Migrant associations' dynamics in Luxembourg

Introduction

International migration is a permanent and ubiquitous phenomenon that induces changes in both countries of origin and in countries of settlement (Siskova, 2001). Mobility repercussions go beyond the physical displacement of persons or populations. People travel with their culture, religion and traditions. Over the years, international migration has contributed to a metamorphosis of physical structure and socioeconomic composition of urban areas (Sykora, 2008). The rapid growth in diversity of European cities has pulled in new waves of immigrants. This progressive transformation of spatial structures has been subsequently reflected both in new forms of interactions between representatives of a majority and minorities as well as in new forms of migrant integration strategies. In this respect, the European cities gave birth to new forms of ethnicity itself and ethnic-related jobs (Magocsi, 1999). Today's cultural richness plays an even more important role in directing migrants towards particular destinations than a purely economic interest (Giddens, 1984). While the family networks determine, to a large extent, the direction of migration flows, the diaspora networks open the door to the socioeconomic life in the host country (Mattei, 2009). In general, the successful socioeconomic integration of immigrants is a long-term process in which different participants are involved. The level of success varies significantly within the groups of immigrants.

According to one group of researchers, the integration process, the inclusion of individual actors in already existing social and economic systems (Esser, 2004), is generally easier for those immigrants who share similar socio-cultural characteristics to members of the host society (Drbohlav, 2003). Another group of researchers declares that immigrants have always the same demands and needs and therefore the success of their integration depends essentially on the willingness of the host society to implement specific integration measures towards immigrants: if the host society does not dispose of effective instruments to integrate its own citizens, it finds it usually difficult to integrate immigrants (Uherek, 2005).

We may suppose that the reality is somewhere in the middle: the integration process of immigrants depends to some extent upon their human and social capital (Castles, 2008), but it is also affected by the general attitude of the host society. If neither of those favours the socioeconomic integration of immigrants, community-based networks start to emerge (Centlivres, 2006). It is the opportunity structure that determines the emergent forms of the mobilization (Odmalm, 2004). Community-based networks can be seen as agents who both cultivate transnational ties and raise socialization performance which can be supportive for migrants' inclusion in their country of settlement (Amelina and Faist, 2008; Froy and Giguère, 2007).

In host societies, these community networks take often forms of ‘migrant associations'. Migrant associations are ‘voluntary groupings of immigrants and their descendants' (De Haas, 2006) based on solidarity, reciprocity and collective strength which wields power and resources to forge collective benefits (Putnam, 2000). They serve a myriad of purposes, many of which supplement functions offered by the state and the private sector. In general, by means of their culture of origin and their mother tongues, associations provide the immigrants with access to those sources of information that are necessary for his or her integration in the labour market and into the society as a whole (Bosswick and Heckmann, 2006; Jacobs and Mertz, 2010).

Alexis de Tocqueville considered associations as the building blocks of civil society – the intermediary between the family, political institutions and the market (Tocqueville, 1850). Putnam (2000) appreciates their collective value that he calls a social capital. Putnam sees the principal function of social capital as ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’. Bonding capital connects individuals who are similar to sustain in-group reciprocity. Bridging capital connects individuals who are diverse to sustain generalized reciprocity. While bonding is important to cultivate trust, cooperation and collective strength among individuals and groups with shared history, experience and common purpose, especially if they are historically oppressed or marginalized, bridging is important to build consensus among different groups representing diverse interests for increased collective resource and social capital (Putnam, 1993). The degree of adhesion of members to migrant associations is affected by many factors such as intent, belief, resources, preferences, needs and risks.

This article summarizes the results of post-doctoral research conducted within the Centre for intercultural and social studies and training in Luxembourg (CEFIS Luxembourg) funded by the National Research Fund, Luxembourg and the Marie Curie Actions of the European Commission (FP7-COFUND). It analyses to what extent the recent economic crisis affected the community ties of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants residing in one of the richest and the most densely immigrant-populated countries: the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. Research questions include:

Have the community ties become stronger since the outbreak of the economic crisis?

Do migrant associations play the role of ‘job facilitators’?

What kind of services are solicited mostly, and by whom?

Methodological approach

This post-doctoral research is based on the analysis of 89 semi-structured interviews conducted in the period between 31 December 2011 and 30 June 2013 in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. The semi-structured interviews took place with associations of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants, sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants themselves, ¹ non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and research institutes. The main goal of the semi-structured interviews was to evaluate the repercussions of the economic crisis on the social and economic integration of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants in Luxembourg and to analyse the community dynamics in the process.

