Once a journalist,not always a journalist? Causes and consequences of job changes from journalism to public relations

Abstract

Increasingly, journalists do not find permanent jobs and seek work in related fields, often in public relations. However, the two professions differ with regard to some of their normative functions: whereas journalists should report objectively and without bias, public relations practitioners are supposed to represent their clients’ particular interests. Hence, shifts from journalism to public relations have the potential for conflict. This study analyzes whether these shifts cause inter-role conflict and examines the reasons for the job changes. We conducted 17 qualitative semi-structured interviews with former journalists from Germany who have permanently transitioned into public relations. Our results show that the reasons for the job shifts can be categorized along two dimensions: (1) push versus pull factors (being pushed out of journalism because of poor working conditions versus being pulled into public relations jobs by attractive qualities of the work) and (2) hygiene versus motivational factors (extrinsic versus intrinsic rewards related to the job). Moreover, the study reveals that former journalists who now work in public relations struggle with inter-role conflict because they retain a journalistic self-concept that conflicts with specific norms in public relations. The participants, however, report a number of strategies to cope with these conflicts.

Keywords

Job change journalists public relations role conflicts

For more than 20 years, the field of journalism has been in crisis. Declining advertising revenues, plummeting circulation, changing media use habits, budget cuts, and layoffs ‘paint a bleak picture for anyone pursuing a career in newspapers’ (Reinardy, 2011: 33). Hence, an increasing number of journalists, failing to find permanent jobs, hire themselves out as freelancers, take on a second job, or change professions (Fisher, 2014, 2017; Fröhlich et al., 2013; Nel, 2010; Sherwood and O’Donnell, 2018). When journalists choose the latter option and decide to follow a new career path, they often seek work in related fields such as teaching, advertising, or public relations (PR) (Nel, 2010; O’Donnell et al., 2016). The PR sector has always attracted journalists, as the skills needed in the field are very similar to those of journalists (e.g. communication and writing skills, critical thinking, research and technical skills, and knowledge of the routines in an editorial office; Koch and Obermaier, 2014). As a result, both temporary and permanent shifts from journalism to PR are numerous and common (Fisher, 2016a, 2017; Koch and Obermaier, 2014; Nel, 2010; Reinardy, 2011).

However, despite their similarities, the two professions differ considerably with regard to their daily tasks and routines (Aronoff, 1975) as well as some of their normative functions (Mellado and Hanusch, 2011). Journalists are often described in the idealized role of objective and critical reporters: they are supposed to inform impartially and should serve as vigilant informers and watchdogs who seek the truth and report largely independently of political or economic influences (Becker et al., 1979; Hanitzsch, 2011; McDevitt, 2003; McNair, 2000; Nerone, 2013). PR practitioners, in contrast, are committed to their respective clients and organizations and are supposed to represent their particular interests (Koch et al., 2017; Lewis et al., 2008; Reich, 2010). Hence, a shift from journalism to PR creates the potential for conflict: former journalists who are now working in PR could experience differing, perhaps even contradictory, professional norms and values, which might lead to role conflict (Belz et al., 1989; Biddle, 1986). Role conflict, in turn, causes stress and dissatisfaction at work (Love et al., 2010; Obermaier and Koch, 2015). As very few studies have addressed the shift from journalism to PR (Fisher, 2014, 2016a, 2016b, 2017), little is known about the actual motives for such a change, the consequences for the journalist’s professional self-concept, the resulting role conflicts, or possible strategies to cope with these conflicts. Therefore, this study deals with the reasons for and the consequences of an occupational change from journalism to PR.

Literature review

Motives for the shift from journalism to public relations

People change jobs for many reasons. However, scholars regard dissatisfaction with the previous profession as one of the main drivers for switching from one profession to another (Blau, 2000; Carless and Bernath, 2007; Rhodes and Doering, 1983). Accordingly, job dissatisfaction may be the main reason why journalists switch fields. Research on job satisfaction among journalists goes back more than 50 years (e.g. Weaver and Wilhoit, 1986, 1996; Weaver et al., 2007). These studies have shown that the number of journalists wanting to quit their jobs doubled from the early 1980s (Weaver and Wilhoit, 1986) to the early 1990s, when this figure reached 21 percent (Weaver and Wilhoit, 1996). However, the results of a 2002 survey showed a decrease, with 17 percent of journalists expressing the intention to leave the field of journalism (Weaver et al., 2007). A more recent study conducted by Reinardy (2009) in 2007 found that roughly 26 percent of surveyed newspaper journalists expressed the intention to leave the profession, and another 36 percent were uncertain about whether they would remain in the field. Hence, roughly 62 percent wanted to quit their jobs or were at least unsure about their professional future.

Hygiene factors and motivators

The motivation–hygiene theory, also known as the two-factor theory, explains how two different sets of factors determine employees’ job satisfaction and dissatisfaction (Herzberg et al., 1959). According to this theory, job satisfaction and job dissatisfaction are distinct and independent constructs that are affected by either intrinsic influences (motivators) or extrinsic influences (hygiene factors): Whereas satisfaction depends on the presence of motivators, dissatisfaction arises when hygiene factors are absent. The theory thus refers to the idea that humans have basic (physiological) needs to make a living and psychological needs that should be also fulfilled for them to be satisfied.

