covid regulations such as social distancing. To ensure its survival amid decreasing profits, the industry not only opposed some of these measures, but also came up with alternative strategies and ‘scientific evidence’ that countered COVID-19 restrictions. Its main contention was that the COVID-19 alcohol restrictions negatively affected the economy especially job sustainability (Ngqangashe et al., 2021). By doing so, the alcohol industry engaged in moral opportunism of economic harm during a crisis situation to serve its vested interests (Colbert et al., 2020). This strategy undermines public trust in science and endangers evidence-based policy making.

There are many reasons to suspect that the alcohol industry in Botswana opportunistically influenced the government's response to COVID-19 in an unethical way. This needs to be documented in the context of the Botswana alcohol policy developments: Botswana is known to be one of the few countries in Africa that have implemented strict tax policies to reduce alcohol-related harm (Babor, 2024). To mitigate against the spread of COVID-19, the government implemented a hard lockdown on the 27 March 2020 where movement in and outside the country was restricted except for workers classified as essential services. The sale, distribution and consumption of alcohol was banned for 67 days (March to June 2020) during the first lockdown. The COVID-19 restrictions were complemented by strict enforcement from law enforcement agencies (Sebeelo & Mashumba, 2023). Moreover, the government of Botswana established a COVID-19 taskforce to manage the country's response to COVID-19. The banning of alcohol was opposed by alcohol actors who cited lack of evidence that alcohol consumption cannot solely be responsible for COVID-19 infections. The industry exercised strategic ignorance arguing that alcohol consumption had not been proven to be a high-risk activity for the spread of the virus. As COVID-19 increasingly became a threat, the industry devised some strategies to cushion itself from the COVID-19 restrictions. An understanding of industry strategies may shed light on the tactics employed by the industry actors even in non-pandemic times in Botswana and other LMICs.

This study aims to fill this knowledge gap by examining the strategies and tactics employed by the alcohol industry during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana. The study uses newspaper articles, policy documents and other online sources published in relation to the alcohol industry activities during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021. The focus is on the actions employed by the industry to cope with COVID-19 restrictions in Botswana. The main research questions are how did the alcohol industry seek to influence alcohol policy in Botswana during COVID-19? How did the industry frame their messages during the COVID-19 pandemic? What strategies and tactics did the industry actors employ during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana?

This article begins with a scoping of the existing literature on alcohol industry influence on policymaking, followed by a discussion on the history of the alcohol industry in Botswana with a specific reference to the 2008 alcohol policy measures. Framing theory is used to analyse the strategies and tactics used by industry actors during the COVID-19 in Botswana. The specific strategies that were deployed by the alcohol industry in Botswana are then discussed, as well as how they impacted public health. The article concludes by discussing the implications of the industry actions to inform policy development in Botswana and other LMICs.

The Alcohol Industry in Botswana

In Botswana, the alcohol industry's involvement in policymaking is a relatively recent development. The main alcohol industry operator in Botswana is the Botswana Alcohol Industry Association (BAIA) that was established by Kgalagadi Breweries Limited (Pty), Botswana Breweries (Pty) Ltd, Diageo, Namibia Breweries, Distell Botswana, Global Holdings, Benju and Heineken International in 2010. The association advocates for industry interests in policy issues and most of the companies that make up BAIA are subsidiaries of powerful multinational corporations who have a massive global footprint. For example, Anheuseur-Busch InBev and SABMiller merged in 2016 and has almost 30% share of the total global industry market (Erl & Kiesel, 2021). Although there may have been earlier activities, the alcohol industry rose to more prominence as a policy stakeholder after 2008, when the government of Botswana introduced a series of reforms aimed at reducing alcohol-related harm. These reforms included a 30% alcohol tax levy, outlawing alcohol sales in residences, reducing hours of operation for bars and other licensed premises, and increasing penalties for drinking under the influence of alcohol amongst others (Sebeelo, 2020). These measures were modelled on international “best practice” with reference to evidence and recommendations such as the WHO's “best buy package” (Mwagomba et al., 2018). Industry actors in Botswana opposed the measures. For example, BAIA threatened to take government to court if they further increased the alcohol tax levy (Pitso & Obot, 2011).

