Abstract

The book’s preface, along with chapter 1, provides an introduction on mass incarceration, which according to the authors has led to the emergence within the US prison system of a distinct culture from the rest of the country. It is in this sense that the authors see prison as a hypothetical country in its own. The book’s first chapter reviews the history of punishment in the United States and in the Western world. The authors investigate how different theories have historically guided the types of punishment governments have used for years. Statistical data on the US prison system and its racial disparities are contrasted with data from other industrialized nations; the US’ incarceration rate is significantly higher. Looman and Carl discuss how mandatory minimums, harsh sentences, and policy decisions are the main causes of mass incarceration, and in the authors’ view, mass incarceration has bred a unique carceral culture.
Chapter 2 discusses what elements make a group of people a country, and specifically why the US prison system fits such description. Shared common language, beliefs, values, social behaviors, territory, historical factors, and a sense of shared culture unify inmates and pull them into a country-like system. Residents of a prison form a national identity and develop a social personality that stems from shared experiences within the “prison country.” Inmates must assimilate into the prison’s culture in order to survive physically, mentally, and socially. The beliefs, language, social norms, and values within the prison system do not fit those of the United States or of any other country outside prison walls. Looman and Carl explain how the contrast between prison culture and American culture is embodied in the difference between survival and confinement on the one hand, and choice and freedom on the other. Indeed, upon release from prison, inmates are often confused about their new identity outside the prison walls.
Chapter 3 introduces the offenders who are the residents of the country called Prison. Many offenders come from poverty-stricken areas; they have suffered abuse, neglect, mental illness, addiction, and have been poorly socialized. Whether this history is understood through the lens of differential association theory, containment theory, social bond theory, general theory of crime, or social learning theory, the overall criminological consensus is that criminal behavior stems from the lack of education and psychological growth during childhood. Looman and Carl suggest that the main reason criminals reoffend is because of the lack of resources devoted to rehabilitation and psychosocial development. In essence, Looman and Carl oppose the myth that inmates are scary and that society should be afraid of them; instead, society needs to commit additional resources to their social and psychological development during incarceration.
Chapter 4 is concerned with living in the country called Prison. The chapter explains how there are four subcultures in prison, which include the inmates, security personnel, administrative staff, and licensed professionals. The members of each of these subgroups have learned the culture of their own group through observation, instruction, imitation, and reinforcement. Each group has created their own language, beliefs, values, relationship patterns, and perceptions of power. Looman and Carl put forward a strategic proposal to “modify prison environments to promote cooperative behavior and prosocial American Values” (p. 126). The core idea of their proposal is to provide training in psychology and social sciences to security personnel, staff, and professionals to promote compassion, pride, self-respect, and reduce helplessness among the inmates. The goals are to reduce recidivism and encourage human development and growth, instead of human degradation.
Chapter 5 discusses “visiting America” from prison, or the experience of returning to society after release. The childhood experiences of inmates often preclude their socialization for human attachment. Poor attachments result in long-term problems with emotional control, interpersonal relationships, learning, organizational and planning skills, self-identity and self-esteem, task completion, and perseverance. Failure to develop these traits means that individuals are ill-equipped for reentry because they are unable to organize their experiences and information into a logical order from which they can develop solutions and consider consequences. The authors believe that prison does not help to improve these skills and actually makes them worse. Looman and Carl propose that prisons should provide discharged inmates with the financial means and social-psychological skills necessary to reenter society successfully and with dignity.
Chapter 6 elaborates seven broad ideas for change within the criminal justice system in regard to mass incarceration: shifting the cost of incarcerating nonviolent offenders to community stakeholders; creating a criminal justice accounting system that identifies the true costs of incarceration and informs the public on a regular basis; increasing judicial discretion and diversionary options for adults and juveniles; ending the criminalization of people with addictions and mental illness; making it easier for people from prison to successfully migrate back to the United States; focusing on measuring success and funding the most effective programs; and ultimately decreasing crime. Looman and Carl believe that stakeholders in the current system are unlikely to immediately embrace these proposals because the current criminal justice process is profitable for them. The authors understand that courageous legislation will need to be passed in order for any of these proposals to go into effect. However, the authors are firm in their belief that implementation of their proposed agenda will successfully decrease the prison population and ultimately free Americans from the prison system’s drain on people and resources.
The book’s closing chapter provides a summary and review on what was discussed in previous chapters. It reiterates the authors’ proposals and explains the importance of the mass incarceration epidemic in the United States as well as the consequences mass incarceration has generated, such as overcrowding and the escalating correctional costs. Looman and Carl acknowledge that US public officials had the legislative intent to eliminate crime and drug abuse, but more than 30 years of mass incarceration have produced harmful consequences; something must be done to eliminate the country called Prison. Looman and Carl may provide a beginning strategy worth serious consideration, but readers will not find a balanced assessment of alternative strategies in this book.
This book is best suitable for readers interested in changing the US penal system. The authors call for persons in criminal justice and correctional leadership positions, policy makers, reformists, interested parties, and other members of the academic community to read this book. They are correct, as readers interested in such topics will clearly appreciate the information and perspective provided in this volume. However, in order to get a clearer perspective on the current carceral crisis, readers of the book would also benefit from some background knowledge on mandatory minimum policies in the US criminal justice system, as the book does not delve into this issue very deeply. In any case, the book would be a great read for an advocate of abolishing mandatory minimums and decreasing mass incarceration. The policy proposals outlined in the text are quite specific and, in this reviewer’s opinion, the right way to go about such drastic changes.
