Hosting while being hosted: A perspective of Hungarian migrant hospitality workers in London,UK

Abstract

Labour mobility in the hospitality industry involves a wide range of affective processes. Emotional responses in challenging situations for migrant hospitality workers significantly affect their social interactions and working efficiency. This paper explores the impact of emotions upon hospitality employees’ evaluation of their experiences while working in the UK. The empirical research focussed on hospitality employees’ emotions and perceptions about the host country in the different phases of migration. Further, migrants’ adjustment capacities and emotional responses in challenging situations were analysed. In 2011, 78 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Hungarians who had post-accession working experience in the hospitality industry in London, UK. Results suggest that migrant hospitality employees’ emotional responses related to the mismatch between anticipated and lived experiences have a key role in social interactions and on their working efficiency. The practical implications of this study are for recruiting agencies and hospitality industry employers on how to alleviate migrant workers’ emotional difficulties and how to enhance their working efficiency.

Keywords

Emotional responses mobility employment adjustment strategies

Introduction

A multicultural pool of foreign hospitality workers, both in the UK and internationally, constitutes one of the main pillars of the hospitality industry (Alberti, 2014; Duncan et al., 2013). This paper explores the emotions of migrant hospitality employees’ in the context of their lived experiences of work while in the UK. The objective of the study is to investigate the dichotomy between migrant workers’ vicissitudes deriving from being guests in a foreign country and their ‘hosting’ role in the hospitality sector. The aim is to highlight how migrants’ emotional responses in challenging situations influence their perceptions about themselves and about the host country. Our concern is that increasing international mobility in the tourism and hospitality sector requires a better understanding of the impact that emotions might generate upon migrant employees’ work efficiency. The hospitality industry is one of the sectors that attracts migrant workers (Alberti, 2014; Janta et al., 2011b). Though, it is surprising that in hospitality research foreign-born employees’ emotional experiences have been neglected so far.

Emotions influencing individuals’ public and private lives have serious consequences on work efficiency (Boonabaana, 2014). A rich academic literature documents emotional labour, emotions elicited in work environments and the interrelationship between work and home (Hochschild, 1997, 2012; Hochschild and Machung, 2012; Karasek and Theorell, 1990). The subjective meaning of work, emotional intelligence and decision making was widely studied by Fineman (2000, 2004). Ashkanasy and Humphrey (2011) using affective events theory, describing the momentary variations of emotions at workplace, discussed the role of emotion in organisational behaviour. Although much has been written on emotions, definitions differ across disciplinary boundaries and there is a lack of common agreement to define emotions (Mulligan and Scherer, 2012). Hochschild (2012: 17) defined feeling and emotion as a sense, like hearing and tasting. She argued that emotions are experienced when ‘bodily sensations are joined with what we see or imagine’. Robinson (2014: 189) described emotions as ‘temporary feeling states evoked by symbolic processing of events that involve corporeal manifestation’. Whereas for Ashforth and Humphrey (1995: 99) emotions are ‘subjective feeling states’. As Briner (1999) stated most definitions encompass cognition (appraisal, evaluation, and suppression), physical reaction (heart rate), explicit behaviour (avoidance, approach) and facial expression (astonishment, smile).

In order to better frame migrants’ emotional responses in challenging situations emotional states should be distinguished from mood and attitude, the other types of affective phenomena. Emotions ‘are usually defined in terms of short-term intense affective reactions to specific events’ (Briner, 1999: 326). Emotions are considered as immediate responses to internal and external events that are important to individual’s goals and plan (Oatley, 2009) and can rapidly change according to circumstances (Scherer, 2005). Mood and attitude differ from emotions by their enduring predominance. Moods are diffuse affect states (e.g. cheerful, depressed), while attitude is formed on enduring beliefs and predispositions towards objects or persons (e.g. hating, desiring).

This paper provides insights on emotional responses affected by the cultural and sociological background of Hungarian hospitality workers in the UK. Emotions and displayed feelings are determined by cultural and social rules as well (Hochschild, 2012). Studies illustrated how cultural identities of certain roles such as nurse/patient, teacher/pupil – and we would add hosts/guests – are shaped by social institutions and might differ in different cultures (Robinson, 2014). Cultural scripts and social habits in displaying emotions might vary from one region to another. For example, East Asians aim maintaining a balance between negative and positive emotions and tend to adjust themselves to their surrounding environment (Miyamoto and Ryff, 2011). Whereas Western Europeans or North Americans try to maximise positive emotions and change their environment to better fit their needs. Research demonstrated that the ways of managing feelings and displaying emotions are influenced by different cultural scripts (Miyamoto and Ryff, 2011).