While preparing the interviews with sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants, we paid particular attention to the selection of the right questions in order to avoid any cultural misunderstandings or manifestations of disrespect. We used two ‘test interviewees’ from the sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav community to be sure that questions were well understood. Any detected culturally sensitive questions were either deleted or treated with extreme caution. The semi-structured interviews were held principally in French or in English. In only a few specific cases, they were conducted in Serbo-Croatian or in Portuguese. The choice of language depended on respondents' preference.

Representatives of migrants' associations, NGOs and research institutes were selected from the national databases on the basis of predetermined criteria. Migrant respondents were selected on the recommendation of representatives of 20 migrants' associations and this number was subsequently extended by using ‘snowball sampling’. ² Most of the interviewed respondents were official members or volunteers of the contacted migrant associations. In order to obtain the most reliable picture of the migrants' behaviour, we took into account the proportional distribution of migrant populations in Luxembourg (especially with respect to gender and age). Moreover, we paid attention to the selection of a wide range of variation on dimensions of interest in order to discover/uncover central themes, core elements and/or shared dimensions that cut across a diverse sample (Leech and Onwuegbuzie, 2009). All conducted interviews with migrants were based on principles of anonymity to protect the personal data of respondents and to avoid any eventual stigmatization. Only those interviews that were conducted with representatives of migrant associations, NGOs and academic institutions were not anonymous if the interviewee wished to quote his or her name in the study.

Description of groups of respondents (n = 81):

(a) Semi-structured interviews with representatives of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav associations helped us to get an insight into the forms, functions and dynamics of community networks at the time of the economic crisis.

Altogether nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of sub-Saharan associations originally from Cape Verde, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Senegal, Madagascar, and Gambia, namely: Cap-Vert Espoir et Développement, Comité Spencer, Cameroon Rural Support, Maison d'Afrique, Lokole, Fille du Sahel, Luxembourg Action et Développement au Sénégal, Zaza Faly, and Les amis de Gambie. Eleven semi-structured interviews were held with representatives of ex-Yugoslav associations originally from Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Serbia, namely: Nvo Evropska Dijaspora Crne Gore, Lëtzebuerg-Crna Gora, Coopération Luxembourg Monténégro, Communauté culturelle bosniaque du Luxembourg, BD Fond Luxembourg, Journal DIWAN, Centre culturel islamique du Nord, Association islamique et cultuelle du Sud, Association islamique Le Juste Milieu, Shoura, Union des jeunes actifs.

(b) The interviews with sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants themselves helped us to discover the personal strategies that members of these two communities used to adopt in order to tackle with repercussions of the economic crisis, in particular on the labour market.

Altogether 40 semi-structured interviews were conducted with sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants (with equal representation of men and women, aged between 25 and 60) who had been legally residing in the Luxembourgish territory for at least one year.

(c) Interviews with representatives of public NGOs helped us to analyse the array of services provided by NGOs to sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants in order to improve their integration into the labour market and into the society at the time of the economic crisis.

Altogether 14 semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of the most important Luxembourgish NGOs assisting migrants and refugees, namely: Association de soutien aux travailleurs immigrés (ASTI), Caritas, Comité de liaison des associations d'étrangers (CLAE), Centre de pastorale en monde du travail (CPMT) and Réseau pour le travail et la promotion humaine (RTPH).

(d) And finally, semi-structured interviews with representatives of the academic sector helped us to put the research findings into the global context of the international migration.

Seven semi-structured interviews were held with researchers affiliated to the Centre for Research in the Social and Economic Sciences CEPS/INSTEAD, the University of Luxembourg and the Centre for Intercultural and Social Studies and Training in Luxembourg (CEFIS Luxembourg).

The research outcomes were evaluated by means of qualitative and mixed methods. Qualitative research methods (see below horizontal and transversal analyses) aimed to identify similarities and differences in attitudes of particular groups of respondents (migrant associations, migrants themselves, NGOs and researchers) and among them. The goal of a mixed method (see below mixed analysis) was to complete what was observed by searching for possible correlations and causal relations among different variables. While decoding the obtained data from the semi-structured interviews, we did not disclose any confidential data of the sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants. All semi-structured interviews were conducted in compliance with the Luxembourg FNR Ethical Charter and the Law on Data Protection.

Horizontal analysis (Comparison of protocols from semi-structured interviews with each other):

Can we find any resemblances among answers given by members of the same group of respondents?

