The role of task relevance and information credibility in adolescents’ internalization of and reliance on social media ideals

Abstract

Expanding on theory of norm internalization and literature on credibility heuristics, this study examined whether (a) peers can increase the perceived task relevance and credibility of social media ideals (i.e. appearance-related norms promoted on social media) and (b) increased perceptions of task relevance (i.e. usefulness of social media ideals for body image improvement) and credibility facilitate reliance on social media for appearance information and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. To examine these relationships, we used two-wave panel data (N_{w1 & w2} = 657) gathered among Belgian adolescents (14–18 years). Structural equation analyses indicated that peer appearance conversations were associated with increased perceived task relevance and credibility of social media ideals. In turn, task relevance and credibility were positively related to thin/athletic-ideal internalization and informational reliance on social, respectively. These findings suggest that peer conversations contribute to a positive evaluation of social media ideals and in doing so indirectly contribute to thin/athletic-ideal internalization.

Keywords

Norm internalization peer appearance conversations social media credibility social media ideals social media reliance task relevance

Highly visual social media (Instagram, Snapchat, and, to a lesser extent, Facebook) have become and continue to be very popular among adolescents (Anderson and Jiang, 2018; Vanhaelewyn et al., 2020). Visual social media affordances encourage selecting positive aspects of oneself (e.g. editing and selfie-selection) and reinforcement by peers in the form of likes and comments (Bazarova and Choi, 2014; Bell, 2019). As a consequence, much of adolescents’ shared self-images on social media are idealized and correspond to ideal images in traditional mass media (Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019)—that is, a thin but toned body for women and a lean and muscular body shape for men—reinforcing and normalizing unrealistic norms of attractiveness (Rodgers and Melioli, 2016). Thus, when spending time on social media adolescents may feel pressured to have a thin and lean or muscular body because these body shapes are embodied and positively reinforced by peers. Over time, appearance pressures conveyed by social media may become internalized. That is, adolescents may endorse appearance ideals promoted on social media as a personal standard of attractiveness and use this standard as a guide for self-evaluation and -improvement (e.g. Rousseau, 2021a). When adolescents compare their own body against the internalized standard most of them will experience actual-ideal body discrepancies, resulting in negative body image. In order to minimize the negative influence of social media on adolescents’ body image, it is important to identify factors that lead to a positive evaluation of social media ideals and increase adolescents’ risk for internalization. Given the influential role of peers in adolescents’ body image and online self-presentation, this study aims to examine mechanisms that link peer appearance pressures to body ideal internalization, an important relationship proposed in the Tripartite Influence Model (Thompson et al., 1999). More specifically, we examine if (a) having appearance discussions with peers and believing that weight and appearance is important to gain popularity among peers may influence the credibility and relevance of social media ideals,¹ and (b) whether increased perceptions of relevance and credibility may result in higher reliance on social media for information and norms about appearance (i.e. information reliance on social media ideals) and body ideal internalization.

In the following sections, we first describe the multiple steps that precede norm internalization and point to the importance of norm evaluation in this process. We then apply theory of norm internalization to the case of adolescents’ body ideal internalization and explain that peers and media are influential sources in adolescents’ evaluation of media-promoted appearance norms—here, social media ideals. Finally, we explain how peers can contribute to a positive evaluation of media-promoted appearance norms—more specifically, the task relevance and credibility of social media ideals—and in doing so, facilitate adolescents’ information reliance on social media ideals and body ideal internalization.

From norm awareness to norm internalization

Literature on social norms has identified the following three cognitive processes individuals engage in before norm internalization occurs; norm awareness, norm evaluation, and norm adoption (Scott, 1971). Obviously, in the first step individuals must become aware of the social norms that surround them. This usually takes place through social interactions with others (cfr. social learning theory, Bandura, 1977). Once norms are being detected, individuals then evaluate the observed norm (i.e. why is the norm of value and does adhering to the norm make sense?). More specifically, individuals evaluate whether the observed norm is appropriate and whether compliance with the norm will benefit them (Mahmoud et al., 2014). Finally, they calculate the assimilation cost and decide whether or not to adopt the norm and assimilate with it. The decision to assimilate depends on two elements; the individual’s ability to comply with the norm and the effort an individual would need to exert to benefit from adhering to the norm (Mahmoud et al., 2016). For instance, if adherence to a norm (e.g. the muscular ideal) brings social reward (e.g. peer acceptance) and abilities are sufficiently high (e.g. working out frequently) than the effort one should invest to comply with the muscular ideal and enjoy its benefits is relatively low. In this case, the assimilation cost is minimal and, as a consequence, norm adoption is likely to take place. Once a norm has been accepted, social reinforcement (i.e. receiving positive or negative sanctions after norm compliance or violation respectively) encourages individuals to continue complying with the norm (Hollander and Wu, 2011). Eventually, over time, the norm is incorporated into the individual’s own value system and norm compliance is no longer a result of anticipated rewards but motivated by internal desires (i.e. norm internalization; Mahmoud et al., 2014).