Hygiene factors refer to extrinsic rewards (e.g. in the form of monetary incentives, job security, vacations, a positive work environment, or employee benefits). If these hygiene factors are lacking, they can cause job dissatisfaction and will drive employees to look for new positions (Herzberg et al., 1959). Journalism has been (and still is) subject to a number of changes that increasingly lead to the absence of hygiene factors and, in turn, might have pushed journalists out of their jobs (Reinardy, 2009, 2011) The main drivers for this change are digitalization, the concentration of media ownership, and declining advertising revenues. These challenges have caused a drive to cut costs, which, in turn, has resulted in reduced incomes, job cuts, and greater workloads for journalists (MacDonald et al., 2016; Nel, 2010; Weaver et al., 2007). Moreover, job insecurity, long and irregular working hours, and a stressful work environment may contribute to journalists becoming dissatisfied with their jobs. In this way, the absence of hygiene factors can cause dissatisfaction and lead to higher job turnover rates.

Motivators, in contrast, refer to intrinsic influences arising from the job itself, such as feelings of appreciation, personal growth, success, or responsibility, or the sense of doing something meaningful (Herzberg et al., 1959). These factors motivate employees to work more efficiently and ensure that they are satisfied and experience their job as exciting. Hence, even if journalists are satisfied with their jobs, they might feel the desire for a change, being triggered, for example, by the urge to face new challenges (Weaver et al., 2007). The field of PR seems particularly interesting for journalists, as similar skills and competences are required (Koch and Obermaier, 2014). Compared with journalism, occupations in PR also offer higher salaries, higher job security, and more chances for promotion (Fröhlich, 2015). With regard to the motivation–hygiene theory (Herzberg et al., 1959), the question of how motivators in the profession of PR attract journalists also arises.

Push and pull factors

When we examine the reasons for the shift from journalism to PR, we have to consider two sides of the situation. Journalists might change professions because they are so poorly paid that they cannot maintain their standard of living; in this situation, the journalist is virtually pushed out of his or her job. However, it might also be the case that the journalist has sufficient income but decides to change professions because a PR agency offers him or her a much higher salary – virtually pulling him or her out of his or her old job (e.g. Shultz et al., 1998). Therefore, we differentiate between push and pull factors (Anthony and Ord, 2008; Hughes, 2003).

We define push factors as negatively experienced influences arising from within a journalist’s job. This includes both hygiene factors such as salary or job security, and motivators such as the feeling of appreciation or responsibility. Pull factors refer to external, positive influences originating in the attractiveness of the other occupation – the PR sector or a concrete PR job. These pull factors draw people into working in PR. The perception of push and pull factors is of course subjective and dependent on the context (Shultz et al., 1998). It is unclear whether journalists are mainly being pushed out of their jobs (e.g. because of poor working conditions or layoffs) or whether the attractiveness of the PR profession (e.g. higher salaries, social benefits, job security, or generally better working conditions) is the driving force behind the job shifts, pulling journalists toward PR.

Correspondingly, this article distinguishes four types of factors that can cause a change of profession from journalism to PR. We consider push factors that force journalists out of their old profession versus pull factors that draw journalists into the field of PR. Both push and pull factors are subdivided into hygiene factors, the lack of which can cause dissatisfaction, and motivators, which can cause satisfaction (Table 1). We therefore posed the following research question: What are the reasons for a transition from journalism to PR (RQ1)?

Table 1.

Systematization of reasons for the job shift.

	Push factors	Pull factors
Hygiene factors	Factors that push journalists out of their old jobs because of a lack of extrinsic influences	Factors that pull journalists toward the field of public relations because of extrinsic influences
Motivators	Factors that push journalists out of their old jobs because of a lack of intrinsic influences	Factors that pull journalists toward the field of public relations because of intrinsic influences

Roles and role conflict

Throughout their lifespan, individuals take on a variety of social roles (Burns, 1979; Markus and Wurf, 1987). Social roles include private roles (e.g. mother, friend, or neighbor) as well as professional roles (e.g. professor, physician, or journalist). All social roles carry expected behaviors (Belz et al., 1989). These expectations about how to behave in a social role are called social norms – informal, dynamic rules, and accepted standards that develop over time and govern the behavior of a group’s members (Lapinski and Rimal, 2005). When individuals are socialized into a role, they adapt role-specific patterns of behavior and learn how to adequately meet their own and others’ expectations for that role (Biddle, 1979). Concerning professional roles, the socialization at work through, for example, interactions with colleagues, training sessions, and daily work routines shape the norms surrounding the role and thus employees’ expectations of themselves (Frese, 1982; Mortimer and Lorence, 1979). Consequently, a person’s professional self-concept is constantly being shaped by the perceived expectations of the professional or social environment and by the individual’s own expectations (Burns, 1979; Marsh and Shavelson, 1985). Accordingly, norms also define the expected and appropriate behavior of journalists and PR practitioners.

Research on the role perceptions of journalists and PR practitioners reveals substantial differences between the two groups (Aronoff, 1975; DeLorme and Fedler, 2003; Macnamara, 2014; Neijens and Smit, 2006). Journalists perceive themselves as playing many roles; however, most journalists perceive themselves as objective disseminators of information and critical interpreters of reality, and quite a few take on the role of the watchdogs of politics and the economy (Hanitzsch, 2011; Weaver and Wilhoit, 1986, 1996; Willnat and Weaver, 2014; Willnat et al., 2013; Zelizer, 2012). PR practitioners, in contrast, do not perceive themselves only in the role of informing the public; rather, they see promoting a positive image of the relevant organization and persuading and influencing the public as central tasks (Neijens and Smit, 2006; Reich, 2010). When journalists switch to PR work, not only do their tasks change but also the perceived expectations of their professional environment. This leads to the question of how their own expectations and, thus, their professional norms change or remain the same (Sherwood and O’Donnell, 2018). Therefore, we posed the following research question: How does changing jobs to PR affect the professional self-concept of former journalists (RQ2)?