Hungarian hospitality workers in the UK

To contextualise the research on Hungarian hospitality workers in London official data on Hungarian migrants were consulted. According to the Home Office Statistics (Accession Monitoring Report May 2004–March 2009) between May 2004 and March 2009 the cumulative total of migrant workers originated from Hungary was 35,925. According to the 2011 UK census there are about 50,000 Hungarian migrants in the UK. A relatively high number, 12,805 Hungarians were employed in hospitality and catering. Between May 2004 and March 2009 the proportion of workers from Hungary employed in hospitality and catering was greater than in any other nationality. Of those who applied between May 2004 and March 2009, 81% of registered workers were aged 18–34. Migrant workers’ spatial mobility concentrated within London which had 15% of the total registered workers. During the statistically monitored period the cumulative total of 47,335 migrants were employed in hospitality and catering. Statistical data, however, fail to provide information on the cultural and social background of Hungarian hospitality workers.

The successful self-made emigrant is a recently emerged figure in Hungary. Western sirens’ song promising hope for a better life and pursuit of happiness has recently become resonant. Although Hungarian population is traditionally ‘sedentarist’ and ‘a-mobile’ (Hannam et al., 2006) since the European Union enlargement in 2004, a significant number of young and skilled Hungarians have opted for mobility. Compared to other Central Eastern European nationalities (Polish, Slovaks or Romanians) Hungarians had hardly ever chosen mobility to find better job opportunities or better living conditions (Illés and Kincses, 2012). Strong historical and traditional roots embedded in the myth of one’s own terrain and property considered to be a ‘kingdom’ might explain in part this sedentary attitude.

Hungarians are proud of their culture, history and work ethics. Due to dominant cultural scripts they tend to complain in their private sphere but seldom display negative emotions at workplace. Hungary has witnessed a change in the labour market since 1970 and after the collapse of the Communist rule society had to face the rise of permanent unemployment. Living standards in general declined (Andorka, 1993). The former social services supported by the state owned companies collapsed (Puczkó and Rátz, 2011). High degree of job instability and associated loss of control had serious consequences on mental and stress related health disorders (Kopp et al., 2007). Labour mobility offered new possibilities to Hungarian workforce that was entrenched in economic hardship. Expectations about political freedom, the opening of the Western countries towards Hungary, the faithful trust to be accepted and to re-enter the European community, all slogans of the EU enlargement, were embittered by reality. Feeling betrayed by Europe and feeling victimized by history belong to the culture of complaint in Hungary (Berend, 2007). The stereotype of the Hungarian employee as in the Socialist era as today has been the image of a hard worker, precise and trustful workforce. Being accepted, understood and valued by the employer and by society constitute the key features of the Hungarian spirit. The change of perspective in self-understanding and to reposition oneself in a foreign society is not free of emotional turmoil. The lack of emotional balance might affect migrants’ working capacity and efficiency and might decrease their work achievement.

These background notions led our research to focus on the emotional responses of Hungarian migrants working in the hospitality industry in London. The selection of this national group is motivated by three factors, the first is that Hungarian migrant hospitality workers are generally under-researched, especially compared to the proliferating literature on Polish migrants in the UK. The second factor considers cultural and sociological influences on emotions in the case of a national group with very less experience in mobility but proud and committed to self-realization. Last but not least, the authors of the paper are of Hungarian nationality with personal experiences of mobility.

This article is concerned with the impact of emotions upon hospitality employees’ evaluation of their experiences while working in the UK. The study provides insights on labour migration within the hospitality industry adapting a shift in prospective and focusing on employees’ perceptions and emotions in the context of their lived experiences of work. The specific contribution of this paper to the field of hospitality studies is to analyse migrants’ experiences in the tourism and hospitality sector putting emotions in the centre.

Mobility and emotions

Spatial mobility is concerned with how different emotions encompass individual and social aspects? The process of self-understanding in challenging situations (Conradson and McKay, 2007) and emotional engagement either with home or host society are some of these aspects (Svašek, 2010). Emotional processes shape human mobility and vice versa as much in the case of lifestyle migration (O’Reilly, 2003, 2007; Walsh, 2012) as in the case of labour migration (Wright, 2011). The role of emotions in the creation of affective states has been well documented (Ashkanasy and Humphey, 2011; Izard, 1991). In fact, on a personal level conflicting emotions such as excitement, fear, hope and joy before departure might significantly influence migrants’ first experiences. While on a social level, emotional interactions with relatives and friends in the home country; contacts established with the host society; relationships with peer migrants influence migrants’ emotional state (Janta et al., 2011a). The rupture that mobility represents in the lives of migrants can elicit emotional strengths as much as weaknesses (Holtmann and Tramonte, 2014). Feeling alarmed, frustrated or sad may strongly limit persons’ communication skills and working efficiency (Briner, 1999; Zapf et al., 1999). As Pratt and Doucet (2000) underlined individuals hardly experience only negative or positive feelings, ambivalent feelings in organisational relationships much better address employees’ emotional responses. With migrant workers, such states may involve feelings of confidence, discomfort or insecurity, all of which may shape the quality and nature of the social contacts they establish within their host society.