Adolescents’ thin/athletic-ideal internalization

With respect to norm emergence and awareness, there is ample evidence that peers and media are powerful agents in transmitting and promoting norms of attractiveness among adolescents (e.g. Rousseau and Eggermont, 2018; Webb et al., 2017). Both sociocultural agents have been found to promote thinness and muscularity as central aspects of attractiveness, shaping, and reinforcing the thin/athletic-ideal (Rodgers et al., 2019). Adolescents’ awareness of sociocultural pressures to be thin/athletic becomes problematic when they endorse the thin/athletic-ideal, adopt it as a personal goal and standard (hereafter referred to as thin/athletic-ideal internalization), and use it as a guide for self-evaluation. Indeed, research has linked adolescents’ informational reliance (i.e. reliance on media for information and norms about appearance) on and internalization of media ideals to negative body image (e.g. Hoffmann and Warschburger, 2019; Wang et al., 2019).

However, being aware of a particular norm—the thin/athletic-ideal—does not necessarily guarantee that one will internalize that norm and use it as a guide for self-evaluation and behavior (Cash, 2005). Theoretically (Thompson et al., 1999), internalization results from individuals’ perceived social reinforcement of appearance ideals. Individuals personally accept socially constructed appearance ideals and set them as a personal standard of attractiveness because they are embodied, approved of, and rewarded by important others. In line with this, literature on norm internalization (Scott, 1971) argues that a positive evaluation of the observed norm is necessary for norm internalization to take place. Yet, not much is known about the role of peers in adolescents’ evaluation of social media ideals. Research has shown that peer appearance pressures can lead to the internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals through processes of social modeling and social reinforcement (e.g. Mitchell et al., 2017; Thompson et al., 2017; Wang et al., 2019). However, there exist no studies that directly investigate how peers can guide adolescents’ evaluation of social media ideals (can peers increase the perceived credibility of media ideals as well as their perceived usefulness for body image improvement?).

Therefore, this study aims to examine how and whether peers can contribute to a positive evaluation of social media ideals, and, if so, whether a positive evaluation can contribute to increased informational reliance on social media ideals and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. The reader should note that all cited studies that follow have been conducted with predominantly Western adolescents samples, unless otherwise indicated.

Evaluating media-promoted appearance norms: task relevance and credibility

The evaluation of media-promoted appearance norms plays a critical role in thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Norm evaluation entails deciding whether or not the observed norm is acceptable and appropriate and calculating the assimilation cost. The latter one is calculated by means of a cost-benefit analysis; is norm compliance beneficial and, given my capacities, how much effort should I invest to comply with the norm and reap the related benefits? Although different criteria can be used to evaluate a certain norm, in this study, we focus on two theoretically driven evaluation criteria; task relevance and credibility. Task relevance is defined as the extent to which (norm) information is perceived as useful in completing or achieving a specific task or goal (Lang and Bailey, 2015). Credibility refers to the degree to which individuals perceive information as believable or trustworthy (Metzger et al., 2003). In the following sections, we explain how having appearance discussions with peers and believing that weight and appearance is important to gain popularity among peers (i.e. peer appearance attributions) can influence the perceived task relevance and credibility of social media ideals.

Peers and perceptions of task relevance

As indicated by Jones et al. (2004), appearance conversations not only contribute to the emergence, transmission, and maintenance of (media-promoted) appearance norms, they also positively influence the perceived benefits of adhering to such norms and having a thin or muscular body. For instance, peer appearance conversations have been linked to increased appearance-based acceptance, or the idea that one’s acceptance by peers is related to one’s attractiveness (Jones and Crawford, 2006). Moreover, in their appearance, conversations peers also implicitly stress the attainability of social media ideals (Trekels and Eggermont, 2018). Thus, given that peers convey positive messages about the desirability and attainability of a thin/athletic body and emphasize thinness and muscularity as the basis for acceptance, we expect that peer appearance conversations increase the relevance of social media ideals in adolescents’ body image improvement. We hypothesize (H1) that peer appearance conversations and accompanying beliefs that weight and appearance are important to gain popularity among peers (i.e. peer appearance attributions) increase the perceived usefulness of social media ideals in improving the body and appearance (i.e. task relevance of social media ideals).

Peers and perceptions of credibility

Social media credibility (i.e. the degree to which individuals perceive social media ideals as believable or trustworthy) can be established from others’ actions and beliefs, referred to as social validation or social confirmation (Metzger et al., 2010). If idealized content on social media is in accord with appearance information provided by peers, then peer appearance conversations are likely to enhance the credibility of social media ideals. Peer appearance conversations thus fulfill a meta-communicative function by telling adolescents whether social media ideals are valid, and whether they should therefore be perceived as credible and accepted (Schmitt-Beck, 2003). Given that social media ideals are transmitted, reinforced, and socially validated through appearance conversations, we expect peer appearance conversations to contribute to increased perceptions of idealized social media content as credible information (H2).

Linking credibility and task relevance to thin/athletic-ideal internalization

We have explained how peers can contribute to a positive evaluation (increased task relevance and information credibility) of social media ideals. A positive evaluation of social media ideals is theorized to lead to the internalization of them (Rousseau and Eggermont, 2019). As described earlier, when a norm is evaluated as acceptable and personally beneficial, the decision to assimilate depends on the individual’s ability to comply with the norm and benefit from its advantages. If adolescents evaluate social media ideals as credible and relevant in improving their body and appearance (i.e. high in task relevance), this implies that they perceive social media ideals as appropriate and attainable, and expect benefits from meeting them. Thus, the cost to accept and comply with the thin/athletic-ideal is rather low and, as a consequence, thin/athletic-ideal internalization is likely to take place. Moreover, when individuals personally accept a norm (e.g. the thin/athletic-ideal), the accepted norm must go through a transcription process (Hollander and Wu, 2011). That is, the new norm information must be integrated into existing knowledge and belief structures. This process (encoding, storing, and integrating new information) is facilitated for task-relevant stimuli, as these stimuli elicit more attention allocation and are therefore encoded at a higher rate (Lang and Bailey, 2015). If social media ideals are perceived as credible and informational for body-improvement actions, they become more relevant, eliciting an attention response. Due to this orienting response, social media ideals are more deeply processed and, as a consequence, more easily incorporated into adolescents’ internal value and belief system. Hence, we hypothesize (H3) that increased levels of task relevance (i.e. perceptions of social media ideals as relevant information in improving one’s appearance) and credibility facilitate thin/athletic-ideal internalization.