A shift from journalism to PR exposes individuals to new expectations regarding their professional roles (Fisher, 2017; Obermaier and Koch, 2015). When these expectations are inconsistent with their previous expectations, role conflict may arise (Getzels and Guba, 1954). There are two different types of role conflict: intra-role conflict and inter-role conflict (Goode, 1960). Intra-role conflict arises when a person perceives contradicting expectations within a single role. For instance, the editors of employee magazines are exposed to contradictory expectations: the management’s expectations that the reporting will be in their interest and the employees’ need for objective and independent information (Koch et al., 2018).

Inter-role conflict, in contrast, describes situations in which conflicting expectations arise because of different roles held by the same person (e.g. the merging of one’s family life and professional life in times of limited personal capacity). In the context of professional roles and occupational changes, primary professional socialization plays an important role. If professional value systems and role concepts are closely linked to an individual’s personality structure, it might be hard to fulfill different or contradictory role expectations. A study conducted by Fröhlich et al. (2013) examined inter-role conflict among freelance journalists who have secondary employment in PR. The surveyed journalists stated that they were aware of potential conflict between their two professional roles and found this potential conflict stressful. Indeed, perceived role conflict may negatively affect an individual’s life by triggering stress or reducing job satisfaction (Goode, 1960; Miles and Perreault, 1976; Obermaier and Koch, 2015; Sieber, 1974).

To counteract the negative effects of role conflict, individuals might try to prevent their occurrence from the outset. Examples of this strategic approach include the spatial and temporal separation of situations in which the respective roles might conflict, or the avoidance of situations in which contradictory expectations for a single role might arise. If the occurrence of role conflict cannot be prevented, individuals may try to reduce the negative strain of this conflict through the use of coping strategies (Fröhlich et al., 2013) such as sticking to a single role that bears the greatest importance and legitimacy. In conclusion, journalists switching to the field of PR might perceive new and likely contradictory expectations for the new professional role, compared with the expectations for their former professional role. This situation may lead to inter-role conflict because of their former professional socialization in journalism, but various strategies can help to mitigate this conflict. Accordingly, we asked the following research question: Do PR practitioners who formerly worked in journalism perceive inter-role conflict, and how do they cope with this conflict (RQ3)?

Methods

To answer our research questions, we conducted qualitative semi-structured interviews with former journalists who had permanently transitioned into PR. The study was undertaken in Germany in November and December 2016.

We defined former journalists as professionals who had completed professional education in journalism (through either a traineeship or journalism studies) and had worked for at least 1 year for a journalistic medium as their main job, publishing on current and socially relevant topics. Journalists lacking specific education needed 5 years of professional work experience to be eligible for participation in this study, and PR practitioners who still had a side job in journalism were excluded. Therefore, all of the participants had fully switched from one field to another. Thus, we made sure we were examining the reasons and consequences of a permanent job change. It would be also important to analyze freelancers switching back and forth between the two fields or freelancers with a parallel employment in journalism and PR. However, this is not the focus of this study.

Participants were recruited via different PR associations and networks. We conducted 19 interviews, 17 of which were included in the analysis. One interview had to be excluded because of technical problems, and another participant revealed during the interview that he or she still had a part-time job in journalism. Participants worked in a broad range of spheres (e.g. politics, finance, or health), had different institutional backgrounds (e.g. PR agencies, federations, or commercial enterprises), and switched to the field of PR between 1990 and 2016. The sample consisted of 5 women and 12 men, ranging in age from 29 to 63 years (mean = 42.59, standard deviation = 10.74).

The interviews lasted from 18 to 81 minutes (mean = 36 minutes) and were audio-recorded under the assurance of confidentiality and transcribed afterwards. The analysis followed the guidelines for summarizing qualitative content proposed by Mayring (2014); based on our theoretical foundation, we applied deductive categories to the collected data, and these were then complemented by the addition of inductive categories arising from the data.

The interview guide contained a total of 23 questions that were divided into two sections: Section 1 comprised questions concerning the motives for the occupational change. In particular, this section focused on the push and pull motives discussed above in the theory section of this article. In Section 2, we asked the participants about their professional socialization, perceived expectations for the fields of journalism and PR, perceived inter-role conflict, and related coping strategies. The interviewers were bound to a given set of questions but had the possibility to adapt the order of the questions to the specific flow of the interview and to enquire more precisely at suitable and relevant points.

Results

Reasons for the occupational change (RQ1)

All respondents reported that there were factors that both pushed them out of their journalistic jobs and those that pulled them toward the field of PR. Moreover, our analysis showed that interviewees referred to hygiene factors and motivators for both push and pull factors (see Table 2).

Table 2.

Reasons for the job shift as perceived and mentioned by the respondents.

