Insights into the construction of cultural realities: Foreign newspaper discourses about the burkini ban in France

Constructing cultural realities

Polemics about the burkini ban touched upon issues ranging from national identities and values, to culture and religion. This event therefore stands as a relevant case to examine processes associated with the construction of cultural realities. Exploring cultural realities builds on postmodern assumptions about the notion of culture being a fluid, discursive, and interactional resource that “exists only insofar as it is performed” (Baumann, 1996: 11). From that perspective, culture is associated with the construction of symbolic similarities and differences used at individual and institutional levels to include as well as exclude (Dervin and Risager, 2015; Piller, 2011; Sommier, 2016). This study focuses on newspaper discourses given the explicit role of the press to construct imagined communities. As Anderson (1991) argued, media contribute to convey a sense of similarity among individuals through the common practices and knowledge they share. This sense of commonality comes hand in hand with the construction of differences and barriers with others (De Cillia et al., 1999). Exploring newspaper discourse supposes that symbolic similarities and differences are constructed at the national level. Nevertheless, representations of national imagined communities can be diverse and latent. De Cillia et al. (1999: 169) point out that “The term ‘Austrian nation’ often does not occur explicitly in [their] data.” National identity and representation are typically constructed in more implicit and complex ways. The authors, for instance, point out the complementary use of references to both national culture (Kulturnation) and national institutions (Staatsnation) (De Cillia et al., 1999). Holliday (2016) also emphasizes the interplay between individual and institutional discourses in constructing cultural realities. Studies looking at the construction of cultural realities have revealed complex interplays between existing static representations and their appropriations by individuals and across discourses. These research paths expose the limits of “methodological nationalism” (Holliday, 2010: 166) and highlight the importance of inductively uncovering the various meanings attached to cultural realities (Sommier, 2016). For this reason, this study focuses on the articulation of differences and similarities as a way of identifying what (and how) cultural realities are constructed in the newspaper articles selected for analysis.

Secularism in France

Some of the mayors who passed municipal orders argued that wearing the burkini on public beaches was a violation of the principle of secularism. This argument was criticized for misinterpreting the law that forbids (mostly civil servants) from displaying religious affiliations in public services but not in public places (Veille, 2016). However inaccurate the claim was, it draws attention to the salience of secularism in the public and political debate in France. The system of separation of State and Church in France (laïcité) is intertwined with numerous societal, cultural, and political issues, which makes it a complex and often polemical topic. Several studies have pointed out the pitfalls of this system and drawn attention to the unequal representations it can sustain. Researchers have cast light on the bias of secularism in France toward Catholicism and the concomitant pressures it puts on Islam and Muslims (Adrian, 2009; Bhandar, 2009; Doyle, 2011). Critiques have also discussed the embeddedness of French secularism in republicanism which emphasizes uniformity as a means to achieve equality regardless of origins, religions, or beliefs (Brubaker, 1992). This framework typically stands in opposition to multiculturalism and the recognition of official minorities (Baubérot, 2007). It is based on this framework that any statistics related to religious or ethnic belonging are forbidden in France (Cervulle, 2013). The emphasis placed on uniformity has, however, been criticized for creating unattainable integration goals and deepening inequalities (Hancock, 2008; Raveaud, 2008).

Jugé and Perez (2006) argue that uniformity, like universality, often mirrors the status quo and lifestyle of the majority, which hints at a larger problematic associated with color-blind ideology. Previous studies have pointed out the paradoxical fear of communitarianism in France that blames minorities for identifying as communities while dominant discourses tend to construct them as such (Geisser and Zemouri 2007; Sommier, 2017). This is particularly problematic for religious minorities who stand out in contrast to the invisible secular majority (Sommier, 2017). The prominent (yet false) representation of secularism as inherently and originally French (Baubérot, 2007; Baubérot and Milot, 2011) also contributes to tying laïcité and French identity together. The articulation of differences in France through the lenses of religion and secular practices echoes racial oppositions inherited from the colonial period. The opposition between Muslims and French is indeed reminiscent of that between Caucasian French, and Arabs, Maghrebi, or North Africans (Deltombe and Rigouste, 2006; Fellag, 2014).