Linking credibility to informational reliance

When adolescents evaluate social media ideals as credible, it stands to reason that they will rely on social media for information about body and appearance ideals, fashion, and attractiveness. In line with this, research (Rousseau, 2021b) has suggested that adolescents’ perceived credibility of appearance information in media is closely associated with their reliance on media for information regarding appearance and attractiveness. In addition, research has shown that perceptions of credibility are especially influential in information-rich environments (Kiousis, 2001). With respect to appearance-related norms, adolescents are surrounded by an information-rich and diverse media environment. Due to this appearance-related information overload, we expect adolescents to make use of social endorsement heuristics (i.e. perceiving information and sources as credible because others do so also; Metzger et al., 2010) to evaluate the credibility of social media ideals and decide whether or not to rely on social media for information and norms about appearance. In line with this, we hypothesize (H4) that the evaluation of social media ideals as credible increases adolescents’ reliance on social media for appearance-related information.

Moderating role of gender and age

Although in Western society the ideal body shape for women and men is characterized by a slender, yet muscular, build, there exist gender differences in the extent to which the slender and muscular ideal are promoted and embodied on social media. Male bodies depicted on social media are more often visibly muscular or hypermuscular, whereas the typical female body on social media more closely resembles the thin but toned ideal (e.g. Carrotte et al., 2017; Deighton-Smith and Bell, 2018). In line with this, compared to girls, boys may consider thin-ideal content on social media to be a less relevant benchmark for self-improvement and self-evaluative comparison (Yee et al., 2020). We therefore expect (H5) that the relationship between perceived task relevance of social media ideals and thin-ideal internalization would be less strong for boys than for girls.

With respect to the role of age in thin/athletic-ideal internalization, it is difficult to hypothesize whether older adolescents are more susceptible to social media ideals than younger ones. One study (Gattario and Frisén, 2019) showed that late adolescents applied more protective body image strategies such as ignoring negative appearance information, critically filtering media ideals, and deprioritizing the pursuit of having an ideal body. Due to this critical processing of media-promoted appearance ideals, older adolescents may evaluate social media ideals as less credible (i.e. low social media credibility) and less relevant in improving their body and appearance (i.e. low-task relevance), resulting in lower levels of thin/athletic-ideal internalization. However, due to advanced physical maturation, older adolescents may be more confident in their ability to approximate social media ideals (i.e. high perceived self-efficacy). As a consequence, they may evaluate social media ideals as attainable and useful in improving the body and appearance (i.e. high-task relevance), resulting in higher levels of thin/athletic-ideal internalization (e.g. Rousseau, 2021b). Because of these inconsistencies, we examined whether the hypothesized relationships differed between mid- (14–15 years) and late- (16–18 years) adolescents (RQ1).

Method

Sample

Data were collected from a two-wave panel study conducted in Belgium. The two waves of data collection took place in October 2019 (Wave 1) and February 2020 (Wave 2). Ethical approval was received from the ethical committee of the host university. An online questionnaire was developed and distributed using Qualtrics online survey software. Prior to the data collection, secondary schools were randomly selected (from a list of the Department of Education) and invited to participate in the study. In total, 10 schools agreed to participate in the research project. All of the initially participating schools participated again in the second wave. Participating schools were informed about the aim, content, and duration of the study. Pupils and their parent(s) were given written informed consent forms in which we described the aim, duration, and procedure of the study and emphasized the voluntary and anonymous nature of participation. Only participants who returned signed consent forms from their parent(s) and themselves were allowed to participate in the study and complete the online survey. Participating schools were visited during school hours by the main researcher and two research assistants. During the researchers’ visit, participants completed the online survey in a school classroom or computer laboratory on a laptop or tablet. Individual participants were not offered compensation, but, at school level, a workshop concerning social media use was offered for each participating class.

In total, 1248 adolescents completed the survey at baseline (Wave 1). From this initial sample, 214 participants were excluded due to failing the attention task or indicating that they did not fill in the survey honestly, 20 due to missing values in more than 30% of the items, and another 33 because they reported not having an account on at least one of the following social media: Snapchat, Facebook, Instagram. Of the remaining 948 participants who accurately completed the survey in Wave 1, 657 also completed it in Wave 2 (response rate = 69%). A MANCOVA (controlling for age, gender, and BMI) using Pillai’s Trace, V = 0.01, F(6, 825) = 1.32, p = .245, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .01, showed no significant differences between those who participated only in the first wave and those who participated in both waves with respect to the main study variables (presented in Figure 1).

Figure 1.

Hypothesized relationships among variables.

The final analytical sample consisted of 657 participants (68.2% girls) with ages ranging from 13 to 19 years (M = 15.59, SD = 1.27). Regarding the participants’ nationality and parental education, the majority were born in Belgium (91.9%) and 4 in 10 participants had a mother (28.68%) or a father (28.83%) with a university degree.

