Abstract
Jonathan Ensor and Rachel Berger return following their acclaimed introductory text (Ensor and Berger, 2009) to discuss the progression of community-based adaptation (CBA) in theory and practice together with Saleemul Huq. Rooted in climate change policy and international development, this book challenges the theoretical grounding of CBA through an array of case studies from the global south. The book attempts to answer some of the difficult questions surrounding adaptation, such as: How are existing power relations addressed? How is transformation incorporated into CBA? And why is CBA the most appropriate approach to support local-level adaptation?
Part one of the book focuses on three key issues within the field: the role of power and politics, collaboration with ecosystem-based approaches and ability to undertake transformational adaptation. Part two presents a series of case studies from Asia, Africa and South America illustrating how CBA works or does not work in practice. Revealing insights that include the unintended benefits of the community participation in the adaptation process, and the added value of indigenous knowledge in conjunction with local climate projections.
In the first chapter, the editors introduce CBA essentially as a ‘community-led process’, that aims ‘to empower people to prepare for and to cope with’ climate change impacts (pp. 10–11). They place empowerment at the centre of the approach, arguing that the process of adaptation is as crucial to local development as the outcome.
The ‘central pillars’ of CBA, listed as meaningful participation, poverty reduction and livelihood benefits, coincide with the aims of most development programmes. Berger and Ensor argue that the ‘needs, knowledge and capacities’ of those adapting should be given priority alongside science and engineering expertise, which often hold powerful positions within adaptation practices. Chapter two opens the theoretical discussion of CBA. Yates (pp. 15–34) begins by questioning the benefits of the ‘community-focus’ through an interrogation of the power and politics in CBA governance structures from two case studies in Peru and Nepal. His study illustrates the ability of those with power to dictate the focus of adaptation as well as its financial streams, reminding readers that CBA is not resistant to elite influences. His engagement with the politics of scale is commended, bringing thoughtful comment on whether CBA is better placed than other adaptation pathways to challenge the uneven power structures that often contribute to vulnerability in the first place.
In chapter three
Part two presents five case studies of CBA in the global south. Imbach and Beltrán (pp. 79–94) assess the adaptive capacity of two communities in rural Mexico, identifying the close correlation between vulnerability within a community and the degree of dependence on agricultural production. Their study supports Cannon’s earlier advocacy for rural income diversification and importantly shows how cultural beliefs and values restrict local people’s willingness to adapt. The next chapter by Pradhan et al. (pp. 95–110) illustrates the pivotal role played by formal and informal institutions in the delivery of livelihood skills, training and access to the new markets. In light of this, Pradhan et al. advocate the development of local-level institutions that work closely with indigenous livelihood systems in order to minimize future vulnerability. Chambwera and Mohammad’s chapter (pp. 111–28) emphasizes the advantages of educational programmes on climate change and new farming techniques, coupled with technological deployment to increase adaptive capacity. However, their ultimate recommendation of reliance on private sector funding fails to critically engage with possible unintended consequences. Koelle and Waagsaether’s case study (pp. 129–46) shows how the consolidation of wider institutional structures helps to facilitate farmers in learning, training and engagement with scientists. This chapter explores the practicalities of preparing people for future change, whilst also empowering them to restructure power relations both within and outside their community. Sen and Phuong’s chapter (pp. 165–80) offers an interesting insight into the value of maintaining indigenous knowledge for autonomous adaptation by highlighting Vietnamese farmers’ essential skills in local weather prediction and the selection of drought-resistant plants. The authors acknowledge, however, that improved resilience to climate change will require strong support from local and national governments.
Ensor uses the final chapter to link the theory from part one to the case studies in part two by highlighting overarching trends, such as the positive impacts of meaningful participation, as well as the strong link between institutional support and encouraging outcomes for CBA. This partially remedies the lack of coherence between the theoretical and case study chapters.
Overall, this book provides a refreshingly analytical perspective on CBA. The authors challenge widely held assumptions and present fruitful areas of debate that encourage the reader to deliberate on several issues, particularly the biases towards bottom-up approaches as the most suitable solutions to complex development related problems. The case studies provide concrete examples of CBA in practice and remind the readers of the importance of a local-level focus in creating relevant adaptation interventions. However, several case studies would have benefitted from revisiting the level of analysis exhibited in part one.
Overall, Ensor et al. achieve what they set out to do by creating a starting point for deeper inquiry into the issues affecting adaptation. An informative read for adaptation researchers and practitioners, the book makes a powerful case for more research into the role of state, non-state and private institutions at different scales and into alternative approaches to strengthening the adaptive capacity of those more vulnerable to climate change.