Over the years, BAIA has increasingly become vocal about alcohol policy issues in Botswana. BAIA has not only used various media platforms to condemn government policy and measures that seek to regulate alcohol consumption in Botswana (Sunday Standard, 2012), but also came up with various activities to promote its visibility. For example, in 2012, BAIA piloted an alcohol behaviour change program in the central part of Botswana that encouraged youth to resist the temptations of early age drinking. The program recognised traditional leaders, parents, teachers, and overseers as key partners essential to the successful implementation of behaviour change (Sunday Standard, 2012). In this program, behaviour change for children was placed squarely under the responsibility of teachers and parents. The program did not directly market BAIA's products but it served the industry's interests by framing youth alcohol use only as part of intimate micro-contextual relationships giving great responsibility to parents and teachers in dealing with the early age drinking. In doing so, the campaign absolved structural circumstances and the industry itself from any alcohol-related harm. It placed the burden on the direct control and relational influence on youth drinking by parents and teachers (Savell et al., 2015). BAIA continues to engage in partnerships and roll-out community-based activities to increase its visibility in the Botswana public sphere. During the COVID-19-induced ban on the sale and distribution of alcohol, BAIA was the biggest critic of the alcohol restriction measures. The association regularly held media campaigns to dispute the link between alcohol consumption and the spread of COVID-19 (Sunday Standard, 2020). One of the main arguments was that there was no compelling scientific evidence that alcohol consumption was associated with an increase in COVID-19 cases.

Theoretical framework: framing theory

The present study is informed by framing theory, which considers the framing of reality according to the characteristics and perspectives that the speaker wishes to emphasise. The theory can be traced back to Goffman's (1974) classic work on Frame Analysis, which proposes that frames are “principles of organization which govern events at least social ones and our subjective involvement in them” (p. 10–11). The advantage of frame analysis in policy influence studies can be understood in Chong and Druckman's (2007) description of framing as “the process by which people develop particular conceptualization of an issue or reorient their thinking about the issue” (p. 104). Framing plays a crucial role in policy debates by shaping agenda setting. Once an issue is framed and constructed in a particular way, it is more likely to be incorporated into the political agenda. Framing theory has been applied to understanding communication in research on conflict resolution (Drake & Donohue, 1996), public relations (Kuan et al., 2021), health (Mhazo & Maponga, 2022), alcohol policy (Bartlett et al., 2023) and views on drugs (Bergan et al., 2023) amongst others. The theory helps us understand the strategies and tactics of the alcohol industry during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana. More importantly, the theory is relevant to distill the differential power relations among stakeholders who have vested interests in the issues at hand. In the present study, framing is seen as contested between different alcohol stakeholders with differing power relations and interests.

Methods

A qualitative content analysis was conducted on material consisting of newspaper articles, policy documents and other online sources used in Botswana during the COVID-19 pandemic. Data from the study were drawn from newspaper articles, policy documents and other online sources such as newsletters.

To search for relevant online documents that aligned with alcohol industry activities during the COVID-19 pandemic, a Google search was purposively undertaken using key phrases such as “Alcohol Consumption and COVID-19 in Botswana”, “Alcohol Industry during COVID-19 in Botswana” and “Alcohol Bans and COVID-19 in Botswana”. After doing the search, the focus was on documents and online sources that aligned with the alcohol industry's activities during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana. In the initial search, 32 data sources were identified. These items consisted of policy documents, as well as local and international newspaper articles, including opinion pieces that contained broad information about the alcohol issues in Botswana during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the next step, the search was refined purposively by selecting relevant information that related to the alcohol industry activities through a comprehensive stepwise content analysis. After this purposive search, only 15 data sources met the inclusion criteria for further analysis. The criteria included only articles that contained information about the alcohol industry activities between the year 2020 and 2021 when Botswana enacted some COVID-19 lockdowns. These data sources contained information about the alcohol industry activities in Botswana during the COVID-19 pandemic. Table 1 shows the types of documents used, page numbers, sources and publication year and relevance to alcohol industry activities during COVID-19 in Botswana.