Mobility is conceived as a multistage life experience incorporating positive and negative emotions, such as hope and fear influence migrants’ social integration (Ek et al., 2008; Flamm and Kaufmann, 2006; Weishaar, 2010). Ek et al. (2008) argued that psychosocial resources such as active coping strategies and positive attitude towards future were determinant to young migrants’ social integration. The authors demonstrated that better educated and more optimistic individuals were more willing to migrate from rural to urban settlements. Their findings show that the decision to migrate was influenced by emotions, personal traits and attitude. Accordingly, Weishaar (2010) exploring coping strategies of Polish migrants argued that emotion-regulating coping such as positive attitude in challenging situations and emotional support of family members and friends helped migrants to overcome difficulties.

Frieberg’s study (2012) of Polish migrants in Norway identified three categories of work migration namely, temporary work, transnational commuting and permanent settlement. In the present paper, mobility is conceptualized as transnational movement of people who have social interactions as in the host country as in the sending country and their networks are continuously changing according to the life stage to which individuals have progressed.

Once the decision of travelling to a foreign country with working motivation is taken imagination of a desired improved life might be shadowed by the fear of the unknown and unexpected situations. Yijälä and Jasinskaja-Lahti (2010) argued that acculturation process starts before leaving the country of origin. Certain socio-psychological determinants such as self-esteem, self-competence and awareness of possible difficulties were decisive in migrants’ experiences. Issues of met expectations are relevant in the context of employment and constitute a key factor in mobility (Brown et al., 2008). During the very first months in the host country emotions might vary from excitement to anxiety. Heilbrunn et al. (2010) observed that stress and anxiety generated by the barriers in the labour market frustrated migrants’ integration. When individuals have already settled, emotions may vary from disappointment and sadness to satisfaction and self-fulfilment (Weishaar, 2010).

Perceptions of the future host country are influenced by several sources and factors such as previous tourism experiences at the destination (Aitken and Hall, 2000; Bowen and Shouten, 2008; Williams and Hall, 2000) or narratives of family members and friends (Christou, 2011; Lawson, 2000). In more cases, narratives are intermingled with the narrators’ subjectivity about past experiences and are also influenced by their emotional state lived in that situations (Ahmed, 2013; Rydzik et al., 2012; Smith, 2006).

During the first months of migration the social network established with fellow co-nationals in the host country and frequent contacts with family and friends in the home country alleviate negative emotions such as homesickness (Ladkin, 2011). After approximately the first five or six months of living in the host country social networks are already established, the first difficulties related to workplace and living conditions are overcome (Janta et al., 2011b). Individuals are experiencing their new ‘grey’ everyday life abroad. Although those who cannot bear the frequent emotional ups and downs of being a migrant worker usually opt for return migration (Reagan and Olsen, 2000). The emotional responses in this stage result to be more balanced because migrants decided to settle in the host country leading to the acceptance of their social status as (im)migrants (Massay and Akresh, 2006). Satisfaction with the achieved goals and confident behaviour reinforce self-esteem and might render better work efficiency.

Labour migrants in the hospitality industry

Using mobilities as an exploratory framework Duncan et al. (2013) highlighted that the conventional management thinking of tourism and hospitality employment which generally considers unskilled, low paid labour process, can be challenged by an interdisciplinary approach. The authors emphasized that the internationally and culturally mobile tourism and hospitality workforce is required to have ‘soft’ skills and aesthetical features. Similar results were traced by Wildes (2005) who studied the reasons why young hospitality employees’ would hardly deem the service providing sector a good career pathway. Hospitality sector is considered by recent migrants a good entry point to the labour market but not career place to achieve (Alberti, 2014). In the hospitality industry Prentice and King (2011) analysed the emotional intelligence and service performance of employees. While the importance of self-evaluation and job outcomes was highlighted by Karatepe (2011).

Mobility is an option to extend labour market and career opportunities as Williams (2009) defined through the concept of labour migrants’ employability. Labour mobility, employability and migrants’ employment in tourism and hospitality have already attracted wide academic attention (Janta et al., 2011a, 2011b; Szivas et al., 2003). As Szivas et al. (2003) argued referring to the transitional era of the 1990s in Central and Eastern Europe, a period with significant economic and social change, tourism employment fulfilled particular roles. Moving to tourism and hospitality as a career opportunity was based on several motivations but the positive outlook on tourism jobs alluding to the freedom to travel emerged as a common trait.

Janta et al. (2011a, 2011b) analysed in depth migrant workers’ adaptation strategies. The authors’ comprehensive study on the experiences of Polish migrant workers employed in the UK tourism sector offer valuable insights on migrants’ interpersonal interactions. As the authors outlined tourism and hospitality employment facilitates social exchanges between host community and other migrants from different ethnic backgrounds. This provides both high- and low-skilled migrants access to various social networks. To work in hospitality enables migrants to improve their linguistic and cultural competence and facilitates social integration.