Have we obtained any astonishing information from any of the selected group of respondents?

Migration waves towards the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and creation of the first associations

In 100 years, the population of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has doubled from nearly 260,000 in 1910 to over 530,000 in 2012 (data from General Review of Public Policies RGPP). Such exceptional demographic growth is solely due to mass immigration flows provoked by a rapid economic development of the country since the late 19th century. By luring the foreign labour force, the Luxembourgish government intended to provide the poor agricultural country with a new workforce for its expanding steel industry (in particular). In 1910, the foreign labour force working on steel plants already accounted for 15.3% of the total population of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and its number continued growing rapidly. Three years later, the foreign labour force represented altogether 60% of all employees working in the steel industry (Hausemer, 2008). As far as the country of origin is concerned, the first waves of the foreign labour force were essentially from Germany and Italy. Even if the German and the Italian workers were engaged by the Luxembourg government to accomplish the same economic purpose, their social status in the steel industry differed considerably. While German workers occupied the top positions in a company hierarchy (they were engaged as qualified engineers and managers for high wages), Italian workers occupied the bottom (they executed physically strenuous and low-qualified jobs as iron ore loaders and diggers for significantly lower wages). The traditional composition of the foreign workforce began to change significantly in 1972 when the government signed a new labour agreement with Portugal. At this particular moment, numerous Cape Verdeans holding Portuguese passports ³ left Portugal for the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (Kollwelter, 2007). These Portuguese workers were lured by Luxembourg's demand for cheap and unskilled labour in the industrial sector. In comparison with the Italian labour force holding only temporary work contracts (the duration of which hardly exceeded one year), the new wave of Portuguese could settle in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (after the adoption of favourable policy measures on family reunification) permanently. In recent times, the Portuguese migrants represent almost 40% of all 240,000 foreigners living in the Luxembourgish territory out of whom between 2500 and 8000 are of Cape Verdean origin (data obtained from the STATEC Luxembourg and the Embassy of the Republic of Cape Verde in Luxembourg differ significantly). The Cape Verdean immigration continued even after the shutting off of the majority of formerly important industrial sectors. In 2014, two-thirds of sub-Saharan immigrants are Cape Verdeans in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (Gerstnerova, 2014). For the past two decades, Cape Verdean immigrants – together with 15,000 to 30,000 ex-Yugoslav immigrants ⁴ (estimations based on RGPP data) – constitute the most numerous foreign communities coming into the country from outside the European Union. Owing to the generally low education levels of Cape Verdean immigrants, they are often recruited as cleaning and kitchen aids or construction workers. If we count one white collar worker for two blue collar workers in the general Luxembourgish population (aged 15–35 years), the score is one white collar worker for five blue collar workers in case of ex-Yugoslav and one white collar worker for 17 blue collar workers in the case of Cape Verdean immigrants (Hartung, 2010). The ex-Yugoslav immigrants, despite occupying similar positions on the Luxembourgish labour marker as Cape Verdeans, are generally highly educated. Unfortunately, their university diplomas are not readily recognized in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg or else they are missing (their diploma having been lost in war conflicts in the former Yugoslavia between 1991 and 1995).

According to the latest research, 30% of ex-Yugoslavs and 45% of Cape Verdeans are living on minimal wages in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (Manço et al., 2014).

The precarious socioeconomic situation of Cape Verdean and ex-Yugoslav immigrants on the Luxembourgish labour market has encouraged them to create self-help groups: migrant associations. In the last two decades, a number of associations of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants were created to deal with the most pressing concerns of their community members (accommodation, unemployment, papers, accidents of their family members in the country of origin, etc.). Only a closer look at their activities has revealed differences in their commitments. While the sub-Saharan associations continue to solve existential socio-economic problems, the ex-Yugoslav associations have taken a different direction and transformed themselves into cultural identity holders. Nevertheless, the recent economic crisis has affected, to a greater or lesser extent, the previously adopted roles of both studied communities.

Repercussions of the economic crisis on the employment of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants and their community life

In the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the intensity of intra-community ties varies in relation to: motives for immigration; implemented immigration and integration policies; stages of the integration process of immigrants; types of residence status of immigrants; place of residence of immigrants (capital city versus rural areas); current socio-economic situation of immigrants and business cycle. In times of economic crisis when employment becomes scarce, the number of immigrants interested in entering the community networks tends to increase. At that moment, migrant associations are contacted by the most vulnerable groups of immigrants that are at risk of poverty and social exclusion, in particular, newcomers and holders of short-term residential permits.