Measures

Peer appearance conversations

To measure how often participants’ engage in appearance conversations with friends, we used Jones et al.’s (2004) peer appearance conversations scale. Using a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (Never) to 5 (Very often), participants evaluated five items (e.g. “My friends and I talk about what we can do to always look our best”). Item scores were averaged to create an estimate of participants’ engagement in appearance conversations. The scale showed good internal consistency (α_w1 = .92).

Peer appearance attributions

To measure peer attributions about the importance of weight and shape (e.g. lean body and muscular build) for popularity and dating, we used Lieberman’s (2000) Peer Attribution Scale. Using a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree), participants evaluated six statements (e.g. “If I had a more muscular body, I would be more popular among friends”). The scale showed good internal consistency (α_w1 = .91). Item scores were averaged to create an estimate of participants’ level of peer appearance attributions, with higher scores indicating that one believes that one’s friends consider appearance as important for social acceptance.

Social media credibility.²

To measure the extent to which participants rate appearance-related content on social media as credible, participants were asked how believable and trustworthy they judged appearance-related information found on Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat. Adopted and modified from Johnson and Kaye (2014), we asked participants the following question: “If you come across messages concerning beauty ideals, fashion, sports/fitness to improve your body and appearance on the following social media [Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat], to what extent do you find this information believable/trustworthy?” For each source, answers were scored on a seven-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (Not at all believable/trustworthy) to 7 (Very believable/trustworthy). Item scores were averaged to create an estimate of participants’ level of perceived social media credibility. The scale showed good internal consistency (α_w1 = .87, α_w2 = .86).

Task relevance.²

To measure the extent to which participants perceive appearance-related content on social media as useful in improving their body and appearance, we relied on Lang and Bailey’s (2015: 2) definition of task relevance (i.e. “the extent to which the things/information in a specific environment are important for the human’s successful completion of a specific [ongoing] task”). Participants were asked the following question:

Imagine you want to improve your body and appearance by changing your lifestyle (e.g., exercise, food) and paying more attention to your looks. To what extent would the following information sources [Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat] be useful to attain your goal, i.e., improving your body and appearance.

For each source, answers were scored on a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Item scores were averaged to create an estimate of participants’ level of perceived task relevance. The scale demonstrated adequate internal consistency (α_w1 = .83, α_w2 = .81).

Thin/athletic-ideal internalization

The Thin/Low Body Fat and Muscular or Athletic Internalization subscales of SATAQ-4 (Schaefer et al., 2015) were used to measure participants’ personal acceptance of and desire to attain the thin- and muscular-ideal, respectively. Using a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree), participants evaluated 10 items; five items capturing muscular-ideal internalization (e.g. “It is important for me to look muscular”) and five items measuring thin-ideal internalization (e.g. “I want my body to look very lean”). Item scores were averaged to create an estimate of participants’ thin- and athletic-ideal internalization. Both subscales showed good internal consistency (thin-ideal internalization: α_w1 = .91, α_w2 = .91; muscular-ideal internalization: α_w1 = .92, α_w2 = .91).

Informational reliance.²

Following the example of Johnson and Kaye (2014), participants were asked how much they relied on Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat for appearance-related information. More specifically, for each social medium, participants were asked the following question: “to what extent do you use [Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat] to obtain information about body and appearance ideals, fashion, and attractiveness?” For each source, answers were scored on a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Item scores were averaged to create an estimate of participants’ reliance on social media for appearance-related information. The scale demonstrated adequate internal consistency (α_w1 = .78, α_w2 = .79).

Control variables

We controlled for age, gender, and body mass index, calculated as (weight [kg]/height [m²], as body mass index (BMI) has been found to be positively associated with body ideal internalization among adolescent boys and girls (e.g. Palmeroni et al., 2021).

Data analysis

To test the hypothesized relationships presented in Figure 1, we conducted path analysis (AMOS) using maximum likelihood estimation. Three fit indices were used to evaluate model fit: the chi-square to degrees of freedom ratio (χ²/df ), the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), and the comparative fit index (CFI). Threshold values for model fit were a χ²/df ratio of <3.0, an RMSEA value of <0.06 (values between 0.05 and 0.09 indicate a fair model fit and values <0.05 indicate a close model fit), and a CFI value >0.90, but preferably >0.95 (Byrne, 2006). Peer appearance conversations w1 and peer appearance attributions w1 were entered as exogenous latent variables, while task relevance w2, social media credibility w2, thin/athletic-ideal internalization w2, and informational reliance w2 were entered as endogenous latent variables. Age, gender, and BMI were entered as exogenous manifest variables.

Analyses included autoregressive relationships for task relevance, social media credibility, thin/athletic-ideal internalization, and informational reliance (e.g. regression of task relevance w1 on task relevance w2). The model was adjusted for baseline values of age, BMI, and gender by modeling covariances between (e.g. covariance between age and BMI) them and with exogenous constructs (e.g. covariance between age and task relevance w1) and by estimating predictive paths to endogenous constructs (e.g. regression of age on task relevance w2). In addition, we estimated covariances between variables measured at the same wave (e.g. covariance between social media credibility w1 and task relevance w1) and allowed correlations between the measurement errors of the same indicators (e.g. measurement error of indicator 1 of thin/athletic-ideal internalization at wave 1 was allowed to covary with measurement error of indicator 1 of thin/athletic-ideal internalization at wave 2; for example, Cole and Maxwell, 2003). To test for significant indirect relationships between the variables of interest, we specified user-defined estimands using a bootstrapping procedure (Cheung and Lau, 2008).