However, barriers such as lack of language proficiency, inadequate human capital, lack of network and unfamiliarity with local culture might render migrant employees’ social and economic integration challenging. As Ladkin (2011) observed poor language skills constrain migrants to accept low paid and the lowest grade jobs far from enhancing their skills and competence. Front office workers in the hotel industry, as Baum and Devine (2007) highlighted, are increasingly cosmopolitan and master more than one language, although communication in good English constitutes a priority.

Although much attention was given to the phenomenon of post-accession labour migration, the analysis of the dichotomy between migrant workers’ vicissitudes deriving from being guests in a foreign country and their ‘hosting’ role in the hospitality sector seem to have been neglected by researchers. The aim here is to highlight how migrants’ emotional responses in challenging situations influence their perceptions about themselves and about the host country.

Methodology

The empirical research focussed on migrants’ expectations before and during their stay in the host country, their adaptation strategies and emotional responses in challenging situations. The qualitative method of interview was selected because it is considered to be a culturally sensitive method of investigation, suitable to trace inner thoughts and emotions related to personal decisions and experiences (Flamm and Kaufmann, 2006).

Sources of data and sample

The research was conducted on a group of Hungarian migrants who had at least three months working experience in the hospitality sector in London following Hungary’s accession to the European Union in 2004. Only Hungarians employed in the tourism and hospitality sector were contacted and interviewed. The research started with a convenience sample asking the authors’ friends and relatives living in the UK (mainly in London) to participate in the research. Snowball sampling has been proven successful in research on migrants, although applying only this method has the risk to create a homogeneous sample. In order to avoid homogeneity in the sample, our students at Kodolanyi University of Applied Sciences (Hungary) were asked for their contacts and acquaintances living in London and working in the catering sector. Combining convenience and snowball samples a total of 78 participants working in tourism and hospitality were contacted. By the time of the interview 54 respondents had returned home, while 24 were still residing in London.

While the qualitative sample was mixed in gender, the majority of the interviewed were female (n = 48). Individuals in our sample were young, 29 respondents belonged to the age group 18–24, while 40 participants were 24–44 years old. The sample contained fairly educated migrants, 26% had a Bachelor degree, while 13.5% had a vocational training degree. The geographical origin of the sample was also varied, 36% of the respondents were from Budapest, the capital city of Hungary. While other respondents came from different Hungarian regions and many originated from small villages. The interviews were conducted between February and May 2011. This sample is not statistically representative, although internal validity within the sample is assured by relative gender balance, age and education of respondents.

Data collection

The interviews were conducted in Budapest with those migrants who had returned to Hungary (n = 54) and on Skype with those who were still living in the UK during the period of the research (n = 24). The interviews were pre-arranged, lasting between 40 minutes and 60 minutes and were conducted in Hungarian. The authors of the paper are fellow Hungarian nationals with personal experience in international mobility which facilitated confidence with the interviewed. Confidence and trust in the interviewer were key to explore migrant workers’ emotions in the context of their anticipation and lived experiences of work in the UK. The use of Skype (n = 24) for research was considered to be the easiest and most cost-efficient way since all the participants affirmed to have good Internet connection and the interview could be conducted ‘face-to-face’. Although, Skype interviews offer limited interpersonal contacts between the interviewed and researcher with the risk to miss narrative richness and depth.

Data analysis

The interviews were semi-structured containing 21 questions in addition to the demographical data on respondents. The interviews were organized in three sections: in the first section, questions were related to emotions and perceptions prior to migration. The purpose was to explore prior knowledge on the host country and migrants’ expectations related to their new life stage experience. In the second section, the interview focussed upon the employment stage in the host country investigating migrants’ adjustment capacities, coping and adaptation. The third part of the interview mainly focussed upon the emotional responses concerning the overall migration experience. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed for content analysis. The data were subsequently coded, categorized and analysed thematically in order to identify key issues.

Emotional responses of Hungarian hospitality employees’

Anticipatory feelings of mobility

Elicited mixed feelings like excitement along with fear for future experiences were recalled by the Hungarian respondents while describing their anticipatory emotions about migration. In order to acquire more security in oneself and to feel prepared for challenges getting information from trustworthy sources seemed to be essential to overcome migrants’ doubts and apprehension about mobility. To expand social networks and to feel more confident migrants consulted online forums as a primary source on job possibilities and on the British social environment. Virtual communities of fellow nationals working in London and general information available on the Internet were considered to be crucial to feel prepared for the forthcoming experiences.