Table 1.

Types of documents and publication year.

Type and name of document	Document pages	Availability	Publication year	Relevance to industry actions during COVID-19 in Botswana
Policy document: Presidential (COVID-19) Taskforce Bulletin, Issue 46	5 pages	https://www.bocra.org.bw/sites/default/files/covid19-docs/NEOC%20BULLETIN%20ISSUE%2046.pdf	2020	A policy document by the COVID-19 taskforce that regularly updated the nation about COVID intervention including industry activities
Policy document: Presidential (COVID-19) Taskforce Bulletin, Issue 100	10 pages	https://www.bocra.org.bw/sites/default/files/covid19-docs/NEOC%20BULLETIN%20ISSUE%20100.pdf	2020	A policy document by the COVID-19 taskforce that regularly updated the nation about COVID intervention including industry activities
Policy issue: Botswana and COVID-19: Gov’t makes alcohol available despite rising deaths	2 pages	https://movendi.ngo/news/2021/03/01/botswana-and-covid-19-government-makes-alcohol-more-available-despite-rising-deaths	2021	A policy document by the COVID-19 taskforce that regularly updated the nation about COVID intervention including industry activities
Newsletter: COVID-19 pandemic isn’t yet over	6 pages	https://botswana.un.org/sites/default/files/2020-12/un-covid19-newsletter-09.pdf	2020	UN policy document that contained information about COVID-19 measures for citizens for Botswana
Newspaper article: Alcohol sector cries victimisation	2 pages	https://guardiansun.co.bw/Business/alcohol-sector-cries-victimisation	2021	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry response bemoaning being victimised by government
Newspaper article: KBL sues: high court told 200,000 lives at risk	2 pages	https://www.mmegi.bw/business/kbl-sues-high-court-told-200000-livelihoods-at-risk/news	2021	Newspaper article that discussed the importance of the industry in job creation
Newspaper article: The life of KBL remains in governments hands	2 pages	https://www.sundaystandard.info/the-life-of-kbl-remains-in-governments-hands	2021	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry to the Botswana economy
Newspaper article: Alcohol industry defends #dinweledladleng campaign	3 pages	https://www.sundaystandard.info/alcohol-industry-defends-dinweledladleng-campaign	2020	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry defending campaign that encouraged drinking at home
Newspaper article: BAIA expresses concern over COVID-19 non-adherence	2 pages	https://www.thegazette.news/news/baia-expresses-concern-over-covid-19-non-adherence	2020	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry response to non-adherence to COVID-19 measures
Newspaper article: KBL loses more than half a billion Pula over Covid-19 booze ban	4 pages	https://www.thegazette.news/news/kbl-loses-more-than-half-a-billion-pula-over-covid-19-booze-ban	2020	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry's loss of business and its response to interventions
Newspaper article: Alcohol body applauds alcohol ban	3 pages	https://www.mmegi.bw/news/alcohol-body-applauds-alcohol-ban/news	2020	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry response to the unbanning of alcohol sales
Newspaper article: Alcohol body cautions consumers as ban lifted	4 pages	https://www.pressreader.com	2021	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry response to the unbanning of alcohol sales
Newspaper article: A call to save the alcohol industry and livelihoods	2 pages	https://www.thegazette.news/news/a-call-to-save-the-alcohol-industry-and-livelihoods	2021	Newspaper article that discussed the alcohol industry importance to job creation and livelihoods
Other online sources: Botswana Gov’t webpage Government Gazette	1 page 3 pages	https://www.gov.bw/about-covid-19 https://archive.gazettes.africa/archive/bw/2021/bw-government-gazette-dated-2021-02-26-no-18.pdf	2020 2021	Government gazette that spoke about the emergency measures that limited gathering including in bars and other licensed premises

The documents that were used in the study included newspaper articles (n = 11), policy documents (n = 2) and other online sources (n = 2) such as the government gazette. The newspaper articles are from mainstream media such as the Sunday Standard and Guardian newspapers which are published weekly in Botswana. The policy documents used were new and specific to COVID-19. As seen in Table 1, these documents were mainly developed to give the general public regular updates about the activities of the Presidential COVID-19 taskforce during the period 2020 and 2021. The other publication used was the government gazette that was used by the President of Botswana to take emergency decisions to protect the nation against the threat of COVID-19. All these documents were relevant for the present study as they contained information about the activities of the alcohol industry during the COVID-19 times in Botswana.