The end of 2008 will be remembered in Europe as a period when the economic crisis spread to all sectors of the real domestic economy. After hitting the finance and the real estate sectors, the shock wave reached the construction industry and other sectors, including services. The outbreak of the economic crisis has led to an increase in unemployment levels and a deterioration of job quality. ⁵ The economic crisis has also engendered an increase of the segmentation of the labour market (Frazer and Marlier, 2010) and induced sentiments of hostility between representatives of different communities (Ipsos, 2011). Whenever any difficulty occurred, people started seeking scapegoats and blaming others for taking their jobs (Kollwelter, 2012).

We may also suppose that the economic crisis has caused an upsurge in the informal economy (Gerstnerova, 2010). In this respect, the conducted research shows that, in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, there are groups of immigrants who have recently accepted unpaid work in order to regularize their situation on the labour market. The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg sometimes grants a residence permit (i.e. in case of family reunification) that is not accompanied by a work permit. Consequently, these immigrants must apply for a work permit at the Ministry of Labour on the basis of a contract pre-signed by the future employer. The conducted semi-structural interviews with immigrants revealed that some employers profit from the unstable residential situation of certain groups of immigrants to provide themselves with a free labour force for a whole year. The unpaid foreign workers do not usually put any charges against these employers even if they know that the employers are breaking the law. The foreign workers are afraid of giving themselves a bad reputation that may subsequently hamper their access to similar jobs all over the country. If the newcomers do not have work or do not have an official address (recognized by the public administration offices), they are obliged to leave the territory. The immigrants can also face deportation by the police if they are working illegally. The deportation is usually accompanied by an entry ban lasting from 3 to 10 years in all EU Member States.

Since 2010, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has experienced a darkening of employment opportunities for non-EU immigrants. During the last decade, unemployment levels have tripled and have reached 13% in Esch-sur-Alzette and Differdange, the most densely non-EU-immigrant-populated cities (data from Employment Development Agency ADEM in 2013). The time is long gone when non-EU immigrants had an array of choice in work opportunities. The employers have become more selective and a simple desire to work is no longer sufficient. Moreover, the non-EU immigrants have to face fierce competition from European citizens to whom the European Union guarantees advantageous access to the local labour market.

The economic situation appears to be the most difficult for groups of young and low-qualified workers. Social workers estimate that, in case of young low-qualified adults, unemployment levels may oscillate around 40% out of whom 50% are of Portuguese or Cape Verdean origin. Unfortunately, there are no official statistics in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg that could confirm these estimates. The official statistics refrain from using criteria like the country of origin of non-EU migrants for fear of making it possible to detect them. Therefore, foreigners from outside the European Union and the European Economic Area are usually grouped under the subdivision ‘non-EU residents’.

The research shows that the occurrence of difficulties in the labour market tends to reinforce, in the first place, the solidarity within existing family circles. In the second place (or in the case of absence of family circles, in the host society), it tends to revitalize other informal or formal social networks like migrant associations and NGOs (Lejealle et al., 2010). We observed that the existence of a functioning social network contributes, to a large extent, to the successful integration of immigrants into the labour market as well as into Luxembourgish society. By exchanging valuable information and experience, community networks play a crucial role in empowering vulnerable immigrants in the host society and in protecting immigrant families back in their countries of origin.

Since the outbreak of the economic crisis in 2008, the number of interested migrants in community networks has increased by approximately 25% (Gerstnerova, 2014). Almost 90% of all the interviewed sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants are now in regular contact with their community associations (Gerstnerova, 2014). The quickest growth of interest in activities provided by the sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav associations has been observed within the two most vulnerable groups of migrants: holders of temporary residence permits and solitary persons. In both cases, it is the lack of social ties that significantly complicates their integration processes.

In comparison with the associations of ex-Yugoslav migrants, the sub-Saharan associations are less numerous (in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, there are about 80 associations of ex-Yugoslav migrants and about 30 associations of sub-Saharan Africans) and have usually fewer members (while associations of sub-Saharan migrants count on average three to five members, associations of ex-Yugoslav migrants count 50 or more members). In general, the number of members reflects the level of interest in activities offered by the particular association. In this respect, the majority of migrant associations aiming to organize and promote religious activities (i.e. Bosnian Muslim associations in Luxembourg) are, in general, larger than associations attempting ‘only’ to promote the social exchange or the development of secular aspects of initial cultural identity (i.e. majority of the sub-Saharan associations in Luxembourg).