“After taking the decision to go to work to the UK I spent a lot of time on the internet, reading forums and searching for information on jobs and other. Fortunately I have found many things. I thought that if everyone succeeds I will succeed as well. It seemed to be so easy.” (Male, 25–44)

Beside the Internet, the primary sources of information about the UK and about the job opportunities, legal restrictions, health insurance and general living conditions were offered by family members and friends already employed in the UK. The trustworthiness of kin’s and friends’ narratives enhanced confidence and determination of migrants.

“I had never been to the UK before, so I had no idea about it. I had information through my friends who were working in the UK for three months already. Also many of mine acquaintances had been there so I had some information also from them. The internet was extremely useful. […] I knew that I would have a completely different life in the UK.” (Female, 25–44)

During the interviews participants were asked about their perceptions about the UK and the image they had about the place where they planned to live for a period of time (at least three months). Respondents mentioned several sources of information to influence their perception about the host country which could be categorized to explore emotional responses through different experiences. A content analysis of migrants’ views revealed the following five key perceptual categories: 1. the country attracted me since childhood; 2. I have studied/read a lot about British culture and history; 3. I have visited the country as a tourist; 4. I have seen it in several films and television programmes; 5. My family members / friends who are settled in the UK have spoken a lot about it.

Respondents who have had previous knowledge about British culture and history imagined the UK as an aristocratic country where people were well-mannered but strict and distant. Only a minority of the interviewed had already visited the UK as a tourist. Individuals with tourism experiences in the UK were more aware of possible difficulties to be faced in the host country. Perceptions gained during these tourist journeys show a wide range of first impressions eliciting emotions. These impressions nurtured further perplexities and insecurity about cultural and social habits deemed to be strange or different. Food was one of the frequently mentioned odd factors. British food in general was considered unfamiliar by respondents. Only the ‘full English breakfast’, typically offered for tourists, was recalled with positive adjectives for its spicy and greasy characteristics, very much present in Hungarian dishes.

Different housing and living habits were also noted. One respondent said the she was surprised to see that no curtains were framing the windows in London and residents seemed undisturbed about letting anyone peep into their private lives. This cultural perception might derive from different cultural and social habits. For Hungarians private life is a kind of sacral realm to be protected from strangers. The echo of 40 years of socialist rule in Hungary might offer another dimension of this perception. Under communism nobody could have been trusted and “even the walls had ears”. Neighbours, acquaintances or even kins easily denounced anyone for “suspicious” behaviours or activities.

Emotional responses of lived experiences

Feeling accepted and confident is important to establish social relations and to make the first steps towards social integration in the sense of belonging to the host community (Kearns and Withley, 2015). The perceived image of multicultural British cities and especially the great variety of people and cultures living in London impressed migrants. During the interviews almost all the respondents evoked their surprise to see so many different people in London and to experience life in such a vibrant city. On one hand, astonishment and fear were reported and many respondents recalled tension and feeling alarmed in the multicultural environment. It is worth highlighting that several participants in the research originated from small Hungarian cities or rural villages with no foreign residents. On the other hand, the culturally rich environment and the coexistence of so many nationalities in London were conceived positive. Migrants’ perceptions were enhanced by the hope that it would be easier for foreigners to get integrated in a multiethnic society where almost everyone was a ‘stranger’.

“I knew that many different people were living in London, so I thought that people were direct and open minded and it would be easy to get integrated. […] I was rather confident but felt scared as well. I had no idea how to handle such an overwhelming cultural diversity.” (Male, 25–44)

Most respondents claimed that although bearing no previous experiences of living in a multicultural society they had great expectations and felt adventurous and hopeful. According to respondents these expectations, in many cases however, turned to be disappointments. Establishing direct contacts with British citizens, a pivotal sign of integration and one of migrants’ wishes, resulted to be difficult due to the lack of social interaction. Respondents alluded to the relative easiness to keep social contacts with fellow migrants but remembered with bitterness the missing opportunities to establish relationships with the British.

Migrants’ expectations were self-enhanced by imaging the overall mobility experience to be successful. To feel welcomed by host society, to have a chance to enhance proper skills and, last but not least, to gain a higher income than in Hungary comprised their expectations.

“The first time when I decided to go to work abroad I could think only about the great amount of money that I would earn. If I have to be honest I did not even consider whether the working conditions were better or worse compared to my job in Hungary. I thought that the money would compensate me for the poor working conditions.” (Male, 25–44)

As the previously analysed research results demonstrated (Alberti, 2014; Janta et al., 2011a, 2011b) migrant workers in the tourism sector usually tend to accept the lowest grade jobs because they lack sufficient language skills, knowledge about the working culture and lack of social networks. Respondents in our research confirmed these results. Hospitality workers quickly realized that to work in the UK is not a ‘triumphal march’. Coping with several unexpected situations eliciting disappointment and sadness was emotionally demanding. Unrealistically high expectations can result in low satisfaction; reality can be a sort of shock for newcomers but positive attitude and self-confidence might help to overcome challenging situations.