Data analysis

To analyse the identified data, a thematic analysis was adopted with a focus on specific themes around the activities of the alcohol industry. All documents were read to identify information that related to the alcohol industry activities during the COVID-19 era in Botswana. After reading through the documents, the data was coded and subjected to further analysis. The coding strategy was first descriptive and data was treated as actions (Charmaz, 2014). This meant critically examining the data by looking for nuances and their tacit assumptions. The coding later became analytical through focusing on the theoretical direction of the data. This was an inductive analytical process aiming for a variant of pattern coding (Bingham, 2023). After analytical coding, five key themes that emerged were extracted to a database and used for further analysis. The themes were then checked against the original data and codes to ensure alignment. To build methodological rigour and validity in the analysis, the themes were independently cross-checked and verified by the author. These themes serve as frames that relate to the activities of the alcohol industry during the COVID-19 pandemic in Botswana.

Results

Five main strategic framings employed by the alcohol industry were identified: focus on individual drinking behaviour; CSR as a “good” deed; minimising alcohol's role in COVID harm; treating the Botswana government as a “strategic partner’; and employing legal actions or threats of litigation.

Focus on individual drinking behaviour

One of the main strategies incorporated by BAIA was to frame alcohol consumption as a matter for the individual, which is a well-documented responsibility allocation discourse employed by the alcohol industry (Babor et al., 2015). Over the years, the alcohol industry has focused attention on “responsible drinking” that places an emphasis on the individual's self-control and personal responsibility and, in some cases, has used cultural frames (Maani Hessari & Petticrew, 2017). The analysis shows that BAIA very much drew on this line of argument during the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, to justify drinking at home during the COVID-19 lockdowns, a BAIA representative is cited in a newspaper interview:

In Setswana, we are used to gathering when we drink and also when we go out to party. It is a behavior we need to take people out of as the times we are in do not allow for such gatherings and also we want to ensure we are united with alcohol sellers so that they observe the health protocols that have been put forward. (Sunday Standard, 2020)

This statement demonstrates that the BAIA official was placing the responsibility to drink on individual drinkers by given them the agency to drink in the comfort of their own homes. In the Setswana culture, drinking at home is patterned through cultural norms that gives strong individual agency especially to men (Sebeelo & Belgrave, 2021). The citation is in line with the general trend by BAIA during the COVID-19 to emphasise individual drinking responsibility. It was very clear in its messaging that individual drinkers were few and cannot be blamed for the risks associated with COVID infections. This framing mainly appeared in newspaper articles and policy documents from the COVID-19 taskforce. BAIA hosted many press briefings disputing the COVID-19 measures. Its main contention was that alcohol abuse only affected a minority and that those few individuals should not be used as yardstick for the rest of the drinkers who do not abuse alcohol. The argument was that alcohol bans should be lifted as they disadvantaged the majority of “responsible” drinkers who do not abuse alcohol. Using “responsible drinking” frames is a popular tactic used by the industry to report its “positive’ achievements” (Babor et al., 2015; Maani Hessari & Petticrew, 2017). This tactic mainly relates to the industry promoting “doing good” in society such as “helping” in larger public health goals. What constitutes “responsible drinking” is often left unexplained and unclarified by the industry.

Overall, BAIA largely presented alcohol consumption as a personal issue that rests on individual responsibility. Doing so, centers individualism and side steps the supply-side and other structural forces of alcohol consumption in Botswana. This strategy was effectively deployed and infused within media campaigns and other activities.