In times of economic crisis, the associations of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav immigrants are primarily appreciated for the provision of moral and emotional support notably to the newcomers and the second generation of immigrants in need. However, sometimes, they develop new services to overcome the most pressing problems of their members. For example, the associations of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants provide practical help with studying official languages (French, German and Luxembourgish), doing homework in order to achieve the secondary school diploma and searching for a job (information exchange, elaboration of CVs, contacting employers, etc.). The lack of time and lower budgets of the sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav associations somehow limit the offer, despite the general increase of interest from the vulnerable. The majority of these services have been, however, developed ‘ad hoc’ and do not usually have professional or stable footings.

Relations between the migrant associations and other local stakeholders (NGOs, local or regional administrations) have not improved during the economic crisis. Despite the general agreement of all stakeholders that, in times of economic crisis, the importance of functioning partnerships increases, any form of cooperation between local stakeholders meets only short-term goals. The utility of the migrant associations is in general seen in social and cultural exchange and the public administration support them accordingly (apart from the punctual financial contributions for cultural festivities and annual subsidies that oscillate between €100 and €1500, the public administration provide migrant associations with meeting rooms). In the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, there is no common institutional approach that would encourage collaboration among all local stakeholders in order to ameliorate the social and economic integration process of immigrants.

Although the sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav associations do not consider their activities as an alternative to public integration measures, they expressed a wish to be recognized as official interlocutors in the matter. The president of the Luxembourgish African House, David Foka, declares: ‘We are against the integration that is externally imposed, but for the integration that is lived out’. In general, the migrant associations have the necessary know-how concerning the socioeconomic situation of their members, they master the culture of the country of origin and they speak their languages. However, one of their weaknesses may be a lack of management and organization skills (Manço, 2010). Therefore, any cooperation between the migrant associations and other local stakeholders should start by the professionalization of migrant associations that may, in a long-term perspective, increase the efficiency of the mutual exchange.

Conclusion

The conducted research brings a new perspective to studies dealing with migrant associations operating in exile. With these examples of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav communities residing in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, we have examined their basic functions, forms, dynamics and limitations in the context of the current economic crisis. While, the majority of sub-Saharan immigrants used to consider the associations as problem-solving mediators, the ex-Yugoslav immigrants used to employ them as a medium for their socio-cultural entertainment. However, the objectives of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav associations change in harmony with the desires of their members and pressing needs emerging either in the host society, or in the country of origin.

At the time of the recent economic crisis, the sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav associations represent a place of security and moral support for their members. At this particular moment, their services are especially solicited by the most vulnerable group of migrants: newcomers without a family. The immigrants who have been installed in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg for less than five years are usually more afflicted by the repercussions of the economic crisis than long-term settlers with families. The lack of social ties in Luxembourg is often replaced by informal social networks: migrant associations. The migrant associations improve the access of newcomers to the labour market and to the host society as a whole while taking into consideration their initial cultural codes.

Since the onset of the current economic crisis, many activities have sprung up. Despite the general increase of interest from the vulnerable, the low budgets and the low professionalism levels of the majority of migrant associations limit the efficiency of what they can offer members. The migrant associations ought to be able to offer tailored learning courses or programs of individual assistance that would enable their representatives to promote their management and organization skills.

Notwithstanding the difficulties, the recent economic crisis has, to some extent, fortified the intra-community ties within groups of sub-Saharan and ex-Yugoslav migrants in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. The relations among different communities have, on the contrary, worsened. Good inter-community relations can be only established on a sustainable dialogue free from prejudice. Therefore, local stakeholders have to develop an open space of reflection that would also involve the migrant associations as legitimate members. First, the space of reflection would help local stakeholders to understand the migrant populations residing in the particular territory. Second, it would also help local stakeholders to target more efficiently the integration policies and to obtain direct feedback on implemented measures. Migrant associations can be, for example, of help to local labour offices that fail to reach registered unemployed with non-EU backgrounds in their applied measures. Collaboration with the migrant associations and the local labour offices could increase the impact of their activities.

At moments of economic crisis, it is important to strengthen the synergy among all stakeholders that are involved in the integration process of immigrants and to accompany them in their efforts. Any delay in implementation of appropriate integration measures during the economic crisis may have negative long-term consequences for the inclusion of immigrants and for social cohesion as a whole (OECD, 2009). According to Mattei (2009), a combination of adequate volunteer and professional skills of association's representatives is a key to the future.