Managing disappointments and displaying positive emotions

The first months (3–4 months) of living in the UK were reported by some respondents as emotionally draining. Migrants face difficulties relating to living conditions, working experiences, contacts with flatmates, neighbours and colleagues. To increase uneasiness is the immersion into a completely different life situation with changes and challenges in all the aspects of everyday life. In the semi-structured interviews respondents were explicitly asked about their disappointments and satisfaction. The content analysis of the interviews provided the opportunity to establish the following categories to elaborate the emotional background of mobility: 1. Disappointments and negative emotions; 2. Challenges of living abroad; 4. Positive emotions and satisfaction; 5. ‘I would have never thought’.

Disappointment is one of the negative emotional experiences related to the perception of reality (Smith et al., 2003). More fundamentally, disappointment is reflecting the frustration of expectations. The extent of the reaction arising from disappointment depends on the so-called frustration tolerance. Respondents addressed several aspects of mobility that caused disappointment and elicited negative emotions. Disappointment, fear and uneasiness shadowed the first experiences in the host country. The sources of disappointment generated by external factors were identified to be related to the lodging conditions, general living conditions and working conditions.

“My room was small and smelly. I was crying while entering there. It was awful.” (Female, 18–24)

“My flat was very much under the basic Hungarian living standards.” (Male, 18–24)

“At my workplace reality was completely different from what we had agreed upon.” (Male, 18–24)

Poor physical living conditions were unexpected, generated discomfort and enhanced the feeling of being marginalised. Most of the Hungarian hospitality employees participating in our research (more than 31% of the respondents) claimed that they had no prior expectations related to their future working and living conditions, although poor living conditions shocked them. One of the interviewees stated with resilience that she was prepared for the worst still she felt ashamed for her conditions. In the initial stage of migration most of them would have accepted any kind of legal job. Hence, it is worth to note that 17% of the respondents affirmed the wish to be employed in the tourism and hospitality sector. During the interviews it emerged that there is a secondary source of disappointment that could be defined as internal source of frustration. These internal sources of disappointment and negative feelings to feel miserable, uncomfortable or worried were related to the recognition of inappropriate language skills. But even more significant was the discovery of conflicting emotions about migrants’ ‘old’ and ‘new’ self. Life in Hungary started to be mystified and the lost social role was recalled with nostalgia. Despite the wish to be successful at work, negative emotions such as anger, frustration and shame limited migrants’ work efficiency.

“I thought that I was fluent in English. I was studying English for twelve years, but I had communication problems.” (Female, 18–24)

“It was so frustrating to think that I would become a housekeeper.” (Female, 25–44)

“I am doing a job that I had never ever accepted to do at home.” (Female, 25–44)

“My biggest disappointment was with people. They disdain us.” (Female, 25–44)

Migrant hospitality workers’ self-image and self-perception were challenged. Confidence in oneself, in proper skills, increases expectations of working life and a career in the home country. Our respondents affirmed that they had to reconfigure themselves and had to find those values that could have enabled them to reconstruct their self-image. The new situation of being far from home, even if it is planned for a short period of time, might elicit negative emotions. In fact, experiences and emotions gathered under the category of ‘challenges of living abroad’ were related to those situations where flexibility, sense of humour and positive attitude were needed. Identifying emotions by people naming it or claiming particular emotions in their speech helped to categorize their emotional experiences. Fear, homesickness, sadness and loneliness were mentioned by respondents as the major difficulties during the initial stage of migration. One of the respondents who has been working in a pub in London since 2004 claimed that the difficulties were related to living conditions. She would have preferred to rent a flat by her own, but it was expensive and she had to share even her room. She said that in the flat it was extremely cold but they ‘managed to survive’.

Respondents remembered numerous episodes which elicited positive emotions and satisfaction. It must be mentioned here that the perception and interpretation of reality depend on personal traits and internal sources which differ from one person to another. Many interviewees underlined that they were open minded and optimist who liked working with people and were able to adapt quickly to new situations. Optimism and positive emotions were essential to overcome difficulties and to be able to display positive feelings at the workplace. Costumers in hotels or restaurants expect the personnel to be kind, smiling and professional. Hospitality workers who consciously worked to overcome their negative feelings and disappointment more easily could display positive emotions at work.

“I hoped to get a job in London, but I am happy that things went in a different way. I thought that the capital city was itself a miracle but I was disappointed about it. I had no idea about the villages or small cities, I have never wanted to go there. Now I am really happy to work here, I would not change this peaceful environment for London.” (Warwick, male, 25–44)

Happy moments were linked to leisure time or to apparently insignificant moments when migrants felt ‘at home’ in the host country. One of the respondents evoked that her happiest moment in the UK was when fishing with her colleagues, she felt as annoyed as she used to be with her grandfather. Although she retained fishing as an extremely boring sport it elicited nostalgic emotions and comforted her. Most respondents affirmed that they just accepted the way things happened around them and they tried to get used to it. In fact, adjustment capacities are evidenced through the interviews when respondents outlined how they reacted with flexibility to challenges at their workplace.