CSR as a “good” deed

The second strategy employed by the alcohol industry that was identified during COVID-19 was to frame CSR activities as “good” deeds in strategic areas to boost its visibility. This framing of CSR activities was also used to complement the “responsible drinking” message. This was because BAIA constantly integrated the “responsible drinking” message in almost all its CSR activities. CSR activities and doing “good” for society were presented in the form of donations especially to law enforcement and other essential service workers who were deployed during COVID-19 lockdowns (COVID-19 Task Force Bulletin, 2020). The communication on industry donations gave visibility to the “caring” side of the alcohol industry, likely disseminated to intentionally improve the industry's brand and ultimately preserve its commercial interests (Dumbili & Odeigah, 2024). For example, in 2020, BAIA was reported to have donated personal protective equipment (PPE), 1500 masks, hand sanitisers and posters to government “boost” government efforts to deal with the threat of COVID-19 (COVID-19 Task Force Bulletin, 2020). In donating these much needed products, BAIA extended its societal role and function in the Botswana beyond alcohol trading. The donation was reportedly meant to encourage adherence to protocols and “responsible drinking” at home (COVID-19 Task Force Bulletin, 2020).

The communication reports of CSR efforts by BAIA served to preserve its public image. The material include reports on activities spanning donations, educational campaigns and even partnerships with key government Ministries like the Ministry of Trade and Industry, Health and Botswana Police Service (COVID-19 Task Force Bulletin, 2020). Overall, CSR was presented and framed as a “good” deed by the BAIA, while in actual fact it served to preserve its image and commercial interests.

Minimising the role of alcohol in COVID harms

The third BAIA strategy, which aligns and overlaps both with a focus on individual behaviour and CSR activities, concerns minimising the contribution and role of alcohol in the spread of COVID-19 infections. This framing was mainly communicated through campaigns that downplayed the contribution of alcohol to the spread of COVID-19. The campaigns provided insight into the ways in which the industry portrayed itself as a victim and scapegoat for COVID-19 infections. For example, in the following excerpt, a representative of the Botswana Beverages Association questions why alcohol was singled out as a cause for COVID-19 infections:

The President has once more failed to prove in his responding affidavit that the alcohol sector is solely responsible for the surge in COVID-19 cases … We find it strange that government is singling out the alcohol sector for the rise in COVID-19 cases, yet other sectors of the economy are in full operation, and nothing is being said about them. (Guardian Sun, 2021).

The main issue raised by the industry in this framing was that alcohol was not the main contributor to COVID-19 infections and therefore could not be singled out by government. This strategy essentially accused the Botswana government of scapegoating the alcohol industry and treating it unfairly. It presents the industry as a victim of a brutal government that was hellbent on destroying the alcohol industry despite the “good” that it has done in Botswana.

In parallel with the victimhood positioning, downplaying the role of alcohol was also evident from BAIA's media engagements. In a report by the COVID-19 Task Force Bulletin (2020) a representative of BAIA is reported to have mentioned publicly that alcohol related traffic offenses were less than 3% over the past ten years. While the 3% is tendered, not much is known about what it really meant in real terms. It is not clearly defined nor contextualised. It is a number that appears small but, upon further scrutiny, it might in fact translate into significant alcohol-related harm. In the same interview, the BAIA official consistently emphasised the “good” deeds of the alcohol industry that employs many Batswana.

In the studied material, BAIA would also insist on the industry's contribution to the country's economy as yet another strategy that aligned with downplaying alcohol-related harm. Its main argument was that the continued bans on alcohol negatively affected the livelihoods of people directly employed in the alcohol industry and the associated downstream sectors and it was implied that the economic needs of poor citizens should be balanced with alcohol-related measures. That is, in making harm reduction decisions, the government should take into account the livelihoods of ordinary citizens who depend on the alcohol sector. In January 2021, for example, BAIA released a statement that mentioned that the prohibition of the sale of alcohol had severely affected many thousands of livelihoods, and its extension will result in long term damage to the sustainability of the industry and its extensive value chain (MmegiOnline, 2021). The statement further adds that the alcohol industry directly employs 50,000 people and about 200,000 other people depend on alcohol-related sectors (MmegiOnline, 2021). The argument by BAIA was thus that alcohol bans will further exacerbate unemployment and negatively affect many people who depend on the sector for its survival.