Results

The results revealed that data were missing for 111 respondents (16.09%). For 95 of those respondents (85.78%), this was a single missing value that had to be imputed. All items, except those measuring peer appearance conversations (missing data = 10.09%), revealed <10% missing data. The value for Little’s Missing Completely at Random (MCAR) test was significant (χ² = 997.31, df = 812, p = .000), meaning that missing values were not missing completely at random. Therefore, missing values were replaced using multiple imputation expectation maximization (Schlomer et al., 2010). Five imputed datasets were generated and the hypothesized relationships were tested with each dataset. The resulting findings did not differ substantially, and the observed relationships that are reported in the “Results” section were produced using the first imputed dataset. In addition, for sensitivity analyses, the structural model estimated with the imputed data were compared to the one estimated with the un-imputed data. Results were compared and no significant differences were found.

Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations between peer appearance conversations, peer appearance attributions, task relevance, social media credibility, thin/athletic-ideal internalization, and informational reliance.

Table 1.

Descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations.

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12
1. Peer conversations	1	.15***	.34***	.27***	.31**	.23***	.28***	.26***	.16***	.14***	.38***	.37***
2. Peer attributions		1	.17***	.14***	.14***	.11***	.45***	.41***	.41***	.33***	.20***	.18***
3. Task relevance w1			1	.40***	.61***	.39***	.16***	.14***	.18***	.15***	.50***	.33***
4. Task relevance w2				1	.36*	.59***	.15***	.23***	.14***	.22***	.29***	.52***
5. Credibility w1					1	.42***	.18***	.14***	.19***	.16***	.44***	.32***
6. Credibility w2						1	.10**	.18***	.10*	.16***	.19***	.50***
7. Thin-ideal w1							1	.70***	.50***	.32***	.27***	.18***
8. Thin-ideal w2								1	.32***	.46***	.23***	.27***
9. Athletic-ideal w1									1	.65***	.19***	.14**
10. Athletic-ideal w2										1	.16***	.20***
11. Reliance w1											1	.43***
12. Reliance w2												1
Range	1–5	1–5	1–5	1–5	1–7	1–7	1–5	1–5	1–5	1–5	1–5	1–5
M (SD)	2.43 (.98)	1.80 (.84)	2.13 (.85)	2.24 (.83)	3.00 (1.12)	3.10 (1.13)	2.66 (1.09)	2.78 (1.06)	2.56 (1.06)	2.69 (1.03)	1.98 (.91)	2.06 (.94)

SD: standard deviation.

w1 = wave 1; w2 = wave 2; Thin-ideal = thin-ideal internalization; Athletic-ideal = athletic-ideal internalization.

p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.

The hypothesized model

The observed structural model, presented in Figure 2, showed an acceptable fit: chi-square value of 4153.46 with 1581 degrees of freedom, χ²/df = 2.63, p < .001, CFI = 0.91, RMSEA = 0.05. In line with H1 (i.e. peer appearance conversations and peer appearance attributions increase the perceived task relevance of social media ideals), we observed a positive significant relationship between peer appearance conversations w1 and task relevance w2 (β = .20, B = 0.12, SE = 0.03, p < .001). However, we did not find a significant relationship between peer appearance attributions w1 and task relevance w2 (β = .05, B = 0.03, SE = 0.03, p = .257). Hence, we could only partially confirm H1. In support of H2 (i.e. appearance conversations with friends positively contribute to perceptions of idealized social media content as credible), we observed a significant positive relationship between peer appearance conversations w1 and social media credibility w2 (β = .13, B = 0.16, SE = 0.05, p = .003). Social media credibility w2, in turn, was positively related to informational reliance w2 (β = .37, B = 0.28, SE = 0.04, p < .001), conforming H4 (i.e. the evaluation of idealized content on social media as credible information increases the reliance on social media for appearance-related information). Finally, in line with H3 (i.e. perceptions of task relevance and credibility facilitate the internalization of social media ideals), task relevance w2 was positively related to thin- and athletic-ideal internalization w2 (thin-ideal: β = .14, B = 0.21, SE = 0.08, p = .007; athletic-ideal: β = .16, B = 0.26, SE = 0.08, p < .001). However, we did not observe a significant relationship between social media credibility w2 and thin- and athletic-ideal internalization w2 (thin-ideal: β = –.003, B = –0.002, SE = 0.03, p = .954; athletic-ideal: β = .04, B = 0.03, SE = 0.04, p = .425). Thus, we could only partially confirm H3. Although not initially hypothesized, we also found that task relevance w2 was positively related to informational reliance w2 (β = .22, B = 0.34, SE = 0.08, p < .001).

Figure 2.

Observed structural model for the relationships between peer appearance conversations and attributions, social media credibility, task relevance, thin- and athletic-ideal internalization, and social media reliance.