These differences have been further emphasized by the political use of secularism in France, as illustrated by the burkini case. As an important national symbol, secularism has been woven into political agendas to defend specific perceptions of the nation and its identity. The National Front has very vocally associated secularism with national identity and traditions, and with opposition to Islam (Laoukili, 2005). The use of secularism in discourse to construct enemies dates further back and indicates shifts in society. Baubérot (2007) explains how oppositions went from antagonisms between secularism and Catholicism to hostilities between secularism and Islam. The latter opposition has been crystallized in the opposition toward the veil which has defined much of the polemics associated with secularism in France since the end of the 1980s.

Representations of Islam in the media and expressions of racisms

Discourses circulating in France about religion, and the status of Muslims in particular, are embedded in larger representations about Islam. Events in the past 20 years have been associated with negative discursive dynamics whereby Islam and terrorism are often conflated (Vanparys et al., 2013). Previous studies have drawn attention to the role played by media discourse in conveying biased and monolithic representations of Muslims (Saeed, 2007). Numerous studies have focused on representations of Islam and Muslims in European media. Their findings emphasized ways in which Muslims tend to be constructed as different by emphasizing Islam as foreign, dangerous, and overall at odds with European imagined communities (see, e.g. Miera and Sara Pala, 2009; Moore et al., 2008; Poole, 2002; Richardson, 2010).

These representations are relevant to consider in light of the shifts that have characterized expressions of racism. Scholars have pointed out the renewal of racist discourses that moved from racial and biological claims to ethnic and cultural arguments (Lentin, 2004; Mason, 2000). Within these discourses, the construction of sameness is not articulated around explicit mention of racial similarities. Instead, the emphasis is placed on the cohesiveness of the imagined community and ideas of cultural similarities (Gilroy, 1992; Hall et al., 1992). This shift is further supported by discourses entrenched in Orientalism (Said, 1978) and that deploy ideas about a Clash of civilizations (Huntington, 1996) between the West and the Rest (Hall, 1992). Such discourses underline the symmetry between racism intertwined with colonialism and concepts of biological race, and current forms of cultural racism relying on cultural incompatibility between white majorities and Muslims. Construction of differences through the lens of national identity, representations of Muslims as others, and a sense of threat associated with the conflation of Islam and terrorism have laid the grounds for predatory identities. Appadurai (2006: 52) explains that the discursive logics associated with the emergence of predatory identities: “are based on claims about, and on behalf of, a threatened majority. In fact, in many instances, they are claims about cultural majorities that seek to be exclusively or exhaustively linked with the identity of the nation.”

Appadurai’s discussion of predatory identities underlines the relevance of investigating which concepts are brought up to construct differences and similarities. Polemics surrounding the burkini ban echoed tensions about representations of Muslims and relations between us and them. Exploring media discourses about this event therefore offers opportunities to explore lines along which difference and similarity are constructed, which draws attention to wider processes of constructing cultural realities.

Data

Data (N = 167) were collected from eight newspapers circulating in the following four different countries: United States, Canada, Republic of Ireland, and United Kingdom. These countries were selected for data collection because of their relative (cultural, historical, political, and economic) proximity with France and out of convenience in order to collect data in the English language. For each country selected, the newspaper with the highest circulation rate as well as one newspaper of record was used to collect data. Combining these two types of outlets enabled collection of data that would be somewhat representative of discourses circulating within each country on the issue of the burkini ban in France. Using newspapers known for their editorial lines and prominent opinion pieces moves away from ideas of representativeness. Instead, it offers a glimpse into the stances that were explicitly taken in order to understand what arguments were perceived as legitimate responses to the situation in France. Table 2 presents an overview of the papers chosen and of their political leanings.

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Table 2.

Newspapers used for data collection.

USA	Canada	Republic of Ireland	UK
USAToday* (centre)	Toronto Star* (liberal)	Irish Independent* (conservative)	Daily Telegraph* (conservative)
New York Times (liberal)	The Globe and Mail (liberal/progressive conservative)	The Irish Times (liberal)	The Guardian (centre-left)

Articles published between 12 and 30 August were collected directly from the newspaper websites using the keyword “burkini.” The time frame for data collection corresponds to the major events that punctuated the burkini polemic in France. Table 1 presented a detailed overview of the main events that characterized the burkini polemic in France in the summer of 2016. Specifically, data were collected from the day the first burkini ban came into effect in the city of Cannes (12 August) until a few days following the decision by the State Council (Conseil d’Etat) to suspend the burkini ban (26 August). Table 3 indicates the overall number of articles collected per newspaper and country.