	Push factors	Pull factors
Hygiene factors	Intensive working hours Negative effects on private life A lack of job security Short- or fixed-term contracts	Reasonable working hours Social benefits (e.g. company-owned daycare centers) Flexible working conditions Higher job security Long-term contracts and secured income structures
Motivators	Perceived lack of personal development opportunities Lack of appreciation Negative working atmosphere Unsatisfactory social structures at work	Satisfactory social structures Positive working atmosphere Possibility to benefit from existing competences Perceived importance and attractiveness of personal responsibilities Change of perspective More focused work activities

Hygiene push factors

Hygiene push factors are influences that pushed the journalists out of their former jobs because of a (perceived) lack of extrinsic rewards. This lack of rewards, in turn, may have led to increased job dissatisfaction. When it comes to such factors, the interviewees named the specific working conditions in journalism as one of the main drivers to change their professional occupation. For example, Respondent 6 reported intensive working hours (substantially more than 40 hours per week), which negatively affected the reconciliation of family and work. Respondent 12 noted that the shift to another newspaper and the work stress there was the main cause of the end of his romantic relationship. Moreover, insecurity in the labor market worsened the situation. More than half of the respondents mention the lack of job security as a central aspect of their decision to leave the field of journalism. Here, not only the insecurity of the existing job but also the difficulty of finding a new job made journalism unattractive for the respondents: ‘It was getting worse and worse every year. Searching for permanent employment as a journalist was no longer an option. When you have been kicked out somewhere, you either try to work as a freelancer or you change sides’ (Respondent 7).

In addition, the common practice of short- or fixed-term contracts pushed some of the journalists out of their former field of occupation. ‘If you don’t get a long-term contract after eight years of working there, as in my opinion is common practice in this industry, it is definitely a reason for saying “I’m going to look for something else”’ (Respondent 16). Overall, highly competitive working situations, difficult wage conditions, and poor career opportunities are hygiene factors that pushed the journalists out of the field of journalism. Some of the participants described this as a general development in the news production industry: They considered these factors relevant not only for themselves and their own job change but also for the field as a whole. For example, poor working conditions cause stress, which drives journalists out of their profession. Accordingly, 12 of the 17 respondents actively applied for their new job in PR, whereas only 5 received concrete job offers in the industry, luring them out of journalism. This finding not only highlights the potential effects of hygiene factors on job changes but it also shows that – in addition to hygiene factors – other variables also affect occupational change.

Motivating push factors

In the theory section of this article, we outlined how hygiene factors might prevent individuals from perceiving dissatisfaction at work. However, to ensure actual satisfaction, motivating factors are needed. If these factors are perceived to be missing, they become motivating push factors (i.e. missing motivators that push individuals out of their profession). Our analysis showed that journalists switching to the field of PR were missing the motivator of personal development opportunities, which describes the situation of Respondent 12: ‘I couldn’t find myself in what I wanted to do. And I didn’t want to become that all-in-one-device’. This lack of development opportunities was accompanied by the feeling of a lack of appreciation, as Respondent 5 described: ‘I want to do my job as well as possible – do it better than others – but I also want to […] receive something in return’. The respondents also listed a perceived negative working atmosphere and unsatisfactory social structures at work as missing motivators.

However, journalists were not only pushed out of their former professional field by certain factors but they also felt attracted by factors within the PR field. Again, among these pull factors, we found hygiene factors as well as motivators.

Hygiene pull factors

Notably, all of the 17 interviewees reported hygiene factors that they found appealing in PR. For example, better working conditions such as ‘more reasonable working hours’ (Respondent 7) or ‘company-owned daycare facilities and part-time opportunities’ (Respondent 3) made a change of occupation attractive. Furthermore, participants perceived higher job security in PR jobs, compared with journalistic occupations. Likewise, fixed, and in many cases higher, income structures motivated journalists to leave their former profession: ‘[…] I simply wanted to have a regular income […] and the security of a permanent position. One reason for my change was certainly the security of a fixed income, which I wanted to earn for my family’ (Respondent 2). Once again, these hygiene pull factors were accompanied by motivating pull factors.

Motivating pull factors

Some respondents named more pleasant social environments and a better working atmosphere as relevant factors for their transition to the PR industry, especially because these aspects might reduce stress: ‘Whether the publication is released today or tomorrow doesn’t matter. Most colleagues don’t care when the press release is published’ (Respondent 14).

Apart from working conditions, the similarity of the two professional fields made a change to the PR industry attractive, for example, as Respondent 5 explained:

I worked as a business editor and then went into corporate communications. I feel I now work on the same topics that I used to work on as a journalist – only at an earlier stage when it comes to the creation of a story.

Thus, the similar spectrum of activities along with more motivating conditions pulled the interviewees toward the field of PR.

However, in spite of these similarities, in terms of the specific tasks within PR occupations, many respondents found their new challenges ‘interesting and with a lot of variation’ (Respondent 2) or ‘internationally relevant’ (Respondent 1). Some even highlighted a change of perspective as a motivating factor. In addition, the perceived improvements in working conditions resulted in deeper and more focused working activities: ‘I like being able to deal with topics more intensively. It is important to accumulate a more intensive knowledge of the specific subjects’ (Respondent 2). These motivating factors seem to have had a positive effect on job satisfaction and therefore to contribute to the corpus of relevant pull factors.

Taken together, these results show that both push and pull factors are relevant for the occupational change from journalism to PR. Push factors that force journalists out of their former professional environment often match pull factors that attract them to the field of PR, especially when it comes to working conditions.

Professional socialization and self-concept (RQ2)

Regarding their primary socialization, all of the participants stated that they had completed either some form of journalistic training or a traineeship. Accordingly, nearly every interviewee perceived his or her professional socialization as mostly influenced by journalism. However, nearly half of the respondents stated that PR also had an impact on their professional socialization. This second socialization process apparently influenced, above all, the perceived relationship between work and private life, as Respondent 2 explained:

The most important phase in my professional career was the time when I decided to set up my own business as a PR consultant and PR editor, because since then I have achieved the best balance between private life, work life, and job satisfaction.