The ‘I would have never thought’ category, in our understanding reflects in the best way the mismatches between migrants’ anticipations and their actual experiences. During the interviews respondents frequently repeated this phrase with incredulity. They pointed out not only the unexpected situations they found themselves in but also their surprise in discovering their own unexpected reactions in challenging situations. Respondents claimed to have discovered their unknown character traits which could emerge only in that particular situation. Indeed, respondents commented that coping with acculturation stress was alleviated through flexibility, less critical attitude and acceptance of the fact that usually difficulties can be faced in a multitude of manners. One of the respondents reminded the empowering feeling to trust only in her own efforts and she “felt that success or failure was contingent solely upon her efforts”. Furthermore, the willingness to succeed and the wish to make the best out of the mobility experience generated energy to face tough situations. As one of the respondents highlighted the strong wish to a job shadowed all her other emotions. Suppressing her negative emotions of despair and stress induced her to focus on her primary goal. Through this mental process she discovered a new trait – perseverance – in her personality. She acknowledged that probably without experiencing the extreme situation of mobility this character feature would have remained hidden.

Most respondents mentioned that they would have never thought to establish contacts with so many different nationalities and to feel at home in the company of Central Eastern European migrants. Hungarians are rather individualistic and due to historical reasons keep a certain distance from nationals originated from Hungary’s neighbouring countries. Social interactions with Slovaks, Romanians and Serbs helped our respondents to reconsider their own national identity and to reinterpret their notions on neighbourhood relationships.

Settled migrants’ emotional experiences

In this paragraph semi-structured interviews conducted with the 24 Hungarians who were still living and working in the UK during the research are analysed. Respondents belonged to the 25–44 age group and were all employed in the hospitality sector. During the interviews participants were asked about their positive and negative emotions experienced during their stay in the host country. Respondents’ retrospective accounts focussed on the reasons of settlement in the UK. Migrants felt more secure with established social networks. Positive emotions about the migratory experience were elicited once the initial shock of being catapulted into a brand new environment has disappeared and the first difficulties have been overcome. Although, many respondents aimed to permanently settle in the UK claimed that homesickness surprised them.

“At the beginning I had bad jobs, I suffered homesickness which was unbearable. This influenced my mood and everything in my life. I had to return home for a couple of months. I improved my English because I thought that was the problem. When I came back to London I could handle better my homesickness and humiliations and other. Since we are living here with my boyfriend I consider this place my home. But my HOME is always Hungary.” (Female, 25–44)

Establishing social contacts with colleagues and neighbours, enhancing their network capital as much in the physical as in the virtual environment eased migrants to take the decision to stay in London. Still, much importance was adhered to virtual contacts with the loved ones in Hungary. In this respect, the feeling to be a guest, a foreigner could not be alleviated. To purchase a good laptop with a fast Internet connection was among the basic needs to nurse at-a-distance relationships. Moreover, virtual communities and social media networks had twofold beneficiary effects, a source to gather practical information and to overcome the feeling of loneliness.

“I think all the Hungarians use the same devices and services. I speak to my family every day using Skype, MSN or social media. Otherwise I could not survive.” (Female, 25–44)

The respondent used the verb ‘survive’ that alludes her strong emotional reaction to the necessity to feel her family close to her. Her fragile emotional state had to be hidden at workplace while uneasiness of being a migrant challenged her work performance.

Social exchanges at work were conceived as one of the most relevant platforms to negotiate migrants’ emotional state. Adjustment capacities are reinforced by everyday contacts with co-nationals, colleagues from different nationalities and local people. Most of our respondents felt socially integrated, even though they affirmed to have no contacts with British people due to lack of social interaction either in the public and the private sphere. Establishing relationships with so many different nationalities elicited the feeling of being a cosmopolitan citizen proud of one’s own origin and diversity.

Evaluating their overall emotional well-being in the host country respondents stated to live a less stressful life in the UK compared to their life in Hungary. The interviews revealed that the working environment, despite initial difficulties, was retained more balanced and less stressing in the UK than in the home country. Main reasons were acknowledged in migrants’ attitude to care less about social judgments on how to be a successful immigrant. In more, to feel less influenced by social pressure and to become more trustful in proper skills helped them to reach emotional balance. According to migrants’ self reports personal confidence increased their working efficiency and their positive feelings could be more naturally displayed at work. Moreover, coping with acculturation stress has been gradually overcome and after having established a daily routine migrants felt comfortable, serene and somehow satisfied with their life.