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Table 3.

Number of articles collected per newspaper and country.

USA		Canada		Republic of Ireland		UK
USAToday	NYT	Toronto Star	The Globe and Mail	Irish Independent	The Irish Times	Daily Telegraph	The Guardian
12	41	11	9	26	17	12	39
53		20		43		51

Analysis

Data were analyzed using thematic analysis in order to explore in depth which elements were used to construct similarities and differences. A three-step coding approach was used that included open, axial, and selective coding stages (Boeije, 2010). This approach ensured a systematic and iterative reading of the data, which is a critical aspect for internal validity (Silverman, 2011). The different steps of the analysis enable a progression from linear coding focused on overt meanings to an integrated reading of the data that uncovers implicit meanings and connotations. The very first step consisted of reading the whole data set and taking notes about the issues perceived as relevant in the articles. Following this preliminary stage, codes were systematically assigned by reading all of the articles collected and constantly navigating between data and codes to evaluate and negotiate repetitions and overlaps. During the axial coding phase, all codes and associated fragments from the data were organized into a common file in order to identify and gather similar elements. The following thematic groupings were created at this stage:

Singling out France (laïcité and religions in France, history of the country, stereotypes and jokes, political life and debates);

In the last phase, codes, thematic groupings, fragments from the data, and all notes made during the analysis were read through again. This process enabled comparing and contrasting the emerging analysis with the raw data to ensure that decisions made throughout the process were coherent (Boeije, 2010). Two main themes were identified as underlying and connecting the thematic groupings developed in the preceding phase. Namely, the construction of France as the deviant case and the idea of “appropriate difference” were identified as significant themes through which differences and similarities were articulated in the data.

Similarities and differences among newspapers

The vast majority of the articles criticized the burkini ban and discourses among newspapers were fairly homogeneous. A few discrepancies were, however, identified between the four newspapers of records (more liberal) and the four newspapers with the highest circulation rates (more conservative with the exception of the Toronto Star). Throughout the data, only four articles out of 167 supported the ban. All four articles were published in the more conservative outlets (i.e. Mortimer, 2016, USAToday; Pearson, 2016, Daily Telegraph; Woods, 2016a, Daily Telegraph; Woods, 2016b, Irish Independent) therefore echoing their traditional editorial line. The same newspapers also published pieces aligned with discourses circulating in the rest of the data and criticizing the ban. However, articles published in the more conservative newspapers tended to give more importance to criticizing France than to including Muslims. On the other hand, the newspapers of records (i.e. The New York Times, The Guardian, The Irish Times, The Globe and Mail) integrated both strategies of excluding France and including Muslims. The more multifaceted discursive strategies used in the newspapers of record could result from their liberal political leaning, editorial tradition, as well as the fact that they published more articles overall (106 out of 167). Discrepancies between the newspapers could suggest that the burkini ban was widely criticized (and so was France for implementing it), but that the validating of the burkini and welcoming of Muslims was limited to a (more liberal) fringe of the media.

Constructing France as the deviant case

Throughout the data, the criticisms were targeted at the ban but also at France for implementing it. In numerous occasions, the burkini ban was presented as a typical French incident. Many articles pinpointed elements of the French society that would illustrate how and why the burkini ban was happening in France. This process of essentializing the burkini ban as an instance of Frenchness was supported by (i) the representation of laïcité as a French exception intertwined with (ii) references to the past and French history, as well as (iii) the use of French clichés.

Many articles criticized French secularism by presenting it as an institutionalized form of discrimination, as in the following extract:

It may seem a minor point [the misunderstood difference between public space and public services] but it is crucial in attempting to understand how the law allows Muslim women in France to be dehumanized” (Delphy, 29 August 2016, The Guardian, my emphasis).