Minimising its own contribution of alcohol and deflecting attention is one of the strategies that was deployed by BAIA. In doing so, its portrayed itself as a victim of the government's harsh alcohol control laws. It is very important to emphasise that these strategies are not mutually exclusive. For example, BAIA might minimise the contribution of alcohol and integrate it with individual frames about personal responsibility when it suits them. Moreover, minimising the contribution of alcohol might also mean driving attention away from supply-side issues that might implicate the alcohol industry and harm its commercial interests.

Treating the Botswana government as a “strategic partner”

As stated earlier, the alcohol industry consitently seeks “partnerships” with key stakeholders in Botswana such as the Botswana Police Service and Ministry of Health. Lobbying and partnerships is also one of the common strategies that is well documented in the alcohol literature (Acton & Hawkins, 2022). Framing the relationship with the Botswana government as a “strategic partnership” is a tactic that allowed the BAIA to lobby for its own commercial interests. A clear example of BAIA's strategy to do so was its “partnership” with the Botswana government in September 2020. This was at the height of COVID-19 infections in Botswana when alcohol sales and distribution were banned for almost 6 weeks. In conjunction with the Botswana government BAIA launched a campaign called #DiNweleDladleng which means “Drink at home”. BAIA and the government of Botswana came up with advertisements such as the one in Figure 1 to encourage consumers to purchase alcohol and drink at home. The industry utilized cultural frames, employing a game popular in Setswana culture to further interest among consumers.

Figure 1.

Example of BAIA's #DiNweleDladleng campaign.

The “partnership” by Botswana government and BAIA's through the #DiNweleDladleng demonstrates the power of the alcohol industry to not only deflect attention but also to influence government policymakers to contradict their own policy. The COVID-19 taskforce which had led the Botswana's response to COVID-19 complained about “DiChillas”: private drinking sessions that were held in residential places that defied COVID-19 protocols. Many young people were said to be secretly having these sessions and the taskforce constantly condemned them. Yet the same government partnered with BAIA on a campaign that effectively encouraged “DiChillas”. Drinking at home essentially legitimised these sessions. Even as it “partnered” with government, BAIA's message and frames were consistent: responsibility for drinking at home should rest solely with the individual consumer. This disentangles the drinking from social responsibility and official alcohol policies. Not much was said about the harms associated with home drinking especially on children. The conception of the #DiNweleDladleng campaign left out the problems that come with home drinking such as domestic violence and children's exposure to alcohol (Callinan & MacLean, 2020). The “partnership” with the government demonstrates the deft strategies that BAIA deployed to take advantage of an inexperienced government that does not fully understand the alcohol industry tactics.

Using legal action and threatening to litigate

The other plan of action that has become evident from BAIA's actions was the threat to initiate legal actions, especially against measures that jeopardized its commercial interests. In this, legal interventions are used to re-frame alcohol policy issues and to preserve commercial interests. Although these threats were evident during COVID-19 lockdowns, they were not entirely new. Also back in 2008, when the government implemented the alcohol tax levy, the industry had threatened with legal action. Its main contention was that the alcohol levy would result in job losses and affect businesses of ordinary citizens.

In July 2021, KBL, a member of BAIA, took government to court to review the President's decision to ban alcohol sales. This was at the height of the omicron virus variant being discovered in Botswana as it was sweeping through the Southern African region. The government had banned alcohol sales citing non-adherence to COVID-19 protocols that led to a surge in COVID-19 cases. In approaching the courts, the industry framed its argument in economic terms claiming that the ban threatened jobs and adversely affected those whose livelihoods depend on alcohol sales. Furthermore, it denied the role played by alcohol use in the increasing case load of COVID-19 infections. In a statement filed before court, KBL stated that:

The company believes that the government's wholesale alcohol ban is improper and not based on clear and objective evidence demonstrating a causal connection between the wholesale ban on alcohol and the reduction of positive COVID-19 cases. (MmegiOnline, 2021)

KBL lost the case against the government, with costs awarded against it, and the alcohol ban remained in force. What is clear in this case is that litigation and threats of litigation is used as one of the strategies by the alcohol industry to maintain its business interests. Even when the industry files cases with courts, it omits critical evidence or it frames issues in ways that are sympathetic to its commercial market interests. Issues like unemployment, job losses and economic hardships are usually invoked by the industry in order to justify legal actions against governments (Chaloupka et al., 2019).