Against this background, it can be stated that early professional socialization took place in journalism and was later supplemented by PR. Still, this leaves the question of how journalists who switched to PR perceived their professional role. In line with the theoretical explanations on the diverging goals of the two occupational fields, the respondents mentioned substantial differences in their perceptions of the two fields. The goals of journalism were perceived as providing objective, timely, and high-quality news coverage; explaining complex situations such that ‘everybody can understand them and might recognize their relevance for his own life’ (Respondent 5); and making a ‘professionally founded but nevertheless distanced contribution to social development’ (Respondent 16). Furthermore, some respondents underscored the idea that journalism should fulfill a function of critique and control. In contrast, the perceived goals of PR were to favorably (yet transparently) represent a particular organization, to provide information to specific target groups, and to build trust and a positive reputation.

In view of these diverging objectives, many of the interviewees described their professional self-concept as a hybrid of both worlds. Their former journalistic occupation positively influenced their new job in PR in several ways (e.g. in terms of the knowledge of a journalist’s function, his or her expectations for a PR practitioner, or certain skills like the comprehensive presentation of information). However, some respondents felt stressed by personal contacts with journalists because these contacts seemed to expect specific benefits for themselves. Other respondents felt that the journalistic skills of critical research and thinking conflicted with the goals of PR.

Some interviewees still held the self-concept of a journalistically working person, albeit in a different context: ‘I feel like a journalist doing his work on the other side of the desk, being the conversation counterpart for many other journalists. But if someone asks me about my job, I respond “journalist” without any hesitation’ (Respondent 11). The primary socialization as a journalist persisted in the attitudes and thinking of the respondents, even though not all of them continued to identify as journalists: ‘I can still put myself in the position of journalists and anticipate what they need. But at the end of the day I feel like a professional communicator’ (Respondent 7). However, for some respondents, this balancing act impeded a clear identification as journalists or PR professionals, as is shown in the following remarks of Respondent 9:

We use the same tools, we collect information, we evaluate it, and we publish texts or interviews. But it is not the same journalism as before. I am unsure if I am a journalist or not. But I work in PR because I think our work is very important for journalists.

Overall, the respondents felt that they were socialized in journalism and that they carried their experiences and personal journalistic skills into the field of PR. In doing so, they perceived not only certain advantages but also disadvantages that led to mixed results concerning their professional self-concept. Even those former journalists who fully identified as PR practitioners during the interviews still made use of their early career socialization experiences.

Perceived inter-role conflict and coping strategies (RQ3)

As discussed in the theory section above, diverging role expectations might result in perceived inter-role conflict. Although the respondents identified diverging objectives for journalism and PR, they were reluctant to identify personally perceived inter-role conflict. Interestingly, however, some respondents still pointed to a general potential for conflict (e.g. when personal attitudes cannot be matched with the particular interests of companies or when someone feels pressure to positively present issues that he or she is reluctant to present in a positive light). Respondent 14 provided an example from the pharmaceutical industry: ‘If someone thinks everybody should be able to pay for medical expenses and his employer is selling a pill for 100 euro that could be sold for 2 euro, then I can imagine moral conflicts’.

Even though the respondents hardly mentioned any inter-role conflict when directly asked about it, our data contain numerous references to its existence. For example, some respondents felt the need to withhold information that they would have used as a journalist: ‘I can’t truly inform the public but [rather] have to keep things to myself because, as a PR practitioner, I need to represent the interests of my employer’ (Respondent 2). Some former journalists explicitly expressed ethical concerns, especially when it came to the question of whether they should lie to journalists to protect the organization employing them. ‘You are confronted with a certain kind of professional ethics that come from the [journalistic] editorial office, but [you] are now exposed to a loyal relationship with your employer. What should you do?’ questioned Respondent 11, expressing uncertainty. Others felt that their new role expectations did not match their skill set, as Respondent 5 pointed out: ‘I hope I get tasks where I can present complex information on point […]. I don’t want to write some speech that doesn’t concern anybody and has no actual content. Some people can do that, but I can’t’. In this regard, respondents once again mentioned the critical approach of journalism, which conflicts with the exclusively positive presentation of a company. They perceived this as a problem that is especially likely to arise for PR practitioners who formerly worked in a journalistic context and were educated or socialized in journalism. Sometimes, this even led to the rejection of certain tasks, as Respondent 8 reported: ‘Some customers expect me to write an advertisement text. I tell them I don’t do that. I was socialized in journalism and can’t identify with it’.