Conclusions

Current thinking on international mobility suggests that the phenomenon should be observed and analysed from a multitude of perspectives. The categories of highly skilled and low skilled migrants have become superfluous distinctions because in the initial period of migration highly skilled migrants, in many cases, would accept any kind of legal job (Alberti, 2014). In our research, most of the respondents claimed to have only basic information about the host country and hosting society prior to the migratory experience. However, upon arrival the disappointment to recognise that their anticipated expectations about living and working conditions failed to be met was overwhelming. Migrants had to purposefully manage their emotions to overcome challenging situations and to reflect on their self-image. It is worth noting that higher educated migrant hospitality workers with embedded social network nurtured higher expectations compared to those who just jumped into the mobility experience and would have accepted any kind of job.

The changing paradigm related to labour migration, the recognition of the own efforts and willingness related to career opportunities are enhanced by the peculiar situation of international mobility. Respondents with an optimist attitude and prevalently recalling positive emotions even in challenging situations affirmed to felt surprise in realizing to be flexible and open minded. These personal traits, attitude and the prompt reaction to unexpected situations are added values to human capital which are given a high relevance in the international labour market.

The understanding of contemporary migration flows reveals several factors and motivations affecting mobility. Beyond economic benefits, reasons for mobility compounded the desire to extend international social network capital, to improve language and professional skills and experience-seeking (Williams and Baláž, 2008). Although, the wider interconnections of mobility, employment and emotions have only just started to be explored. This research aimed contributing to the advancement of knowledge the impact of emotions upon hospitality employees’ evaluation of their experiences while working in the UK focusing on the dichotomy between migrant workers’ vicissitudes deriving from being guests in a foreign country and their ‘hosting’ role in the hospitality sector.

The peculiarity of Hungarian nationality can be traced in the culturally specific attitude and work ethics. More than 26 years passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The consequent political, social and economical changes turned to be a heavy burden on a society used to social security and presumed equality. As permanent unemployment became a social phenomenon and living standards declined, mental and physical illnesses due to stress and depression become widespread in the active working population (Kopp et al., 2007). Great expectations to re-enter the European community shadowed the bitterness of historical victimisation. Hungary felt abandoned by the Western countries in 1956 during the revolution against the Soviet rule. Through the EU accession Hungary tried to reconquest its place in Europe (Berend, 2007). During the interviews most respondents affirmed to felt disappointment because in the UK anyone coming from Central Eastern Europe is thought to belong to the same homogeneous group. Following the EU accession labour mobility from Poland was intensive and the hospitality sector offered employment for many. Campaigns around the issues of the ‘Polish plumber’ were embedded in social discourses on mobility and the overall negative perception was that Polish were everywhere (Janta et al., 2011a, 2011b). Hungarians felt the need to accept their changed identity affected by being guests in a foreign country and had to handle the mismatches between their anticipated and lived experiences in the UK.

The theoretical contribution of this research is to place migrants’ emotions in the focus of the analysis of migrant labour force in the hospitality sector. Evidence was gathered on how emotional responses effect migrant employees’ mood and consequently work efficiency.

The practical implications of the research are as follows: 1. recruiting agencies should offer a balanced image of the host country and should prepare migrants as much as possible to the different living and working conditions. Communication channels should be enlarged to online forums and virtual communities tracking the experience of migrants. 2. Ambitious, self-confident and determined workers, ready to accept low skilled jobs for a period of time, represent a valuable resource for employers. Hospitality employers having a clear understanding of the emotional background situation of migrant employees should help them to overcome those difficulties which impede to develop their working efficiency. Ease contacts among colleagues, verbal recognition of the efforts that migrants make to be integrated and accepted would significantly enhance their working capacity. International mobility in the hospitality sector is going to increase in future and a better understanding of emotional processes experienced by employees could mitigate individual and social tensions.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: the National Research Fund (OTKA) K100953 research project.

Author Biographies

Anna Irimias, PhD has been an Associate Professor in Tourism Geography at Kodolányi János University of Applied Sciences Hungary since 2008. She graduated from the University of Messina in Italy in 2004 where she was awarded her PhD in Human Geography in 2008. She has taught various tourism-related courses in Spain, Norway, Turkey and Italy. She has recently published her book and she is the author/coauthor of more than 50 academic publications. Her current research interests include the nexus between migration and tourism, cultural tourism, film induced tourism, warscapes and heritage management.

Gábor Michalkó, Prof. Dr. is a scientific advisor at the Geographical Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and Professor of Tourism at Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary. He graduated from the University of Debrecen, Hungary in 1993 with a Master degree in Geography and History. He also received a BA in Tourism from the Budapest Business School in 2000. He was awarded a Ph.D. in Geography from the University of Debrecen in 1998. His recent research interests include urban tourism, shopping tourism, health tourism, and the relationship between tourism and quality of life. He has published 8 books and more than 150 scientific articles in different languages. He is vice-president of the Hungarian Geographical Society.

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