To further examine the indirect role of peer appearance conversations w2 in adolescents’ informational reliance and thin- and athletic-ideal internalization (both w2), we calculated user-defined estimands (Arbuckle, 2013). With respect to the mediating role of task relevance w2, the results revealed a significant positive indirect association between peer appearance conversations w1 and informational reliance w2, through task relevance w2 (.042 = .20 × .22, p = .015, CI = [.017, .069]). Similarly, social media credibility w2 significantly mediated the positive relationship between peer appearance conversations w1 and informational reliance w2 (.046 = .13 × .37, p = .009, CI = [.016, .076]). Moreover, the results showed that the sum of both indirect effects was significant (.088 = .046 + .042, p = .015, CI = [.046, .125]). The strength of the indirect effects did not significantly differ (.004 = .046 − .042, p = .801, CI = [–.028, .052]), indicating that task relevance and social media credibility equally mediate the relationship between peer appearance conversations and informational reliance. Finally, we examined the indirect relation between peer appearance conversations w1 and internalization w2, through task relevance w2. Results revealed a significant positive indirect of peer appearance conversations w1 on both thin- and athletic-ideal internalization w2 through task relevance w2 (thin-ideal: 0.032 = 0.20 × 0.14, p = .025, CI = [.011, .055]; athletic-ideal: 0.032 = 0.20 × 0.16, p = .025, CI = [.011, .055]).

Moderation analysis

The multiple group comparison test showed that the hypothesized relationships—as presented in Figure 2—did not vary by gender. In testing for metric invariance, we constrained all factor loadings to be equal across gender. The difference in CFI between the unconstrained model (CFI = .906) and the constrained model (CFI = .903) did not exceed the cutoff value of 0.01 (ΔCFI = .003), indicating metric invariance (i.e. the factor loadings for each latent construct in the model were not significantly different between boys and girls). Then, structural invariance was measured by constraining structural weights to be equal between boys and girls. The difference between the CFI values (CFI unconstrained model = .903; CFI constrained model = .903; ΔCFI < .01) did not exceed the value of 0.01, indicating that the observed pathways in our model did not vary across gender. Hypothesis 5 was not confirmed. A similar procedure was applied to test the moderating role of age (mid- versus late-adolescents). The multiple group comparison test showed that the model exhibits metric (CFI unconstrained model = .898, CFI constrained model = .897, ΔCFI < .01) and structural (CFI unconstrained model = .897, CFI constrained model = .897, ΔCFI < .01) invariance across both age groups.

Discussion

This study aimed to increase our understanding of the processes that link peer appearance pressures to adolescents’ reliance on social media for information and norms about appearance (i.e. information reliance on social media ideals) and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Drawing on theory of norm internalization combined with insights from credibility heuristics and information processing theories, we examined whether a positive evaluation (operationalized as high-task relevance and credibility) of social media ideals leads to increased reliance on social media for information and norms about appearance and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Specific attention was given to the role of appearance-related peer conversations and attribution in the evaluation of social media ideals.

The results showed that peer appearance conversations, but not peer appearance attributions, contributed to increased perceptions of task relevance and social media credibility. In turn, both task relevance and credibility were positively related to the reliance on social media for appearance-related information. Finally, task relevance, but not credibility, was associated with increased thin/athletic-ideal internalization. No significant differences were found across gender and age in the observed relationships. Together, these findings provide partial support for the influence of peer communication in adolescents’ evaluation of social media ideals and point to the importance of norm evaluation in adolescents’ informational reliance on social media ideals and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. In the next section, we outline three take-home messages from our findings.

Peers contribute to a positive evaluation of social media ideals

We found that engaging in more peer appearance conversations was associated with increased perceptions of social media ideals as credible and relevant in improving the body and appearance. This finding suggests that peers fulfill a dual role in adolescents’ evaluation of social media ideals; namely, social validation and relevance enhancement. On one hand, peers positively validate social media ideals by emphasizing the value and importance of thinness or muscularity to friends and making normative comments about appearance that are supportive of social media ideals. Our results suggest that adolescents integrate peer appearance norms—conveyed through appearance conversations—into their processing and credibility evaluation of social media ideals. If social media ideals are in accord with peer appearance norms, then peer conversations are likely to enhance the credibility of social media ideals. The idea of peer validation resembles the concept of social-based credibility evaluation, in that adolescents rely on their peer network to assess the credibility of appearance-related information on social media (Metzger et al., 2010).

On the other hand, peers can also increase the relevance of social media ideals and in doing so, implicitly influence the motivations behind adolescents’ social media use. Our results indicate that peer appearance conversations contribute to adolescents’ evaluation of social media ideals as relevant in improving their body and appearance (i.e. task relevance). Based on this result, we suggest that, through appearance conversations with peers, adolescents send the message that social media ideals are attainable and compliance with them is rewarding, thereby increasing the perceived usefulness of social media content in improving the body and appearance. In turn, increased perceptions of task relevance facilitate adolescents’ thin/athletic-ideal internalization, and motivate adolescents’ to adopt social media ideals as a personal goal and standard.