The problems presented in the data were typically associated with the idea of French exception. The idea of France facing a unique situation was conveyed through different arguments, from terrorism, immigration, and religious practices, to jokes and stereotypes. The following extract illustrates the depiction of France as an exception regarding the status of religion: “Religious clothing is particularly sensitive in France, where an unusually large part of the population has no religious affiliation, and where the first provision in the constitution says France is a ‘secular Republic’.” (Irish Independent, 26 August 2016).

Several other articles used more humorous tone to construct the burkini ban as an instance of Frenchness by building on an existing repertoire of popular jokes and stereotypes. The following quote illustrates the use of clichés about the assumed status of sensuality and sexuality in France:

The French beach, after all, is sacred ground, where the female form is religiously flaunted and fawned upon. It’s no coincidence that the world first discovered Brigitte Bardot sprawled out on le sable in a movie called And God Created Woman. So perhaps nothing constitutes more of an affront to the French way of life than the sight of a burkini on the Riviera. (Yakabuski, 22 August 2016, The Globe and Mail)

In contrast with humorous comments mentioned previously, sharp criticisms were voiced in the data. Words used to criticize the burkini ban were often very strong: “what complete bunk” (The Globe and Mail, 24 August 2016); “ridiculous bans” (USAToday, 28 August 2016); “The images are preposterous as well as ugly” (The Guardian, 24 August 2016b), as several argued that “France has dug itself into a hole it needs to climb out of quickly” (Nougayrède, 26 August 2016, The Guardian). Articles also drew attention to the responsibility of France in fueling terrorist attacks because of the burkini ban. Unequivocal condemnations of France created a sharp division between “us,” those passing the judgment, and France, the defendant. This separation was further validated through the theme of French decline that emphasized the values betrayed by France and that used to define it (when it belonged with “us”). The burkini ban was thus presented in the data as “a sad sign of liberalism going backwards in France” (Ebner, 27 August 2016, Irish Independent). France was urged to “recommit itself to combating prejudice against Muslims” by reconnecting with the values that shaped it: “Paris was not built on backwardness or barbarism or misogyny. Its luminous appeal to all humanity stems from the Enlightenment” (Cohen, 18 August 2016, The New York Times). The theme of French decline enabled pointing out what no longer corresponds to France while underlining what still characterizes “us.”

The theme of French decline was also conveyed through the parallel made between France today and conservatives from the past, for instance those who first opposed the bikini. In addition, France was associated with current conservative figures that are typically presented as “our” enemies today. Comparisons with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Islamic extremists, Taliban and “extremist religionist men” (Mallick, 29 August 2016, Toronto Star) in general emphasized representations of France as deviant. By posing the following question: “How is France, with its national commitment to secularism, any different from Saudi Arabia, with its national religion of Islam?” (USAToday, 28 August 2016), these articles essentially posed the question of whether France still belongs with “us.”

The burkini as “appropriate difference”

There seemed to be an inclination across data to refer to an imagined community beyond the national scope. Similarities were indeed suggested across borders as the burkini ban was assumed to have caused “shock and anger worldwide” (The New York Times, 26 August 2016). Similarities were suggested among deterritorialized communities with an emphasis on the people (versus the elites embodied mostly by politicians and to a lesser extent by the media), minorities around the world, and women’s right in particular:

What is it about women’s swimwear and more generally women’s attire that over and over in history has attracted controversy and impelled societies to legislate or regulate women’s choices? Historians, sociologists and anthropologists have argued about it for decades, but the seemingly simplistic statement that women’s bodies are a battleground has some truth to it. Formally or informally, men (primarily) have been making rules about women’s attire for a very long time. (Rubin, The New York Times, 27 August 2016b)

Positive representations of the burkini and of Western Muslims in the data countered images of France discriminating against Muslims and being a closed society. Positively representing the burkini as an acceptable and accepted difference also enabled construction of positive representations of Western societies as inclusive and tolerant. Positive representations of the burkini and of Western societies were therefore mutually constructive and underpinned by discourses of integration. Furthermore, explicit criticisms toward France’s assimilation policy in relation to the burkini ban suggested opposite positive assumptions about “our” integration policies and their outcomes. The following extract illustrates the construction of the burkini as a positive example of Western Muslims working to fit in: “These, along the burkini, are examples of how Muslims are evolving and adapting to living Western lives. Stretching extra material around your arms, legs and head is not the provocative symbol of foreign subjugation” (Woodlock, 25 August 2016, The Guardian).

