Abstract
B Crewe and J Bennett, The Prisoner, Routledge: Oxon, 2012; i–xxv + 158 pp.: 9780415668651, £80.75 (hbk), £24.69 (pbk)
While the pains, pressures and frustrations experienced by prisoners have been widely studied by academics, practitioners and policy-makers, rarely are prisoners afforded the opportunity to express life behind bars in their own words. In this unique collection, editors Ben Crewe and Jamie Bennett utilize prisoners’ narratives to foreground and direct the discussion, for the purposes of viewing them as ‘subjects rather than objects’ (p. xv) and to ‘widen the lens through which [prisoners] are seen’ (p. xxii). This book consists of 11 contributions discussing a broad range of prisoner-centric topics including culture, identity and coping, complemented with biographies by more marginalized prisoner groups than those represented in traditional prison literature. Each chapter begins with interview excerpts from several prisoners on a subject, followed with experts’ discussion and analysis. The editors acknowledge that they take an incomplete look at prisoners’ social world, with bias towards interviewees who can articulate their experiences and perceptions. Nonetheless, it promulgates a unique depiction of prisoners’ lived realities, situated in the wider context of policy and research.
Prisoners’ backgrounds are a common theme in the narratives and commentary throughout the book, with Jamie Bennett’s chapter reviewing the common antecedents of criminality. In a bleak depiction of those who have suffered high levels of poverty, traumatic upbringings and emotional destitution, Bennett highlights a common rationale found with prisoners that turning to crime becomes a viable option in alleviating these social realities. Nowhere is this more evident than in their accounts of affiliations with the care system; instead of providing relief and support, these institutions facilitate many vulnerable people seeking inclusion, social capital and esteem with a gateway into criminality. Bennett questions whether these institutions, described by one prisoner as ‘mini-jails’ (p. 3), are suitable for individuals enduring high levels of social and emotional turmoil.
Narratives in the next five chapters provide readers with glimpses into key aspects of prisoners’ social world. Reflecting on her research on care in prisons, Sarah Tait discusses the delicate relationship between prisoners and staff. Qualities such as consistent professionalism, empathy and trustworthiness are valued by prisoners as examples of care. However, differential attitudes towards care, coping and the efficacy of therapeutic interventions in the narratives suggest prisoners require staff with diverse personalities and approaches. Ben Crewe describes the prison culture as a tense environment, one permeated with paradox, ambiguity and ambivalence. The narratives allow discussion of prisoners’ attempts to navigate through cultural norms of power, hierarchy, hyper-masculinity, espionage and stigma. Yvonne Yewkes explores the emotional connotations in attempting to establish an identity within this milieu. Reflecting upon Goffman’s (1961) research on the total institution, she eloquently documents how the environment places prisoners’ frontstage and backstage identities out-of-sync. Following this, Alison Liebling discusses the extreme actions enacted by prisoners with imported vulnerabilities who struggle to cope with the pains of imprisonment. As in Tait’s chapter, Liebling highlights the role of staff in changing the lives of those turning to self-injury and suicide. Finally, Rachel Condry discusses how prisoners’ families are also burdened by prison sentences, especially the obstacles in maintaining relationships. Inadequate contact arrangements are highlighted as contributory to the marginalization of families and the estrangement of child from parent; factors which threaten desistance upon release.
The next four chapters challenge criminal justice agencies to manage better the unique conditions of the more vulnerable and too often forgotten prison population groups, specifically youth, female, older and ethnic minority prisoners. Commenting upon youth offender narratives, Rod Morgan proposes that the current youth justice system is not adequate in reducing recidivism. He suggests that there needs to be greater investment in restorative justice programmes and resettlement strategies, instead of submitting institutionalized youths to further punitive sanctions. Next, Natalie Mann outlines the pains of imprisonment experienced by the fastest growing population – older (often disabled) prisoners. Narratives indicate the frustrations of being restricted from facilities, activities and social interactions as a result of inadequate prison design. Consequently, they articulate dual marginalization – from society and from the prison culture. Abigail Rowe posits that ‘women’s prisons disproportionally house those with chronic problems and in acute stress’ (p. 114) due to a lack of consideration for their greater culture shock and frustrations in their inability to attend to family-life responsibilities. Lastly, Coretta Phillips and Rod Earle posit that ‘the lens of race… is a constant presence through which [prison] experiences are filtered’ (p. 128). Reflecting narratives from different ethnicities, they discuss the necessity for greater awareness of the potential incertitude in managing ‘complex, contradictory and conflicted’ (p. 128) race relations in prisons, from individual and group-interactions to the institutional level. Another prisoner group experiencing unique deprivations not fully explored in this editorial are those with mental-health issues. The Social Exclusion Unit quoted that over 70 per cent of the prison population in England and Wales have two or more mental health disorders (SEU, 2002). However, one acknowledges the ethical and moral implications of subjecting such a vulnerable group to this form of ethnographic research.
Steve Barlow and Shadd Maruna’s chapter brings a welcome positivity and future-orientated planning to the discussion of prisoners. They provide an overview of the common motivations for prisoners who want to desist from crime, including ‘opportunities to be useful’ and a ‘need to be needed’ (p. 138), with acknowledgement of the obstacles that a prison sentence can create for reintegration.
The book concludes with an afterword from Jason Warr, a former prisoner turned criminologist, who passionately details prison life from the native view. Consistent with the spirit of the book, Warr gives a fascinating insider account of the different aspects of prison life: surviving the prison culture; the adoption of an identity; engaging with professionals; and the impact of incarceration on his family. Most notably, he reflects on selectively managing different facades as a necessary survival tool in limiting the pains of imprisonment and satisfying those in control of his release.
The Prisoner gives an emotive account of the key issues for those locked out of society, and should form part of any student, practitioner or academics’ collection who strive to understand the nature of prisoners and prisons. It sits alongside texts adopting similarly inclusive methodologies with prisoners (Crewe, 2009) as well as other groups in prison: staff (Crawley, 2004) and management (Bryans, 2007). However, further bottom–up perspectives from these stakeholders are required to assist in improving prison conditions and outcomes.