Consequently, former journalists currently working in PR articulated tensions that can be traced back to inter-role conflict. However, the question of how they deal with these tensions remains. We were able to identify two different types of strategies: Participants either sought to prevent conflicts in advance (prevention strategies) or tried to mitigate conflicts that already existed (coping strategies). Prevention strategies initially included the conscious choice of an employer whose goals are not contrary to one’s own ideas of ethics and morals. More specifically, many respondents therefore excluded large corporations or certain industries (e.g. utility companies) from the outset. Instead, they chose companies that seemed to be in line with their own mindset. For example, Respondent 6 emphasized the good intentions of his or her employer: ‘It would be different if I worked for a corporate raider that buys and damages other companies. But I work for the right side. [Company] is a good company’. Furthermore, respondents tried to adjust their expectations to avert inter-role conflict. In view of the perceived difference in objectives, respondents seemed to expect possible conflict with regard to journalistic work processes. Coping strategies are used when the prevention of conflicts fails or is not possible. Three types of coping strategies were mentioned by the respondents. First, active confrontation refers to the open addressing of problems and conflicts to find solutions and articulate one’s own point of view. A second strategy listed by the respondents is resignation. Here, the former journalists tended to accept arising conflicts and did not feel the need to address them openly. Interestingly, resignation sometimes followed active confrontation, as Participants 13 described: ‘You can try to talk to them, but at some point it’s either getting into trouble with your boss or simply doing what they want you to do’. The third strategy can be called familiarization, where the individuals slowly adjust to their new job, the specific expectations, and diverging objectives. Respondent 1, for example, stated that he needed several months to adjust to his new role in a way that would reduce or avert role conflict. This finding is in line with the perceived self-concept of the former journalists, as they seemed to implement elements from both worlds into their professional self-concept until there was a merging of the two roles.

In summary, former journalists who were currently working in PR during the interviews were aware of inter-role conflict. However, the respondents perceived conflicts of this type as manageable issues rather than as severe or stressful. They managed this conflict primarily by openly addressing, becoming resigned to, or slowly adapting to the new role expectations.

Discussion

To date, very few studies have examined PR practitioners who formerly worked in journalism and have switched completely to the field of PR (Fisher, 2014, 2016a, 2016b, 2017) In this study, we investigated the reasons for an occupational change and explored how the change affected the vocational self-concept of the professionals. Furthermore, we investigated arising inter-role conflict and focused on the question of how former journalists dealt with this type of conflict. Our first key finding was that journalists are pushed out of their old professions and are also attracted to their new jobs by specific factors. Accordingly, we describe these as push and pull factors. Here, mainly bad working conditions and a lack of job security in the field of journalism (push factors) meet their positively perceived counterparts in PR (pull factors). Consequently, negatively perceived structures push journalists out of their old professions, and positive structures in PR attract them. With reference to Herzberg et al.’s (1959) motivation–hygiene theory, our analysis revealed that both push and pull factors equally contain hygiene factors and motivators.

This development seems critical, particularly with regard to the normative function of journalism, although our study cannot to make generalizable statements about all journalists. With regard to their professional self-concept, the studied journalists saw themselves in a hybrid situation: ethics and role patterns learned from journalism were still present, but these patterns were not fully compatible with the goals of PR. This hybridization of the professional self-concept and the dissolution of a definite journalistic role perception correspond to the findings of Sherwood and O’Donnell (2018), who conducted a survey of journalists who had lost their jobs from 2012 to 2014. Their results indicated a fading or even weak journalistic self-perception, especially for those respondents who found new occupations outside of the media production industry. The authors therefore argued that professional self-concept is not necessarily based on acquired norms and values but is also shaped by professional routines and workflows (Sherwood and O’Donnell, 2018). Accordingly, the professional self-concept of journalists who switched to PR might change as their careers as PR professionals progress. However, because this is a lengthy process, different role expectations collide, especially in the initial phase after the occupational change.

The respondents in our study reported inter-role conflict they perceived themselves or observed in their direct workplace surroundings. Interestingly, some of the former journalists initially denied that conflicts existed but later discussed them. This suggests that many of the respondents perceived these conflicts rather subconsciously. Nevertheless, the respondents identified distinct strategies to avert or mitigate conflictual situations where inter-role conflict might arise. Our finding on the coping strategy of familiarization corresponds to the idea of a fading journalistic self-concept because of the adaption of professional routines and techniques (Sherwood and O’Donnell, 2018). Greater work experience and time spent in practicing the professional routine of a PR professional seemed to mitigate the risk of inter-role conflict, certainly also with regard to an adapted self-concept.

Our findings must be interpreted against the background of several limitations. First, the sample of respondents was, with the exception of one interviewee, limited to individuals who had been educated in journalism and held a postgraduate university degree. Accordingly, the full range of sociodemographic profiles of the journalists who switched to working in PR is not represented. In addition, this study did not aim to find differences associated with different hierarchical levels in the fields of journalism or PR and did not take into account the extent to which the former journalists found the decision to change jobs difficult. With regard to the dimension of push and pull factors, it seems reasonable that specific influences, such as strong social integration or a sense of commitment, may inhibit a potential job change. The focus of this study was also not on different functions, differences with regard to specific professions in PR, or different lengths of employment. Our study also explicitly focused on journalists who have fully moved from journalism to PR. Therefore, our data does not reveal the situation of individuals working simultaneously or alternately in both fields. In addition, the self-selection of the participants may have increased potential biases.