Discussion

The involvement of the alcohol industry in policymaking in Botswana has grown rapidly in recent years. Since 2008, the industry has organised itself into a powerful association that uses its massive resources to preserve its commercial interests. The present study has shed light on how it – by strategically framing its actions, and taking clear positions in the public – was actively involved in alcohol policymaking during the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis identified five strategic means by which the industry intentionally subverted the harm reduction efforts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic. These include a deliberate focus on individual behaviour and responsibility, CSR activities, downplaying the contribution of alcohol to COVID-19 harm, partnerships with the Botswana government and taking legal action to preserve its interests. These strategies were undertaken simultaneously and were blended with other interventions. In doing so, it drew attention to its own good-doing and innocence, as well as to alcohol consumption as the consumer's personal responsibility. What manifests as the main rationale that underpinned the industry's strategies and framings during the pandemic was, naturally, to protect its commercial interests and defend its public reputation by downplaying the contribution of alcohol to the spread of COVID-19 infections.

The findings of the current analysis provide several insights into how the industry principally operates in Botswana and other LMICs. There is evidence that the alcohol industry has taken advantage of weaker laws and regulations in the African continent to advance its commercial interests (Hanefeld et al., 2016; Parry et al., 2012). Over and above the weak laws, the industry has targeted legislators and powerful politicians to advance its interests. The present study provides insight into how in Botswana, BAIA deployed and tested methods widely favoured within the alcohol industry circles to take advantage of a government that is still in its early stages of alcohol policy development. In this occasion, the industry also took advantage of a pandemic crisis that provided other types of opportunities to position itself as a societal good doer, responsible and unfairly treated as a villain.

A strong advocacy and policy influence by the industry is especially worrisome and dangerous, considering the absence of a strong representation of public health researchers, academics and civil society groups capable of vigorously resisting this interference. Botswana has only recently implemented alcohol policy measures and is neither sufficiently prepared or experienced to deal with a powerful alcohol industry that uses globally established strategies and tactics. For example, donating COVID-19 products might appear to a be good gesture to government officials. It might portray a sense of good corporate citizenship, yet it is a long-standing approach to undermine governments’ efforts to control alcohol-related harm (Sama & Hiilamo, 2019). It is a subliminal form of messaging that enabled the industry to promote its products while pretending to care about public health interventions.

The framing of alcohol consumption as a question of indidual choice and responsibility was an important approach for BAIA during the COVID-19 pandemic. The strategy is anchored on neoliberal rationality that assumes individual rationality and control. The individual bears all the risk that comes from their drinking and the definition of “responsible drinking” remains vague (Babor et al., 2015; Maani Hessari & Petticrew, 2017). In LMICs such as Botswana, orienting responsibility away from societal measures and placing it on the individual underplays the role of structural forces such as poverty, socio-economic status and geographic location that are likely to impact drinking patterns. This strategy was not unique to Botswana during the COVID-19, but has been observed also in other countries during the pandemic (Savell et al., 2015; van Schalkwyk et al., 2022). Treating alcohol as a personal issue also absolves the industry from any blame regarding alcohol-attributable harm. It neglects supply-side issues that might implicate the alcohol industry. The strategy directs attention away from regulation and draws up logical paths for how alcohol problems should be addressed.

This study has provided insights into how the industry operates in situations when its interests are being threatened. It has shown that the alcohol industry in Botswana intentionally engaged in various media campaigns, “partnerships” with government and even went to court to oppose alcohol bans, corroborating the existing literature on alcohol industry activities (Babor, 2009; Gilmore et al., 2011; Marten et al., 2020). Various tactics that undermine scientific evidence about alcohol consumption and COVID-19 were employed. These include alcohol bans framed in terms of their economic costs on employment both for the companies and individuals in downstream alcohol industries–a tactic that was also employed by the alcohol industry in South Africa (Ngqangashe et al., 2021).