Overall, positive representations of the burkini downplayed its religious meaning and constructed it as a solution for Muslims to engage in normal activities. Thus, positive representations of the burkini can be interpreted as a form of reverse stereotype that positively constructs the burkini and Muslims associated with that practice. Even though positive depictions offer alternative representations of Muslims and Islam, they do so in a limited manner by producing instances of “appropriate difference” (Hall, 1997: 273). That is, the burkini was unanimously supported throughout the data because it was depicted as having no strong ideological nor religious added connotations—also in the words of those who wear it. As the following quote suggests, the burkini is (and should be) acceptable because it does not disrupt the existing ways of life: “The burkini is not a political project, but will become one if it is banned.… Burkini-clad women aren’t enslaved or political projects—they’re just women who are retaining their modesty while having fun by the pool or at the beach” (Khan, 24 August 2016, The Globe and Mail).

The burkini is presented as a reflection of Western Muslims conforming to existing routines and structures. Thus, the burkini symbolizes the maintenance of a hierarchical order and a unidirectional adaptation path through which our ways of life remain the dominant model for Muslims to negotiate. The burkini stands as a successful negotiation because it does not question that status quo order and suggests an effort from the minority. The notion of “acceptable difference” therefore hints at the interplay between the burkini being framed as a difference but tacitly constructed as similar to our practices. In addition, the acceptance of that “appropriate difference” enables to reinforce positive representations of “our” societies as accepting and welcoming.

Constructing cultural realities

Similarities and differences were constructed in the data at national and transnational levels. Nuances between these levels and ways in which they become meaningful offer insights into the dialogical construction of cultural realities. In some instances, as in the following extract, explicit references to national culture corresponded to the imagined audience of which newspapers are traditionally constructive:

I would like to see face veils outlawed in Britain for the simple reason that this is, and always has been, a culture in which we have an expectation and a right to look one another in the eye during public life. (Woods, 25 August 2016a, Daily Telegraph)

Processes involved in the construction of cultural realities therefore revealed both fluidity and solidity. The findings indicated the tensions associated with the exclusion of France from the traditional realm of commonalities and with the complementary redefinitions of “us.” Discourses about the burkini ban reversed traditional discourses of exclusion–inclusion by casting France away and welcoming Muslims in. This aspect underlines the liquid aspect of cultural realities that are constantly negotiated, asserted, and can be fiercely challenged or dislocated in discourses. What was striking from the findings was the strength and unanimous condemnation of France across countries and newspaper genres, which also hints at the construction of positive self-images of tolerance. Similarities with France may have enhanced the inclination to sharply condemn it and the ban. All of the countries included in the data collection have passed measures to limit the visibility of Islam in public places. Moreover, the image of France as somewhat representative of the challenges faced by the West was present in the data. Thus, constructing France as the deviant other may have been a way of creating distance not only with France but also with one’s own issues and past. The quasi-unanimous rejection of France could thus reflect the inclination of putting forward representations of “us” as tolerant and inclusive societies—in contrast with past measures adopted against the visibility of Islam and criticisms of anti-Muslim racism (Byng, 2010; Carr and Haynes, 2015).

Despite apparent fluidity, processes of negotiating cultural realities were, however, limited. Even though France was discarded, the cultural reality from which it was excluded was not deeply challenged. That is, Muslims and their practices were included on the basis of their similarities and compliance with an existing cultural and societal order. Specifically, Western Muslims were incorporated into “our” cultural reality, and so was the burkini, through representations that focused on similarities between Islam and the West. In addition, France was excluded based on the transgression of values such as freedom, tolerance, and equality that were associated with the West and, in particular, with the countries from which the data were collected. Thus, even though symbolic barriers were rearticulated, they were on the basis of the same underlying cultural reality and the hierarchy it entails. In addition, the representation and inclusion of Western Muslims seemed to be limited to the more liberal newspapers (i.e. The New York Times, The Guardian, The Irish Times, The Globe and Mail), while other outlets prioritized criticizing France. This study therefore draws attention to the limitations of challenging and redefining cultural realities in depth as discourses may hint at superficial changes and prioritize a rhetoric of exclusion (i.e. of France) over inclusion (i.e. of Muslims).