Hence, future studies should take into account possible differences arising from these factors, theoretically and empirically. Furthermore, qualitative studies could be a fruitful avenue to shed more light on the interrelationships found in this study. More specifically, additional in-depth interviews regarding the differing professional self-concepts of professionals working for corporate PR departments and those working for external PR agencies could provide new insight. Likewise, specific job positions or media types in journalism might also be associated with differences in self-concepts or perceptions of inter-role conflict. In addition, the interaction of the various factors that cause (or potentially prevent) a job change could be investigated more closely. Future quantitative studies would also be useful, as they could serve to validate the results of this study and identify intervening variables. Moreover, changes and new developments in the media market require more nuanced studies regarding the self-concept and inter-role conflicts of journalists and PR practitioners. The emergence of advertorials and content marketing could contribute to the development of role conflicts and affect (former) journalist’s self-concept. In addition, more and more publications are being produced in a gray area between journalism and PR: Companies and other organizations (such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), associations, or political parties) publish informative and entertaining content for their customers that is edited in a journalistic manner. By publishing a broad variety of owned media, these organizations create new job opportunities for former journalists. Future studies should more explicitly focus on these publications and the professional self-concept of the editors working in this field. Finally, the question arises whether our study is strictly limited to the situation of journalists and PR practitioners in Germany. On one hand, the fundamental interplay between journalism and PR is quite similar in most (Western) countries and some general trends can be observed. This applies, for example, to plummeting circulation and declining advertising revenues, which lead to budget cuts and layoffs in journalism (e.g. Baumann, 2002; Nel, 2010; Reinardy, 2011). Therefore, we believe that the tendency of journalists looking out for alternative careers and switching to PR can be observed in most Western countries. On the other hand, journalism and PR differ regarding various aspects across different countries; this includes, for example, ethics, epistemologies, institutional roles, as well as self-concepts (Hanitzsch et al., 2011; Zerfass et al., 2018). Hence, studies from different countries are needed to check how our findings are influenced by the specific contexts.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author biographies

Benno Viererbl is a research associate at the Department of Communication, Johannes Gutenberg-University of Mainz, Germany. His research interests include the relationship between journalism and public relations, crisis communication and issues management, corporate reputation and image, as well as media effects.

Thomas Koch is Professor for Corporate Communications and Public Relations at the Department of Communication, Johannes Gutenberg-University of Mainz, Germany. His research interests include persuasive communication, the relationship between journalism and public relations, internal and external corporate communication, as well as media reception and effects.

References

Anthony

Ord

(2008) Change of career secondary teachers: Motivations, expectations and intentions. Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education 36(4): 359–376.

Aronoff

(1975) Credibility of public relations for journalists. Public Relations Review 1(2): 45–56.

Baumann

(2002) Informal labour market governance: The case of the British and German media production industries. Work, Employment and Society 16(1): 27–46.

Becker

Sobowale

Cobbey

(1979) Reporters and their professional and organizational commitment. Journalism Quarterly 56(4): 753–763.

Belz

Talbott

Starck

(1989) Using role theory to study cross perceptions of journalists and public relations practitioners. In: Gruning

Grunig

(eds) Public Relations Research Annual. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 125–139.

Biddle

(1979) Role Theory: Expectations, Identities, and Behaviors. New York; San Francisco, CA; London: Academic Press.

Biddle

(1986) Recent developments in role theory. Annual Review of Sociology 12: 67–92.

Blau

(2000) Job, organizational and professional context antecedents as predictors of intent for interrole work transitions. Journal of Vocational Behavior 56(3): 330–345.

Burns

(1979) The Self-concept: Theory, Measurement, Development and Behavior. London: Longman.

10.

Carless

Bernath

(2007) Antecedents of intent to change careers among psychologists. Journal of Career Development 33(3): 183–200.

11.

DeLorme

Fedler

(2003) Journalists’ hostility toward public relations. An historical analysis. Public Relations Review 29(2): 99–124.

12.

Fisher

(2014) ‘Watchdog’ to ‘spin-doctor’: Challenges and benefits. Australian Journalism Review 36(2): 145–156.

13.

Fisher

(2016a) Managing conflicts of interest: Shifting between political PR and journalism. Journalism Practice 10(3): 373–386.

14.

Fisher

(2016b) Ten shades of truth: A study of Australian journalists’ shift to political PR. Public Relations Review 42(4): 665–672.

15.

Fisher

(2017) Re-assessing the ‘public’s right to know’. Journalism Studies 18(3): 358–375.

16.

Frese

(1982) Occupational socialization and psychological development: An underemphasized research perspective in industrial psychology. Journal of Occupational Psychology 55(3): 209–224.

17.

Fröhlich

(2015) Befunde der PR-Berufsfeldforschung in Deutschland. In: Fröhlich

Szyszka

Bentele

(eds) Handbuch Der Public Relations. Wissenschaftliche Grundlagen und berufliches Handeln. Wiesbaden: Springer, pp. 555–569.

18.

Fröhlich

Koch

Obermaier

(2013) What’s the harm in moonlighting? A qualitative survey on the role conflicts of freelance journalists with secondary employment in the field of PR. Media, Culture & Society 35(7): 809–829.

19.

Getzels

Guba

(1954) Role, role conflict, and effectiveness: An empirical study. American Sociological Review 19(2): 164–174.

20.

Goode

(1960) A theory of role strain. American Sociological Review 25(4): 483–496.

21.

Hanitzsch

Hanush

Mellado

, et al. (2011) Mapping journalism cultures across nations: A comparative study of 18 countries. Journalism Studies 12(3): 273–293.

22.

Hanitzsch

(2011) Populist disseminators, detached watchdogs, critical change agents and opportunist facilitators: Professional milieus, the journalistic field and autonomy in 18 countries. The International Communication Gazette 73(6): 477–494.

23.

Herzberg

Mausner

Snyderman

(1959) The Motivation to Work. New York: John Wiley & Sons.

24.

Hughes

(2003) Pushed or pulled? Women’s entry into self-employment and small business ownership. Gender, Work and Organization 10(4): 433–454.

25.