Task-relevant social media ideals are more likely to be internalized

We observed that higher perceptions of task relevance, but not credibility, were related to more thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Thus, the more adolescents perceive social media ideals as relevant information for body-improvement actions, the more likely they are to internalize these ideals. This finding emphasizes the cognitive-behavioral aspect of internalization; namely, that internalization not only refers to the degree to which an individual “buys into” socially prescribed appearance ideals and expresses a desire to attain the appearance ideal, but also to the individual’s engagement in behaviors aimed at meeting those ideals (Schaefer et al., 2015: 55). If social media ideals are evaluated as relevant information for body-improvement actions, this means that adolescents perceive their pursuit as attainable and rewarding (e.g. useful in improving one’s appearance and gaining peer acceptance). Thus, the cost to comply with appearance ideals on social media and reap the related benefits (e.g. social approval, looking more attractive) is perceived as low, increasing the chance that adolescents personally endorse social media ideals and engage in behavior to attain a thin/athletic-ideal body. In addition, we could not observe a direct relationship between peer appearance conversations and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Taken together, these findings suggest that awareness of and exposure to appearance-related pressures is not sufficient for adolescents to internalize social media ideals. Rather, the extent to which social media ideals are internalized depends upon the degree to which adolescents evaluate them as relevant for goal setting and completion (e.g. body image improvement). Put differently, internalization, to a great extent, results from motivational goal setting. It is important to note, however, that peer appearance pressures do play a significant indirect role in thin/athletic-ideal internalization, as they contribute to a positive evaluation of social media ideals (and in doing so indirectly facilitate adolescents’ thin/athletic-ideal internalization).

Positive credibility evaluations facilitate reliance on social media for information

The results indicated that adolescents were more likely to rely on social media for appearance-related information, if they perceived appearance-related content on social media as believable and trustworthy. Considering that social media credibility was positively predicted by peer appearance conversations, this finding indicates that social endorsement heuristics (Metzger and Flanagin, 2013) play an influential role in both adolescents’ credibility evaluation of and informational reliance on social media ideals.

Importantly, credibility perceptions were not significantly related to thin/athletic-ideal internalization. This finding may be explained by the emergence of the body-positive movement on social media (Sastre, 2014). As explained by Tiggemann et al (2020), “the ‘body-positive’ movement aims to challenge narrowly-defined and inaccessible body ideals, and instead promote acceptance and appreciation of bodies of any shape, size, or appearance” (p. 129). In line with this body-positive movement, we suggest that social media popular among adolescents display images of diverse body shapes and appearances (that are underrepresented in traditional mass media; Cohen et al., 2019), and that adolescents evaluate this body-positive content as credible as well. Given that both idealized and non-idealized social media content can be perceived as credible, this might explain the insignificant relation between social media credibility and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Alternatively, it may be that adolescents are aware of the fact that a lot of imagery on social media is digitally altered with editing tools, decreasing the perceived credibility of social media ideals. However, despite the critical processing of social media ideals, adolescents may still view social media ideals as relevant and something to strive for, as moving closer to them is perceived as beneficial (e.g. being evaluated as attractive and receiving positive peer feedback). In line with this, a recent meta-analysis showed that the use of disclaimer labels is not very helpful for buffering body image from the impact of idealized media imagery (Danthinne et al., 2020).

Practical and theoretical implications

From a practice perspective, the results suggest that social media literacy interventions that (a) raise awareness of selective and idealistic self-presentations on social media and (b) explain how offline and online appearance interactions with peers contribute to the validation of social media ideals, would help adolescents to make more accurate evaluations of social media ideals. In this respect, using social media to deliver social norm interventions that target adolescents’ perceptions of peer norms can be successful (e.g. Ridout and Campbell, 2014). Making use of peer-generated body-positive posts and feedback, social norm interventions can be applied to correct misperceptions regarding perceived peer approval of unrealistic appearance ideals. Moreover, our findings also suggest the usefulness of discussing idealized social media content in the peer group, such that social media literacy interventions cannot only produce individual change but also facilitate change in the peer appearance culture (Gordon et al., 2020). Furthermore, the absence of gender differences supports the delivery of social media literacy interventions in mixed-gender settings (Doley et al., 2020).

In addition, adolescents should be encouraged to create and post body-positive content that challenges unrealistic media-promoted appearance ideals. In doing so, they contribute to a more body-inclusive discourse on social media. Moreover, it is also important for adolescents to explicitly criticize narrowly defined ideals and emphasize their unrealistic nature. Such actions of active criticism might help decrease the perceived task relevance and credibility of social media ideals, and in doing so, inhibit reliance on media for information and norms about appearance and thin/athletic-ideal internalization.

From a methodological point of view, our study was limited in that we did not capture the specific content of adolescents’ appearance-related conversations with friends. Future studies should take conversational valence (i.e. the way adolescents talk, negatively or positively, about media-promoted appearance ideals) into account when examining the influence of peer communication on the internalization of social media norms in general and thin/athletic-ideal internalization specifically. For instance, if peer appearance conversations reflect a negative attitude toward the thin/athletic-ideal, then engaging in such conversations might lead to a negative evaluation of (social) media ideals and act a buffer against thin/athletic-ideal internalization. In line with Ringrose and Harvey (2015), future studies might combine offline and online ethnographic research to better understand how appearance ideals on social media are being discussed among peers, as well as how these conversations might influence appearance and attractiveness beliefs. In addition, we also recommend researchers to examine the comparative credibility of body-positive and idealized social media content. With respect to appearance-related norms, adolescents are surrounded by an information-rich and diverse media environment. Especially on social media, adolescents are exposed to conflicting perspectives on attractiveness (e.g. body-positive vs idealized content). Given that perceptions of credibility influence adolescents’ reliance on media for appearance information, it is important to examine how adolescents evaluate and process contradictory appearance information.