Limitations

There are some limitations to the present study. The main limitation is that the analysis did not review the impact of the alcohol industry involvement on policy making in Botswana; in other words, how this influence translated to the impact of alcohol-attributable harms in Botswana. This limitation was mainly due to lack of available alcohol data in Botswana. Future studies might investigate the impact of BAIA's involvement in policy making in Botswana. The other limitation relates to the methodology adopted in this study. Only content analysis was used. Future studies might use content analysis and triangulate it with other methods like interviews with different stakeholders for richer data. Another limitation pertains to the data sources used in this study. There were not enough sources to draw from as Botswana generally has a dearth of alcohol policy sources. The study relied mainly on newspaper data and online sources which might not necessarily give a good indication of the magnitude of the industry's involvement in the alcohol policy arena in Botswana. Studies that triangulate different methods to examine the impact of industry involvement in the policy arena are warranted. Lastly, the current analysis is only limited to the first lockdown. It is imperative that future studies might compare the industry actions across different lockdown periods.

Conclusions

The Botswana case illustrates the crafty frames and tactics that were used by the industry during COVID-19 when alcohol consumption was restricted and banned. BAIA employed several strategies to influence alcohol policy issues as the country battled with COVID-19 infections. These included a focus on individual behaviours, CSR activities, minimising the contribution of alcohol to COVID harm and partnerships with the Botswana government. These strategies are not unique to Botswana, but are utilized by the alcohol industry sectors across the world. The Botswana case further illustrates how crafty the frames and tactics by the industry could be during COVID-19 when alcohol consumption was restricted and banned. BAIA marshalled its resources by opposing the alcohol bans, deflecting attention on alcohol-related harm to ensure its interests were prioritised. This undermined public health efforts aimed at reducing alcohol-related harm. The #DiNweleDladeng campaign, comprising a partnership with the Botswana government that used cultural frames, is an example of how inventive and savvy the alcohol industry could be. As earlier stated, drinking at home was antithetical to government policy on observing COVID-19 protocols.

The findings have several policy implications. First, there is a need for the government of Botswana to be aware of the tactics of the alcohol industry. The COVID-19 experience suggests that the alcohol industry took advantage of the government's lack of experience and awareness of how the alcohol industry operates. Second, there is need for government to engage alcohol researchers and public health professionals to assist them with developing policies and interventions to deal with alcohol-related harms. Third, there is need for regional and international collaboration to assist policy makers to deal with the threat posed by the alcohol industry. More importantly, there is a need to build an evidence base that has not been influenced by alcohol industry actors. Industry influence in LMICs have been found to pose a significant threat in policy development (Hargovan et al., 2024). Therefore, it is critical for the government of Botswana to be willing to put emphasis on creating an untampered evidence base that counteracts the influence of the industry. Lastly, there has to be intentional and decisive political leadership to come up with measures that counter the strategies employed by the alcohol industry. Political leadership and will is critical in alcohol policy development and implementation (Lesch & McCambridge, 2021). In Botswana, this is particularly important given that each political regime somewhat develops their own alcohol reforms and interventions. For example, in 2008, the Khama administration implemented stringent alcohol reforms that were subsequent reversed by the Masisi administration in 2019. It is therefore important for political leadership to be willing to develop and implement policies that are evidence-based to deal with the challenges posed by the alcohol industry. Overall, the present study provides key insights into the workings of the alcohol industry and draws attention towards the need for the government of Botswana to carefully monitor and keep a check on the alcohol industry's actions if the country is to reduce alcohol-related harm.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

A section of this article was presented at the Kettil Brunn Society (KBS) conference in Johannesburg, South Africa, 5–9 June 2023. I thank the conference participants for their valuable comments and suggestions during the conference. More importantly, I thank the two anonymous reviewers and editors for their insightful feedback on the earlier drafts of this manuscript.

ORCID iD

Tebogo B. Sebeelo

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

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