Koch

Obermaier

(2014) Blurred lines. German freelance journalists with secondary employment in public relations. Public Relations Review 40(3): 473–482.

26.

Koch

Obermaier

Riesmeyer

(2017) Powered by public relations? Mutual perceptions of PR practitioners’ bases of power over journalism. Journalism. Epub ahead of print 17 September. DOI: 10.1177/1464884917726421.

27.

Koch

Vogel

Denner

, et al. (2018) Voice of the management or employee advocate? How editors of employee magazines see their professional role. Corporate Communications: An International Journal 23(1): 51–65.

28.

Lapinski

Rimal

(2005) An explication of social norms. Communication Theory 15(2): 127–147.

29.

Lewis

Williams

Franklin

(2008) A compromised fourth estate? UK news journalism, public relations and news sources. Journalism Studies 9(1): 1–20.

30.

Love

Tatman

Chapman

(2010) Role stress, interrole conflict, and job satisfaction among university employees: The creation and test of a model. Journal of Employment Counseling 47(1): 30–37.

31.

McDevitt

(2003) In defense of autonomy: A critique of the public journalism critique. Journal of Communication 53(1): 155–160.

32.

MacDonald

Saliba

Hodgins

, et al. (2016) Burnout in journalists: A systematic literature review. Burnout Research 3: 34–44.

33.

McNair

(2000) Journalism and Democracy: A millennial audit. Journalism Studies 1(2): 197–211.

34.

Macnamara

(2014) Journalism & PR: Unpacking ‘Spin’, Stereotypes, & Media Myths. New York: Peter Lang Publishing.

35.

Markus

Wurf

(1987) The dynamic self-concept: A social psychological perspective. Annual Review of Psychology 38: 299–337.

36.

Marsh

Shavelson

(1985) Self-concept: Its multifaceted, hierarchical structure. Educational Psychologist 20(3): 107–123.

37.

Mayring

(2014) Qualitative content analysis: Theoretical foundation, basic procedures and software solution. Available at: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-395173 (accessed 25 October 2018).

38.

Mellado

Hanusch

(2011) Comparing professional identities, attitudes, and views in public communication: A study of Chilean journalists and public relations practitioners. Public Relations Review 37(4): 384–391.

39.

Miles

Perreault

(1976) Organizational role conflict: Its antecedents and consequences. Organizational Behaviour and Human Performance 17(1): 19–44.

40.

Mortimer

Lorence

(1979) Work experience and occupational value socialization: A longitudinal study. American Journal of Sociology 84(6): 1361–1385.

41.

Neijens

Smit

(2006) Dutch public relations practitioners and journalists: Antagonists no more. Public Relations Review 32(3): 232–240.

42.

Nel

(2010) Laid off: What do UK journalists do next? Available at: http://www.journalism.co.uk/uploads/laidoffreport.pdf

43.

Nerone

(2013) The historical roots of the normative model of journalism. Journalism 14(4): 446–458.

44.

Obermaier

Koch

(2015) Mind the gap: Consequences of inter-role conflicts of freelance journalists with secondary employment in the field of public relations. Journalism 16(5): 615–629.

45.

O’Donnell

Zion

Sherwood

(2016) Where do journalists go after newsroom job cuts? Journalism Practice 10(1): 35–51.

46.

Reich

(2010) Measuring the impact of PR on published news in increasingly fragmented news environments: A multifaceted approach. Journalism Studies 11(6): 799–816.

47.

Reinardy

(2009) Beyond satisfaction: Journalists doubt career intentions as organizational support diminishes and job satisfaction declines. Atlantic Journal of Communication 17(3): 126–139.

48.

Reinardy

(2011) Newspaper journalism in crisis: Burnout on the rise, eroding young journalists’ career commitment. Journalism 12(1): 33–50.

49.

Rhodes

Doering

(1983) An integrated model of career change. The Academy of Management Review 8(4): 631–639.

50.

Sherwood

O’Donnell

(2018) Once a Journalist, Always a Journalist? Journalism Studies 19(7): 1021–1038.

51.

Shultz

Morton

Weckerle

(1998) The influence of push and pull factors on voluntary and involuntary early retirees’ retirement decision and adjustment. Journal of Vocational Behavior 53(1): 45–57.

52.

Sieber

(1974) Toward a theory of role accumulation. American Sociological Review 39(4): 567–578.

53.

Weaver

Wilhoit

(1986) The American Journalist: A Portrait of U.S. News People and Their Work. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

54.

Weaver

Wilhoit

(1996) The American Journalist in the 1990s: U.S. News People at the End of an Era. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

55.

Weaver

Beam

Brownlee

, et al. (2007) The American Journalist in the 21st Century. U.S. News People at the Dawn of a New Millennium. Madison, NJ: Taylor & Francis.

56.

Willnat

Weaver

(2014) The American Journalist in the Digital Age: Key Findings. Bloomington, IN: School of Journalism, Indiana University.

57.

Willnat

Weaver

Choi

(2013) The global journalist in the twenty-first century. A cross-national study of journalistic competencies. Journalism Practice 7(2): 163–183.

58.

Zelizer

(2012) On the shelf life of democracy in journalism scholarship. Journalism 14(4): 459–473.

59.

Zerfass

Tench

Verhoeven

, et al. (2018) European Communication Monitor 2018. Strategic Communication and the Challenges of Fake News, Trust, Leadership, Work Stress and Job Satisfaction. Results of a Survey in 48 Countries. Brussels: EACD/EUPRERA, Quadriga Media Berlin.