Furthermore, with respect to the measurements of task relevance and credibility of social media ideals, future research should distinguish between different types of appearance ideals present on social media. For instance, it may be useful to measure the task relevance and credibility of thin-ideal content, athletic-ideal content, and body-positive content separately, as research has indicated that different types of body ideals may be differently processed (e.g. Watson et al., 2019). In addition, in the current study, we assessed task relevance by asking participants to report the perceived usefulness of social media as a source of information for improving the body and appearance. A pilot study assessing the comprehensibility of this measure showed that adolescents properly understood the question and had no difficulties responding to it. However, to more adequately measure the task relevance of appearance information on social media follow-up research may experimentally manipulate task relevance. For instance, task relevance could be manipulated by providing one group of participants with ideal social media images that are accompanied by peer feedback that supports the attainability and appropriateness of the thin/athletic-ideal, and one group of participants with ideal social media images that are accompanied by peer comments that criticize the portrayed ideals and emphasize their unrealistic and unattainable nature (e.g. Kim, 2020; Veldhuis et al., 2014). Furthermore, experimental research could make use of eye-tracking software to examine whether task relevance information elicits an orienting response.

Finally, from a theoretical perspective, our findings provide support for the interplay of interpersonal and mass communication in adolescents’ evaluation and internalization of social media ideals. To our knowledge, no theoretical model exists that takes into account the interactive influence of social-context factors (i.e. peer appearance conversations and attributions) and message-related factors (i.e. task relevance and credibility) in individuals’ internalization of social media ideals. Prior research has consistently shown that individuals form perceptions of social norms through information obtained through interpersonal and mass media sources and then, over time, conform to these perceived norms even in the absence of external pressures because of norm internalization (e.g. Price et al., 2006). This study theoretically adds to this literature by showing how interpersonal communication can contribute to a positive evaluation of social media norms and therefore indirectly facilitate norm internalization. Thus, rather than showing how interpersonal and mass communication uniquely contribute to the formation and internalization of norms on social media, this study emphasizes how both communication modes interact in their association with social media norm internalization. Combining insights from literature on social credibility heuristics (Metzger et al., 2003), information processing theories (Lang, 2000), and theory of norm internalization (Scott, 1971), this study indicates how interpersonal communication can influence the extent to which social media norms are evaluated as positive or not and, in doing so, facilitate or hinder the internalization of social media norms. More specifically, the current findings suggest that people use information obtained through communication with others to evaluate the appropriateness of social media norms and calculate the cost to accept and comply with the perceived norms.

In sum, the findings underscore the important role of message-related factors—more specifically, media message evaluative criteria such as credibility and task relevance—in individuals’ internalization of and informational reliance on social media norms and show how interpersonal communication can contribute to a positive evaluation of message-related factors. Expanding on these insights, we advise future studies to (a) continue identifying social-context and message-related factors (besides task relevance and credibility) that contribute to a positive/negative evaluation of social media ideals and (b) examine how such evaluations facilitate or buffer against the informational reliance on and internalization of social media ideals.

Conclusion

Applying theory of norm internalization to the case of adolescents’ informational reliance on and internalization of social media ideals, we indicated that peers contribute to a positive evaluation of social media norms—more specifically, the task relevance and credibility of social media ideals—and in doing so, facilitate adolescents’ reliance on social media for information and norms about appearance and thin/athletic-ideal internalization. Expanding on these findings, we suggest that the role of peer communication in adolescents’ evaluation and processing of social media ideals is twofold; on one hand, peers positively (or negatively) validate the idealized information obtained from social media by making normative comments that are supportive of (or challenge) social media ideals. On the other hand, peers can also increase the relevance of social media ideals and, in doing so, positively influence adolescents’ motivation to adopt social media ideals as a personal goal and standard.

Footnotes

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author, Ann Rousseau.

Ethical approval

This article does not contain any studies with animals performed by any of the authors. This study involved human participants, and procedures were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the FWO under Grant 12U6419N.

Informed consent

Active informed consent was obtained from all participants.

Uniqueness of publication

The manuscript has not been submitted to more than one journal for simultaneous consideration. The manuscript was submitted to the International Communication Association conference (Mass Communication division) and accepted for oral presentation. The findings were presented at the ICA conference, but the manuscript was not published in the conference’s proceedings.

ORCID iD

Ann Rousseau

Notes

Author biography

Ann Rousseau (PhD, KU Leuven) is a postdoctoral researcher (FWO) at the Leuven School for Mass Communication Research, Faculty of Social Sciences, KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium. Her research aims to examine the role of interpersonal communication in media effects. More specifically, it focuses on the role of peer communication in adolescents’ reliance on, processing, interpretation, and use of social media content.

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The role of task relevance and information credibility in adolescents’ internalization of and reliance on social media ideals

Abstract

Keywords

From norm awareness to norm internalization

Adolescents’ thin/athletic-ideal internalization

Evaluating media-promoted appearance norms: task relevance and credibility

Peers and perceptions of task relevance

Peers and perceptions of credibility

Linking credibility and task relevance to thin/athletic-ideal internalization

Linking credibility to informational reliance

Moderating role of gender and age

Method

Sample

Measures

Peer appearance conversations

Peer appearance attributions

Social media credibility. 2

Task relevance. 2

Thin/athletic-ideal internalization

Informational reliance. 2

Control variables

Data analysis

Results

The hypothesized model

Moderation analysis

Discussion

Peers contribute to a positive evaluation of social media ideals

Task-relevant social media ideals are more likely to be internalized

Positive credibility evaluations facilitate reliance on social media for information

Practical and theoretical implications

Conclusion

Footnotes

Data availability

Ethical approval

Funding

Informed consent

Uniqueness of publication

ORCID iD

Notes

Author biography

References

Social media credibility.²

Task relevance.²

Informational reliance.²